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Full text of "Zulfikar Ali Bhutto Falcon of Pakisyan"

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Zulfikar Ali Bhutto 



The Falcon of Pakistan 



Abdul Ghafoor Bhurgri 



Reproduced by 

Sani H. Panhwar 

Member Sindh Council, PPP 



Zulfikar Ali Bhutto 
CONTENTS 

Forevvord 4 

Preface 7 

Leader of the People 12 

Genesis of the Bhutto Family 30 

Jinnah and Bhutto 47 

After the Quaid 63 

The Draconian rule in Pakistan 72 

Foundation of Pakistan's Foreign Policy 105 

Foreign Policy - Bhuttos Contribution 114 

The Forsaken Kashmir 150 

The War of 1965 166 

Tashkent Declaration - Parting of Ways 183 

Bith of Pakistan People's Party 191 

Bhutto Storms Ayub Regime 202 

Bungling and Blunders of Yahya's Regime 212 

Six Points and Legal Frame Work Order 1970 222 

General Elections and Aftermath 238 

East Pakistan, Brothers or Slaves 249 

The Abject Surrender 266 
Bhutto Presides Truncated and Humiliated Pakistan 287 

Land Reforms 322 

The Second Islamic Summit Conference 330 

The Falcon of Pakistan 345 

Larkana - A Land of Leaders 359 

Abortive Elections - Treason and Treachery 369 

Trial and Tragedy 385 



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ACKIMOWLEDGEMEIMT 



Many friends and individuals, too numerous to mention, have 
contributed in their recollections to many of the historical aspects mentioned in 
the book 

I am particulary grateful to Mohtarma Benazir Bhutto for her 
encouragement me in vvriting this book vvithout vvhich it vvould not have been 
possible to accomplish this Herculean task, and to Dr. Javed Laghari for his 
help and dedication in revievving and revising the manuscript despite his busy 
schedule. 



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FOREVVORD 

Pakistan first democratically elected Prime Minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto was 
executed at the age of fifty by a military dictator. The constitution was 
suspended and a reign of terror unleashed. Young men were tied to stakes and 
vvhipped. Others were hanged. Stili others tortured. 

Prime Minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, the Father of the Pakistani 
Constitution, founded the Pakistan Peoples Party in 1967. a charismatic, 
intelligent and popular leader, he gave the people hope and dignity. He saved 
the country in 1971 after it disintegrated follovving the genocidal policies of 
military dictator General Yahya Khan 

Knovvn as Quaid-e-Awam, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto was a vvorld statesperson. 
His vision, will and presence inspired a generation of political and diplomatic 
leaders across the the vvorld. 

Bhutto's Pakistan Peoples Party svvept to povver after vvinning a 
landshide victory in then West Pakistan. Such vvas his popularity and program, 
that unknovvn personalities toppled political gainsts. Under the PPP tricolors 
flag, his message of "Roti, Kapra Aur Makan" galvanized the people. It 
frightened the povver brokers and the elite. His policies of nationalization broke 
the monopoly of a group of 22 capital barons vvho exploited the land and its 
resources. It enabled the building of Pakistan's infrastructure as vvell as opened 
the doors to a middle class. 

Modern Pakistan vvas built by Bhutto. He reduced land holdings to about 
150 acres to abolish feudalism and Jagirdari system. He introduced the article 
pertaining to Habeous Corpus in the Constitution. He emancipated vvomen, 
gave job guarantee and vvorkers vvelfare to labour. The right of universal 
passport came vvith him. He vvas a nationalistic Pan Islamic leader vvho 
tirelessly tried to unite the Muslim vvorld. He vvas the father of Pakistan's 
nuclear program, the first in the Islamic vvorld. Zulfikar Ali Bhutto governed 
from December 1971 to July 1977. 

He saved Pakistan from General Manekshaw's threat of further division. 
He vvas a strong supporter of the Kashmiri people and a fearless fighter against 
colonialism vvho vvrote the book, "Myth of Independence". His other vvorks 
include "The Great Tragedy" vvhich began as a letter vvritten to his daughter. 

His third book vvas "My Dearest Daughter" vvritten from prison. His other 
vvritings are found in judicial documents as vvell as prestigious magazines of 
the vvorld. He captivated the international audience vvith his povverful intellect 
and his unmatchable ortaroy. His speeches in the United Nations vvere listened 
to in spellbound vvonder. 



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Bhutto was imprisoned many times. He was held at Kot Lakhpat Jail, 
Mianvvali Jail, Sukkur Jail, Ravvalpindi District Jail, and Karachi Jail. He was 
killed in the Ravvalpindi jail. The vvhole vvorld mourned his murder vvith heads of 
state and government openly condoling vvith the Bhutto family. Many had sent 
delegations to General Zia to spare the life of a man vvho united the Muslim 
Ummah and vvas the pride of the Muslim vvorld and the develping nations. 

General Zia offered the PPP that he vvould vvork vvith it if it agreed to his 
minus Zulfikar Ali Bhutto formula. The PPP refused South Asia then vvitnessed 
its most barbaric period. Young men vvere lashed for shouting "long live 
Bhutto" by military courts. They vvere tortured by the Inter Services 
Intelligence vvhich Zia used as his political party. Many vvere sentenced in 
summary military courts to death by hanging. The čase of Martyr Naser Baloch 
because a clear čase of murder vvhen it vvas revealed that the death sentence 
vvas approved by General Zia before it vvas announced by a military court. 
Many young men burned themselves alive in front of main business centers to 
protest the arrest and murder of the great Quaid-e-Awam. It is said that South 
Asia never vvitnessed such a brilliant and charismatic leader before nor vvould it 
vvitness it again. 

Prime Minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto vvas murdered on April 4, 1979 after 
General Zia refused to comply vvith an unanimous Supreme Court request that 
the death sentence be commuted. Shaheed Bhutto refused to plead for his life 
even as the hour of the gallovvs approached. He said that he vvas afraid of God 
and no one else. 

After his martyrdom, Shaheed Bhutto loomed over Pakistan's political 
destiny. Young men took up arms to fight General Zia and military rule. The 
situation vvas defused to the election of Shaheed Bhutto's daughter Benazir. 

Both of Shaheed Bhutto's sons vvere killed. 

Zulfikar Ali Bhutto vvas the son of Sir Shahnavvaz Bhutto, the prime 
minister of Junagadh and the man vvho separated Bombay from Sindh thereby 
paving the way for Pakistan. His Mother vvas Lady Khursheed Bhutto. 

Zulfikar Ali Bhutto graduated from the University of California at 
Berkeley as vvell as from Oxford. He vvas called to the Bar from Lincoln's Inn in 
London and taught Lavv at Southampton University for a vvhile. He vvas the 
youngest delegate to the United Nations for his tirne as vvell as the youngest 
cabinet minister and youngest elected chief of state. He vvas admired by 
leading members of the vvorld community including the philospher Bertrand 
Russell, President Bush Senior, Dr.Henry Kissinger, Secretary of State and 
National Security Advisor, President Giscard of France, Saudi Arabia's Shah 
Faisal and many others. 



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Prime Minister Zulfikar ali Bhutto was described as the bestdressed man 
of his tirne. The young people in particular supported him. His struggle began 
from the halls of students in colleges and universities across the country. When 
he was killed, the vvhole vvorld mourned him. Even the troops in Kharian, then 
the leading military corp, did not eat food for three days despite the fact that 
Zia came from that corp. 

On April 4, the name of Prime Minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto reverberates 
throughout the vvorld. His martyrdom is commemorated across Pakistan, the 
Gulf, Europe and America. 

His supporters stili shout, "Zinda Hai Bhutto, Zinda Hai". And indeed he 
is. 



BENAZIR BHUTTO 
April 4, 2002 



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PREFACE 

"A preface being entrance of a book, should invite by its beauty, 
An elegant porch announces the splendour of the interior." 

Disraeli 

History vvriting is indeed an onerous, delicate and difficult job, Even for a man 
of profound knovvledge of history with an unbiased mind, it becomes a matter 
of trial to portray and paint a true picture of the personalities who have been 
makers of history and have remained immortal in its annals. But in spite of 
failings and follies, the subject of history continues to remain ali important, for 
it is the only source vvhich throvvs light on the life of the great men who have 
been guideposts and landmarks in the vvorld. It is truly said. "History is a voice 
forever surrounding across the centuries the laws of right and vvrong. Opinions 
alter, manners change, crrds rise and fall, but the moral law is vvritten on the 
tables of eternity." History is a mirror through vvhich the past of mankind is 
reflected. 

I have undertaken the task of vvriting the biography of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto 
(1928 - 1979), the most outstanding personality and Prime Minister of 
Pakistan from 1972 to 1977; it has been named "Zulfikar Ali Bhutto - the 
Falcon of Pakistan" keeping in vievv his high historical and heavenly soaring 
especially in the political horizons of his country and the Muslim VVorld. True, 
he vvas quite a controversial statesman and vvas ultimately executed by his 
ovvn country men ignoring the vveeping and vvailing of the masses of Pakistan, 
turning dovvn the earnest appeals from the Muslim VVorld and discarding the 
voice of the VVorld. Great men have always been controversial, but these 
controversies do not in any manner detract or mar their celestial loftiness, and 
Z. A. Bhutto is certainly one of them. The Superior Courts of his country held 
him guilty of murder and he died as a result of those verdicts. But the people 
of Pakistan deeply and universally mourned his death, exonerated him 
honourably from the charge of murder and held him as their hero, their 
emancipator and martyr. I think that judgement of the people is never 
fallacious and it is the voice of God. Even today, in spite of the tirade of 
slanderous propaganda, he is reckoned as the most povverful force in the 
politics of Pakistan. The historians have held the judicial courts destructive 
vvars fought throughout vvorld by the "highly cultured and civilized class - the 
cream of the intelligentsia" in the name of peace and tranquility. Even Holy 
Prophet Christ vvas crucified under the verdict of the court, according to 
history; Socrates, the greatest Greek philosopher, benefactor of the vvorld, vvas 
murdered under orders of the same forum forcing him to gulp the deadly 
poison. I feel that this predicament vvill continue vigorously so long as the 
vvorld I there. 



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Mr. Muhammad Ali Jinnah, Asia's greatest man of his tirne, was the 
founder of the largest Muslim State in the vvorld, in spite of the tough and 
tortuous opposition of the British Government and the AN India National 
Congress composed of the Hindu leadership. After his death, Pakistan has not 
produced such a dynamic, charismatic, capable, courageous and strong vvilled 
statesman. Thereafter the history points out only to Zulfikar Ali Bhutto and 
none else. And it is a most remarkable coincidence that both these barristers 
belonged to the soil of Sindh, a province of Pakistan. Apparently not very 
devout Muslims had inherited the identical political and economic ideas, 
concept of Muslim Brotherhood and the unification of the Third VVorld countries, 
understanding of the most hostile Indian attitude to cripple and liquidate 
Pakistan forever. Thus they were two sides of the same coin. 

Jinnah did not live long after the achievement of Pakistan; and the tirne 
he was alive passed in agony and pressures; on one hand Indian aggression 
was threatening and on the other, barring few; his cooleagues indulged in 
conspiracies, internal feuds and merry-makking. Bhutto was martyred at a 
young age and innumerable obstructions were placed in his path by the 
internal and external forces. Prior to that, H. S. Suharwardy an able politician 
and an adroit administrator was not allovved any chance by the "big guns" of 
Pakistan to serve his country. It is my emphatic contention that in čase nature 
had provided them even a quarter of century to run Pakistan; they vvould have 
changed the destiny of the nation, and the present state of affairs in vvhich this 
Country is languishing and lingering- like a "sickman" vvould never have been 
vvitnessed. It is to the great misfortune of Pakistan; that these vvho knevv the 
mysteries of rise and decline of the nationas and could act patriotically vvith 
promptitude, could not get adequate opportunity to make Pakistan a 
developed, progressive and prosperous land of the vvorld. It vvas an avovved 
objective of Bhutto to revive the glory, glamour and greatness of Granada and 
Cordovan Karachi and Lahore. 

The undeniable fact is that the lavvs of nature are similar and impartial 
for ali; God has made no discrimination amoungst His creatures. Those vvho 
under-stand and follovv the innutable lavvs of nature vvill grovv strong and 
happy, and those vvho flout vvith impunity and impudence, are bound to suffer 
the buffets of nature. Bhutto played his memorable part not only for Pakistan 
but also for the Muslim Countries and the Third VVorld that vvere being 
politically and orchaestrated economically by the sharp cutting vvheel of the 
povverful and callous countries. But in this process, he himself vvas physically 
cut in pieces. Hovvever, that did not matter much vvith him politically and 
spiritually, he made himself and immortal hero in the vvorld history and this is 
vvhat he vvanted. He did not believe in compromises in the matters caring little 
for the consequences. He never fearted death; vvhile he vvas bravely facing the 
throes of the Generals and Judges. But after him; Pakistan has ceaselessly 
suffered and its people have never heaved a sign of relief after his martyrdom. 
The physically dead Bhutto stili vvields tremendous political influence in 
Pakistan, more than any after living leder despite the passage of more than 



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two decades of his decline and demise. The Islamic belief is that martyrs don't 
die. 

There are Pakistani vvriters who penned the life of Bhutto in fragmentary 
style, some are fair and appreciative, they have tried to do justice to this 
political gaint. After the exit of Z. A. Bhutto from Ayub cabinet, some army 
generals, who were already participants in the povver polities of the country, 
and in lesser number some civil bureaucrats who had their special role to play 
in the dictatorial regime, overnight becam politicians, thinkers and vvriters. But 
it seems that they have tried to defend and justify their ovvn actions and 
behavior. They have made exculpatory statements, shifting the serious charges 
to others. Some generals vvent to the extent of forming their ovvn political 
parties and bringing their professional friends into the political arena, though 
they ultimately proved total failure. Hovvever, this strange admixture 
aggravated, confused and spoiled the political situation to the detriment of the 
country. 

The more important aspect to vvhich I vvould like to refer is the 
unsympathetic attitude of foreign vvriters to Z. A. Bhutto, vvith due deference I 
must admit that they are professional and hardvvorking in their vvritings, but 
their approach is not free from prejudice or rancour. This attitude is not based 
on any personal malice or motive, but it is the result of traditional and 
historical perspective. Most of the vvestern scholars and journalists think in 
terms of West versus the Muslim VVorld. Since Bhutto vvas a profound 
champion of the cause of the Muslim VVorld and propsed to bring back the 
greatness and glory of Islam vvhen the Muslims had their sway over the vvorld 
for centuries, and strongly pleaded the cause of the Third VVorld in the 
paramount interest of VVorld peace, justice and coexistence. 

VVith the advent of independence, Gandhi had virtually retired from 
political life, and he had nothing much to do vvith the Government affairs. But 
Jinnah could not afford to sit as spectator, he had to bear the brunt of the 
pressing problems of his nevv born country - his ovvn baby that vvas struggling 
for survival and vvas seriously threatened by India from the date of birt. 
Moreover, Pakistan vvas penniless. India had vvithheld almost ali the assets to 
the exclusion of Pakistan's ovvn share; and the politicians vvho had vvorked vvith 
Mr. Jinnah had failed to come up to his expectations. As such Mr. Jinnah had to 
resort to extraordinary measures and literally vvorked himself to death. After 
his demise the conditions vvorsened further, and problems vvent on multiplying, 
the sense of deprivation and frustration vvas prevailing everywhere, and more 
so in East Pakistan. This attitude of the vested interests from the VVest VVing 
finally culminated in seccession of East Pakistan in December 1971. The 
dismemberment created more complications, thus the confusion vvas more 
confounded. VVhen Bhutto took over the reigns of Pakistan, it vvas simply in 
shambles. The army and the civil bureaucracy vvere deeply demoralized. And 
the common man seething vvith discontent, vvas in excruciating agony. Nobody 
vvas prepared to take charge of a torn and humiliated Pakistan vvhen none 



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could predict about the tomorrovv of this country. At this precarious stage. 
Bhutto was called upon to take over when the very survival of Pakistan was 
doubtful. In spite of ali the limitations, the dearth of efficient and dedicated 
politicians in the country, total political isolation and economic bankruptcy, he 
grappled with ali the burning problems manfully and successfully, fighting a 
Ione battle of an empty handed vvarrior, against the heavy odds arrayed 
against the country. The political vultures were hovering in the expectation 
that they vvould soon make a feast of Pakistan's flesh, for vvhich they were 
anxiously vvaiting the past decades. The critical hours were the test of Bhutto's 
abilities. 

Pakistan was achieved by ballot, by democratic means, and certainly not 
through armed conflict and conflagration, therefore it had to be administered 
democratically. But the leaders kicked the ladder of democracy by vvhich they 
had ascended to the goal of Pakistan, and introduced oligarcy in the country. It 
vvas no system / as such the situation drifted to naked dictatorship. But the 
experience and events of thirteen long years proved this fact conclusively that 
the 'ballot vvas stronger than bullet'. After the long pitch-dark unendurable 
night of Martial Lavv, there appeared davvn in the political horizon of Pakistan; 
and the democratic rule vvas established in Pakistan under the leadership of 
Zulfikar Ali Bhutto. Perhaps, men at the top had not yet learnt any lesson from 
the catastrophes that Pakistan and its people had suffered in the past. They 
advanced and once again throttled the process of democracy. Pakistan plunged 
again in the abyes of dictatorship and till today it has not been aqble to recover 
from the calamitous situation. 

It is an irony of fate that those vvho imposed Marital Lavv, abrogated the 
constitution, destroyed democracy, patronized the blood-sucking capitalists 
and corrupt dismembered the country, committed treaon and treachery and 
made Pakistan a laughing stock in the eyes of the vvhole vvorid, vvere not taken 
to task and they vvent scot-free. But the man vvho picked the pieces, avvakened 
the masses from slumber, gave them self-respect, unified the Muslim VVorld ali 
over, vvas, hovvever, revvarded vvith death sentence, Bhutto vvas the symbol of 
Pakistan's federation. He firmly believed in Pakistan's nationalism, and he 
subordinated ali the "isms" to the Islamic principles of "equality and fraternity 
of mankind." It vvas no mean achievement, indeed a revolution in the Muslim 
VVorld: Muslims first and Muslims last, and anything else thereafter. 

I have lived to see the epoch-making era of the Quaid-e-Azam (the 
great leader) Mohammad Ali Jinnah, and the Quaid-e-Awam (the people's 
leader) Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, and also rest of the period vvhen Pakistan had to 
pass through miseries and misfortunes. Mr. Z. A. Bhutto belonged to Larkana 
and I have lived ali my life in Larkana. I must point out that I opposed him 
vvhen he joined Martial Lavv Cabinet but I am his admirer also for he saved and 
Consolidated Pakistan. By his extraordinary talents, genius, courage, he 
rendered unforgettable services to his country, Muslim VVorld and the Third 
VVorld. 



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What impelled me to vvrite this book was my visit to Singapore, vvhere I 
met a non-Pakistani Muslim in a restaurant. He asked my fried and me vvhether 
we were Pakistani Muslims. On our reply in affirmative he said, "you are the 
people who killed your benefactor, the hero of the Muslim VVorld and the Third 
VVorld countries, "We marked tears rolling down his cheeks. Out of shame we 
were tongue-tied and dums. This book is the result of those tragic tears. 



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CHAPTER 1 



Leader of the People 

"True statesmanship is the art of changing a nation from what it 
is into what it ought to be" 
VV.R.AIger 

y ali political canons, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto was the falcon of Pakistan, he soared 
B very high in the political skies and none else could be compared with him. No 
Prime Minister of Pakistan, or Head of the State with the exception of Quaid-e- 
Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah, was so popular and dynamic, as Zulfikar Ali 
Bhutto. The invaluable services that he rendered to his country that was on the 
brink of total effacement from the vvorld map from a golden and unforgettable 
chapter in the history of Pakistan. After the humiliating debacle of East 
Pakistan when more than ninety thousand army and civil personnel, including 
Generals, Brigadiers, other officers and soldiers, had abjectly surrendered 
before General Jagjit Singh Aurora, there could be no greater ignominy for the 
people of Pakistan, and besides that, considerable area in West Pakistan was 
occupied by the Indian forces. Indira Gandhi proposed to occupy the "Azad 
Kashmir" area also but she was effectively prevented through diplomatic 
measures, and if that had been accomplished, it was the end of Pakistan. The 
army, vvhich has to look after and protect the geographical integrity, stood 
defeated and degraded, and no strength was left in the beleaguered army of 
Pakistan to protect the country. No other politician of West Pakistan could 
claim to represent the remainder of the country and save it from total 
annihilation as designed by the Indian adversaries. The courage and fighting 
špirit of the Pakistani Generals and officers was totally exploded 
internationally, economy of the country was completely shattered, intrigues 
were afoot in the provinces to exercise the right of self-determination, it was 
another device to break the remainder of the country into pieces like East 
Pakistan. In fact the Pakistani nation did not exist; ali other political leaders 
were of provincial stature and cadre, unable to rise to the national level. At 
such a serious and critical juncture, when the question of life and death was 
involved, who could dare save the country! The reply was "Zulfikar Ali Bhutto" 
and only "Zulfikar Ali Bhutto", who was knovvn as Quaid-e-Awam (Leader of 
the People) in the Country. 

At this critical Juncture, he picked up the pieces, he was a young 
energetic, charismatic, patriotic, orator and politically a versatile genius with 
vast potentials. His voice was the voice of Pakistan, later on it became voice of 
the Muslim VVorld and the Third VVorld. 



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A GREAT LEADER 

He was a gifted orator, untiring vvorker, a very high ranking politician 
and statesman of lofty caliber. He saved Pakistan under such strained and 
exacting circumstances that it vvould be no exaggeration to equate him with 
Abraham Lincoln, the greatest President of the U.S. A. Just as Lincoln saved his 
country when it was plunged in civil vvar, he ovvned the black population of 
U.S. A, and gave them civil rights like other vvhites and ultimately sacrificed his 
life for his country. Similarly, Bhutto saved the remainder of Pakistan from 
extinction or effacement, he was busy making Pakistan an egalitarian State, he 
gave courage and confidence to the masses to speak out their grievances, their 
sorrovvs and sufferings boldly vvithout caring for the erstvvhile demi-gods, 
raised their moral courage and improved their economy to make Pakistan, a 
truly democratic and Islamic Socialist State. He had virtually abolished the 
baneful, "Sardari and Navvabi" system vvhich had corroded the society like 
cancer. And like Abraham Lincoln, he was assassinated mercilessly. It looks 
indeed very tragic and most unfortunate for the country, but how and why it 
was done? Many great men and benefactors of the vvorld have died such 
unnatural and cruel death and the history is replete with such tragic tales. But 
there is always a conspiracy and condemnable intrigue behind the scene. 

DENIAL COMES TO JUDGMENT 

Mostly the Justice done in courts is "paper justice" and sometimes even 
the judges send the innocent to the injustices vvrought on gallovvs, in the name 
of justice and fair play, believing the cock and buli stories, relying on the 
tainted testimony of criminals, vvhose word carries absolutely no evidentiary 
value. It is very truly said that the courts come next after the injustices 
vvrought on the battlefield in killing the innocent. The Holy Prophet Christ and 
Sage Socrates vvere the victims of courts, vvhich had announced verdict of 
hanging against them. Bhutto is called a "martyr" throughout Pakistan by an 
overvvhelming majority of young and old, men and vvomen, literate or illiterate 
and it is simply not preventable. The title on Zulfikar Ali Bhutto is conferred by 
nature and nobody can deprive him of it. It is an unstoppable voice of nature. 

In Pakistan's politics, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto could alone be termed as the 
political heir of Mr. Jinnah. It vvas trick of the tirne, or the vvill of the nature, 
that there vvas a generation gap betvveen the Quaid-e-Azam Mohammad Ali 
Jinnah and Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, othervvise if he had succeeded the founding 
father, the Kashmir problem vvould have been solved, the army vvould have 
been away from political field, Pakistan vvould not have been the victim of 
intrigues by political usurpers, the country vvould not have been dismembered 
and the political party that had given birth to Pakistan, vvould not have 
collapsed and divided into factions and rendered unfit to look after Pakistan. 
Incidentally, both of them belonged to Sindh, the "Gateway of Islam", one 
created the largest Muslim State of the vvorld and the other saved the 
remainder of Pakistan vvith his extraordinary skill, efforts and exceptional 



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ability. Though Jinnah seemed to have died a natural death, but the people 
whom he had trusted and raised from earth to sky, never took his čare, he was 
sadly neglected, when he was suffering from the pangs of serious ailment after 
independence. He lived alone, suffered alone, as if he had nursed and elevated 
Brutus type people. Was it not the same čase with Mr. Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, who 
too was alone in his political life though he was popularly called Quaid-e-Awam 
(Leader of the People), multitudes of people had raised the slogans of "Jiye 
Bhutto". But vvhile he was in jail, how many leaders of his party proved really 
loyal to him? Was it not on that account, that he nominated his wife as 
Chairman of the Party, though she was not a high-ranking politician. From the 
very beginning of his overthrovv, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto was clearly expressive of 
this serious apprehension that the Generals vvould not spare him, but did the 
Central Executive Committee, vvhich comprised the most prominent leaders, 
former Ministers and persons who had made fabulous fortunes in the hey days 
of Bhutto government, could start an effective and decisive movement for his 
release or even loyally stand by him? On the contrary, it is said that many of 
them were friendly with Martial Law Generals and some of them left the 
country to avoid any serious situation. The party vvorkers, hundreds and 
thousands in number, suffered the rigours of Martial Law and were rotting like 
criminals in j a i I s throughout the country. Some young men even committed 
suicide and brought end to their precious life, but many of the big leaders of 
the Party perhaps vvanted to get rid of him and are said to have assured the 
Martial Law Officers about their connivance and implied consent. After Mr. 
Bhutto's assassination, some of the ace leaders deserted the Party and formed 
their own Party, but ultimately met with their vvaterloo. It was his young and 
brilliant daughter, Ms. Benazir, alleged to be immature in politics who vvaged a 
relentless war against the dictatorship, suffered immense hardships for years 
together, and ultimately succeeded in her mission to overthrovv the 
dictatorship. 

Bhutto rose to very great heights in the international politics, his 
knovvledge of the global affairs and role in the foreign relations vvere 
unequalled by anybody; every Pakistani, every Muslim and every person of the 
Third VVorld could legitimately feel proud of his historic performance. He had 
many friends and foes in International politics, vvhich proves his vvorldvvide 
farne and name that he had acquired in a short span of tirne on account of his 
extraordinary ability. King Faisal of Saudi Arabia, Sukamo of Indonesia, 
MaoTse-Tung and Chou-en-Lai, the most progressive and highly illuminated 
leaders of China, Hafizul Asad of Syria, President of Libya, Shahinshah of Iran 
and Yasser Arafat of Palestine vvere his close friends, but his adversaries vvere 
also very strong and important. Due to the death of his povverful friends, vvho 
could exert decisive influence on Zia-ul-Haq, it became an easy affair for the 
ruling junta to assassinate him. The assassination of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto vvas the 
happiest nevvs for his political adversaries, inside and outside Pakistan. It vvas 
a fatal blovv to Pakistan; and entire populace of Pakistan vvas plunged in grief 
and mourning, vvith the exceptions of his vvorst opponents vvho made no secret 
of their happiness. No dignified person vvould make merry over his adversary's 



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death, but his popularity was not in any way diminished by his physical death. 
Even up till today his name is on the lips and in the hearts of even those who 
had not even seen him. In fact his assassination was mourned throughout the 
Muslim VVorld and Third VVorld. 

WHY CALLED QUAID-E-AWAM 

Why was Jinnah called Quaid-e-Azam and Bhutto Quaid-e-Awam, when 
both were very controversial, edicts of being infidel were hurled against them 
and they were branded as the enemies of Islam? Jinnah organized and united 
the Muslims of India in 1935 and onvvards, when they were hopelessly divided 
into factions and were on the verge of political, economic, religious, social and 
educational extinction. At that tirne of advanced age, he was with a very fragile 
physique and dvvindling health and was vvarned by the doctors not to work so 
hard, othervvise he vvould soon be visited by death. To them, JinnafVs blunt and 
determined reply was that nothing could deter him from achieving his mission 
except the grave. 

Bhutto was made out of the same metal by nature, and big leaders are 
always of such stuff; their will and determination are unshakable. They believe 
in reasonable compromises and adjustments, but vvhere a matter of principle is 
involved, vvhere interest of the people or country is in jeopardy, they vvould not 
budge an inch. Life is very precious and very dear, for the sake of saving his 
ovvn life, a man can go to any extent, a drovvning person even tries to catch 
stravv for saving his life. Even the very imagination of the hour of departure 
from this vvorld is very terrible and dreadful. It requires extraordinary courage, 
bravery and faith to face death. Bhutto had ali in abundance. When he vvas 
asked to file mercy petition to Martial Lavv Administrator Zia, he refused point 
blank. Like Tipu Sultan of Mysore, he preferred a momenfs life of lion rather 
than 100 years of jackal. It matters not hovv long vve live but hovv vve live! To 
him honour vvas more precious than life, he possessed paramount sense of 
honour and determination. Zulfikar Ali fulfilled his promise of sacrificing his life 
for Pakistan that he had made as a študent in 1945, vvith his leader Mr. Jinnah. 
He vvas therefore called Quaid-e-Awam by the people of his land, and very 
rightly too. 

EDUCATION 

Zulfikar Ali Bhutto vvas a genius, he had the best of education. He vvas the 
dearest child of his father, Sir Shahnavvaz Khan Bhutto, vvho arranged the best 
possible education for him. Initially he received his educational qualifications in 
Bombay (novv called Mumbai), but thereafter he vvas sent to American 
University of Berkeley in California. After completing his education there, he 
vvent to England in 1950 vvhere he did his M. A. and Bar-at-Lavv. His teachers 
had a very high opinion about the brilliance of this young man from Lincoln's 
Inn. He vvas also appointed a part-time teacher in the Faculty of Lavv in 
Southampton University, and he returned in 1953 to Pakistan. But his studies 



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had overstepped the customary courses. In his young age, he thoroughly 
studied the causes of rise and progress of the West. He was fully acquainted 
with the past history of the Muslims, the present degeneration and dependence 
of the Muslim countries on Europe and America; and the plight of Indian 
Muslims. He had also studied the exploitation of the Third VVorld by the major 
povvers of the VVorld. He had therefore made up his mind to unite the Muslims 
of the vvorld, drag them our of decadence, stop the inhuman exploitation of the 
Third VVorld including Muslims and usher an order of peace, justice and equality 
in the vvorld. He came out as a citizen of the vvorld. 



JINNAH'S INFLUENCE 

Zulfikar Ali vvas politically influenced, mainly by the thoughts of Mr. Jinnah 
vvho had died in 1948. Both vvere handsome, dashing political giants and 
povverful speakers, and Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, vvhile a school študent in Bombay 
had acknovvledged him as his leader. He basically follovved the same line of 
thought though in a different style, keeping in vvith the change of times. He 
tried his best, in fact his very best to transform Pakistan as one of the most 
povverful and progressive countries. Hovvever, educationally Jinnah vvas not 
even a matriculate, he belonged to a family of moderate means, therefore he 
had to vvork day and night to make up the deficiency. In the beginning of his 
career after finishing his education, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto joined the Bar at 
Karachi, and looking to his genius, extraordinary personality, hard vvork and 
full command over the English language, he vvould have eclipsed every other 
advocate and proved to be an eminent jurist of his tirne. But the destiny drevv 
him to political life as he vvas a born politician, thus he had to abandon the 
legal profession shortly; vvhereas Mr. Jinnah continued his legal practice as a 
very shining star in the firmament of legal profession. Bhutto belonged to a 
wealthy family and Jinnah to a family of moderate means, therefore legal 
practice vvas his need, but his exceptional talents in profession enormously 
helped him in politics too. Like his leader Jinnah, he vvas the most popular and 
povverful leader of VVest Pakistan. In his capacity as Foreign Minister, 
opposition leader and Prime Minister of Pakistan, up till today no leader has 
proved as popular an as charismatic as Bhutto. Jinnah had tremendous 
influence on him, as vve vvill see later on. 

ACOMMONER 

Though Zulfikar Ali Bhutto belonged to a feudal family, he had totally 
identified himself vvith the common man. In fact, he had inherited the vvealth of 
politics from his father, more than any thing else. On occasions he danced, 
sang and clapped vvith them. As a young, handsome, energetic and hard 
vvorking leader, and as Prime Minister, he had visited ali the important villages 
of Pakistan discarding ali the protocol snags and false ostentations of a high 
dignity povverful personage. No Prime Minister in Pakistan personally knevv as 
many citizens of his country as he did; he called the poor 'haris' or 



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dovvntrodden neighbours by name. He was intensely interested in the problems 
of common man and abhorred the idea of intermediaries betvveen himself and 
the common man, vvhich was customary in Pakistan. He read every application 
and every letter that he received, he sent the replies invariably and tried to 
help the needy and the poor as far as possible. He was undoubtedly conversant 
with every political philosophy and system but in my opinion, he was more of a 
practical politician than a mere idealist, abstractly talking about, propagating 
and trumpeting his ideals vvithout any concrete results. He proposed to make 
Pakistan an egalitarian state, vvhere everybody could get justice and equal 
opportunities in life, therefore he was accessible and available to the common 
man. Many a tirne, he thronged freely amongst the vociferous slogans of "Jiye 
Bhutto, Jiye Pakistan" (Long Live Bhutto, Long Live Pakistan) 

STAUNCH NATIONALIST 

Bhutto did not believe in parochialism or provincialism, he was a true 
Pakistani like Jinnah; therefore the curse of narrovv mindedness was 
considerably diminished during his regime. He had got overvvhelming majority 
of votes from Punjab and Sindh, in the National Assembly, but he treated ali 
the provinces on equal level, he served every area vvithout discrimination. For 
him the provinces of Frontier and Baluchistan vvere as important as Sindh and 
Punjab, he equally served those provinces. But he vvas very cautious and 
serious about the solidarity and integrity of his land. In 1971, Russia had 
played havoc vvith Pakistan, Afghanistan vvas not friendly, the dispute over 
Durand boundary line and Pakhtoonistan vvas continuing, the Sardars of 
Baluchistan vvere bent upon making Baluchistan an independent State. Zulfikar 
Ali did his best to be friendly vvith them, he gave them Provincial Ministries but 
stili their attitude and behaviour remained unfriendly and haughty and they 
vvere always seeking confrontation. They vvere vvorking under this false notion 
that Bhutto vvas afraid to them, therefore he had given them the tvvo Provincial 
Ministries of Baluchistan and N.VV.F.P. He tried ali conciliatory and friendly 
means vvith them, but they took it to be his vveakness. He vvas therefore, 
constrained to dismiss the Baluchistan Ministry vvhen arms and ammunition 
vvere discovered from Iraqi Embassy for Baluchistan. Mr. Bizenjo vvho vvas a 
seasoned politician in N.A.P., had done his best to impress them not to adopt 
the path of conflict and quarrel, but they did not listen to him and motives 
vvere imputed to this selfless leader. In protest, the Frontier Provincial Ministry 
also resigned. Some of the Baluchistan Sardars incited their follovvers to create 
lavvlessness and disorder. This resulted in lot of bloodshed on both the sides, 
the Sardars left Baluchistan, lived luxuriously outside and left their people in 
lurch. Bhutto vvas very stern in the matter of solidarity of Pakistan, he vvould 
not shovv any mercy or leniency to such elements. He vvas never happy vvith 
the behaviour of sardars tovvards the common man. 

It vvas Quaid-e-Awam vvho alone could save Pakistan after the 
humiliating defeat in 1971 at the hands of India. It vvas nothing short of a 
miracle; so from the ashes of national humiliation, the fearless young Quaid-e- 



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Awam (Leader of the People) had launched his own People's Party aimed at 
restoring, resurrecting and rebuilding Pakistan as a truly "self respecting 
nation". Zulfikar Ali Bhutto had given blood, svveat and tears for his beloved 
country, he had never indulged in luxuries and merry making, the vvhole aim 
and objective of his life was to make Pakistan a very povverful country and 
regain the lost prestige, rights of the people, banish the poverty and build it 
according to the dreams, notions and concept of the Quaid-e-Azam. He was 
madly in love with his country and fully realized that this task could be 
accomplished by him and none else. 

Preservation of Pakistan was the aim of his life. He deemed his dear 
motherland, more precious than his own life. He declared "I believe that I am 
among the few who have the capability and connection to hold this country 
together and make it march to progress and glory" 

AMAZINGLY CONFIDENT 

Bhutto was very confident about his capabilities, though far away from 
self-conceit. In 1958, he became Minister in General Ayub Khan's Martial Law 
and was the youngest Minister in his Cabinet, but soon, he rose to be one of 
the most important Ministers of his Cabinet and in early 1963, he was 
appointed as Minister for Foreign Affairs, a portfolio vvhich requires very 
efficient and experienced person with vast knovvledge of global affairs, but this 
young man was more knovvledgeable about foreign relations than his senior 
colleagues and even the President himself. He was in fact the architect of 
Pakistan's foreign policy. When he met John F. Kennedy, the popular and 
povverful American President, in October 1963, the latter vvas deeply impressed 
by his knovvledge of politics and global affairs. Kennedy had yet to see such a 
young Minister from the Third VVorld, vvho could be entrusted vvith such delicate 
responsibilities. Bhutto vvas not only one of the most efficient politicians, but 
also a brilliant and convincing conversationalist vvith ready retorts in his 
repository. During their conversation, Kennedy expressed u If you vvere an 
American you vvould be in my cabinet". To the utter surprise of the President, 
the nevv Foreign Minister replied: "Be careful Mr. President, if I vvere American, 
I vvould be in your plače". 

In 1971, on the occasion of dismemberment of Pakistan, he made a very 
historic and povverful speech vvhich strongly evidences his love for the country, 
his erudition, his knovvledge of history and the confidence vvith vvhich the spoke 
in the VVorld forum before the most important capable diplomats and 
permanent members of the Council and others. 

"Time is running out, I am not indulging in glib rhetoric or semantic 
contrivances because the situation is far too serious. The fate is in fire and 

tirne has come for us to act VVe have made mistakes. Man is not infallible. 

Mistakes have been made everywhere by the Roman Empire, by the British 

Empire by every state in the vvorld. But states are not penalized for their 



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mistakes We are prepared to rectify those mistakes in a civilized špirit, in a 

špirit of understanding and co-operation Pakistan is an ideal, it will last 

even if it is physically destroyed. We are prepared to face that physical 
destruction, we are prepared for decimation of 120 million people. We will then 
begin a new era and build a new Pakistan". He further shouted. "We are 

prepared to die. We are not afraid to die. Our people are brave Believe me, 

Mexico might occupy United States, Denmark might occupy Germany, Finland 
might occupy the Soviet Union but Pakistan will not be occupied by India in 

any circumstances. Remember that we shall fight and we shall fight for 

1000 years as we fought for years in the past We can continue." It reminds 

one of the thundering and fighting speech of Maulana Mohammad Ali in the 
first Round Table Conference in London for the independence of India; or was 
the famous speech of VVilliam Pitt "The Great Commoner" in British Parliament 
in 1766 regarding American Independence. 

It was a speech from a great Foreign Minister of a small country, a 
country vvhich had been destroyed for more than two decades by the 
unscrupulous rulers of Pakistan, Martial Law dictators, by the atrocities of Army 
in Bengal. After ali who else was there to represent Pakistan besides Bhutto to 
narrate the sorrovvs and sufferings of his people and represent the country in 
the best possible way? none! 

He relentlessly and bravely fought for Kashmir with his fierce and thrilling 
rhetoric. No other leader from Pakistan could suitably deal with wily and 
cunning Indian diplomats, but it was Bhutto who was listened very attentively 
by every member of the Security Council. But the fact is that even India's 
inequitable defender had no logical arguments except the blind "veto". It was 
22-23 September when he made his lengthy speech cutting the Indian 
arguments into shreds. He said "we have always knovvn that India is 
determined to annihilate Pakistan. Jammu and Kashmir was not now and had 

never been an integral part of India The people of Jammu and Kashmir are 

part of the people of Pakistan, in blood, in flesh, in life, in culture, in 
geography, in history, in every form. We will wage a war of thousand years, a 
war of defence." 

"The vvhole vvorld believes in the right of self determination. Must it be 
denied to the people of Jammu and Kashmir, merely because povver must 

prevail over principles? Povver shall never prevail over principles The vvill 

and špirit of our people can never be destroyed". 

"This is the last chance for Security Council to put ali its force, ali its 
energy, ali its moral responsibility behind a fair and equitable and honourable 
solution of Kashmir dispute. History does not vvait for councils, organizations or 

institutions, just as it does not vvait for individuals Let me teli the Security 

Council on behalf of my Government, that if after this last chance that vve are 
giving to the Security Council, Pakistan vvill have to leave the United 
Nations vvithin a certain period of tirne, if the Security Council is not able 



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to act in accordance with responsibility, placed on it, in accordance with its 
honour under the charter vvhich believes in self determination, Pakistan will 
have to withdraw from the United Nations". 

"When Pakistan a country much smaller than India was invaded by India, 

the sufferings of both Pakistan and "Jammu and Kashmir" were fused 

When we say we are giving the United Nations a last chance to settle the 
Jammu and Kashmir dispute, we are saying that we are determined not let a 
righteous cause be abandoned. It is not the will of Allah that the victims of 
injustice and aggressive should have no higher court of appeal." 

The people of Pakistan were extremely proud and happy over this superb, 
spirited and fearless performance of their Foreign Minister, but Ayub Khan 
remained thoughtful, vvorried and indecisive even after the cease-fire. After 
this thunderous and spirited speech of Bhutto, Pakistan has never espoused 
the cause of Kashmir with such vehemence and eloquence. 

REVOLT AGAINST AYUB 

The courageous charismatic and fearless Bhutto, who later on became 
the Quaid-e-Awam of Pakistan and ultimately the national "martyr" vvhile 
delivering his public speech in the home town of Ayub Khan, challenged him 
openly: 

"I am not afraid of you why don't you put me in jail If you put 

me in jail, the people will turn you out of the Government You are running 

your Government with force and suppression we are struggling for 

democracy and we shall continue to struggle 22 families have usurped the 

economic sources of the vvhole country It was said before Martial Law, 

that there were 600 Zamindars and out of them only 200 were ruling the 

country Now a score of families vvield povver Even in America the 

center of capitalism, such a vvretched system does not exist we demand 

justice and fair-play". 

In fact he was a friend of Ayub but this country was dearer to him. He 
turned to be the vvorst enemy of the dictator. There was nothing personal over 
vvhich Zulfikar Ali had his dispute and differences vvith Ayub Khan, but it vvas a 
matter of principles, matter of Pakistan's honour, dignity and people's rights, 
matter of the vvelfare of the common man, matter of equality vvith India as had 
been voiced and strongly advocated by the Quaid-e-Awam and matter of vveak, 
unvvise and damaging policies of Ayub Khan. The parting of ways had nothing 
to do vvith any personal differences or self-aggrandizement. 

NOT ACOMMUNIST 

Some political leaders or even Pakistani citizens had taken him to be a 
communist or socialist follovver of Marx or Lenin, but it vvas far from facts 



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though he did respect them. Undoubtedly, he was a progressive type of leader, 
but his vievvs more or less coincided with Islamic teachings as propounded by 
Dr. Muhammad Iqbal or the vievvs of the Quaid-e-Azam (Great Leader) 
Mohammad Ali Jinnah for the future construction of Pakistan in political social 
and economic fields. He reflected the vievvs of Mr. Jinnah, vvhile addressing a 
mammoth crovvd on September 11, 1971, at the mausoleum of the founder of 
Pakistan; 

"The Quaid-e-Azam made Pakistan vvith the sacrifice of people. Oh my 
Quaid! Did you dream of Pakistan that vve are living in today? Was it your 
concept, your dream? 

He vvas a democrat and he respected the democratic process He said 

that the constitution vvill be made by the elected representatives of the 

people speak, speak my Quaid, vvhen vvill this night of oppression end? 

For God's sake restore democracy." 

For his progressive vievvs, for his nevv approach to political and economic 
problems, fir his liberal and broad-based thinking, the pseudo religious 
scholars tried to condemn him as heretic, but it ali vvent in vain. His 
impractical, unvvise and malicious critics made him more and more popular 
every day. When he appealed to the people to follovv the economic and political 
path that the Quaid-e-Azam had determined for them in the light of Islamic 
System, it vvas in fact a voice from the inner-most recesses of his heart, full of 
sincerity and truth but they failed to appreciate the voice. He argued that the 
Quaid-e-Azam despised the capitalist system of India to prevail in Pakistan 
because it vvas a system being practiced by Hindus. Mr. Jinnah did not believe 
in theocratic system of state as he vvas a very liberal-minded politician, he vvas 
neither an industrialist, nor a jagirdar, he did not ovvn a single acre of land, 
therefore it vvas unimaginable that he vvould plead the cause of capitalism and 
feudalism. Moreover the establishment of true democracy vvas not possible 
vvithout reducing the economic disparity and dependence of the masses. Bhutto 
proposed to emancipate the common man from the economic and social yoke 
of capitalists, Navvabs and Sardars, therefore he vvas moving in that direction 
and gradually bringing an end of the Zamindari (big land holdings) and the 
capitalistic institutions in the country by introducing Land Reforms and liberal 
Labour Lavvs. Though they could not oppose the reforms openly, they felt 
immensely aggrieved by his revolutionary steps. Those tillers of the soil vvho 
used to kiss the feet of their masters, became economically and socially 
independent and changed their erstvvhile ways. This radical revolution in the 
slavish conduct of the common man vvas hardly tolerable and especially in the 
tribal areas, to the Sardars and Navvabs, vvhere they had to sit on floor, before 
the advent of this revolution. It is therefore that the tribal chiefs vvere not 
favourably inclined to Bhutto and adverse propaganda vvas in full svving against 
him in those areas. Gradually the label of communism vvas removed, but his 
political ways vvere felt highly objectionable and unpalatable to the vested 



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interests. He had many plans for the improvement of the lot of dovvntrodden, 
but got no tirne for their implementation. 



ACCUSATION OF PAKISTAINTS DISMEMBERMENT 

There can be nothing more malicious and false than the accusation of 
dismemberment of Pakistan leveled by his opponents against Zulfikar Ali 
Bhutto, ali that he vvanted and beseeched for it, was to maintain the solidarity 
of the Pakistan that had been achieved by his leader Quaid-e-Azam; and India 
was always anxious to break it. His speeches and utterances were distorted by 
the press media controlled by the capitalists and those who were criminally 
liable for its break up and liable to be tried for treason. 

In fact the Martial Lavv, its dictators and the final army action in East 
Pakistan had crippled and divided the country. I have amply analyzed and 
clarified the facts in the chapter, vvhich pertains to the misrule of Pakistan by 
Ayub Khan and the fall of Dacca. Mr. Bhutto was neither the man in povver, nor 
could be order the army action, nor had he conspired with Indira Gandhi and 
vvorked as Indian agent. Briefly the facts are: 

1. A serious dispute arose when Urdu alone was declared as state language 
of Pakistan in 1948. Bhutto was študent then. 

2. In 1954, there were serious language riots in Bengal and as a result of 
shooting, several young men, especially students, died. 

3. Bengal, vvhich vvas a majority province vvith 56% population, vvas given 
50% representation in the Assemblies under the Constitution of 1956; 
the Bengalis vvere highly aggrieved due to this patent injustice, vvhich 
revolted against the Islamic Principles of Justice and the norms of 
democracy. Bhutto vvas a young man, having nothing to do vvith such 
aggressive, unreasonable and unjust attitudes. 

4. Bengalis vvere deprived of recruitment in army as vvell as in Superior 
Services and economically it vvas dominated by the West Pakistan 
industrialists. Bhutto, by no stretch of imagination could be held 
responsible for it. 

5. Shaheed Suhrawardy a brilliant leader from East Pakistan, vvhose 
sacrifices for Pakistan vvere unforgettable, vvas made to resign forcibly 
from the Prime Ministership. He vvas also alleged to have been got killed 
in Beirut by Ayub Khan. There vvas no allegation against Bhutto. 

6. Martial Lavv vvas imposed on the country by Ayub Khan and Iskandar 
Mirza, thereby the democratic system vvas strangulated by them. The 
entire political povver vested in military and Ruling Junta of West 



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Pakistan; East Pakistanis, democratic by nature could never adjust with 
dictatorship. Ayub disliked them and they disliked Ayub. 

7. The East Pakistanis did not get their fair share in the finances of 
Pakistan, they could not get even 1/3 of the budget. Poverty reigned in 
Bengal and ruined the Bengalis but Martial Law regime had no mercy. 

8. The attitude of West Pakistan bureaucrats tovvards Bengalis was hateful 
and degrading, more insulting than that of the British officers; and East 
Pakistan was treated as a colony. This behaviour was highly resented. 

9. There were frequent storms and ocean inundations vvhich damaged and 
destroyed East Pakistan severely, but no action was taken to prevent 
these devastations. 

10. Mujib's Six Points were opposed by ali the parties of West 
Pakistan, including their friendly N.A.P., and even the Avvami League 
President Navvabzada Nasrullah had opposed these points as being 
suicidal to the solidarity and integrity of Pakistan. Bhutto hovvever, had 
accepted four points excepting foreign trade and aid. It is not 
understandable how could Bhutto be held responsible for secession? His 
only fault was that he insisted that there should be some link, betvveen 
the two vvings of Pakistan. 

11. In his full one decade rule, Ayub Khan had spoken to his 
Ministers, Chief Justice (Retd) Mohammad Munir for secession in 1962 
and to the Information Secretary Altaf Gauhar in 1968. He had fully 
prepared the blue print of secession and he was 90% responsible for 
separation. The balance of 10% was completed by Yahya Khan and his 
near and dear Generals who had ordered the army for atrocious action. 
Thereafter, they had reached the point of no return, the entire populace 
of East Pakistan turned hostile against the West. 

12. Finally East Pakistan was invaded by India with the active military 
assistance of Russia and Dacca fell on 16-12-1971, but the iN equipped 
army of Pakistan with poor planning could not face the Indian Army even 
for a week. 

13. In the Security Council of U.N.O. Bhutto fought a historic and 
heroic battle against secession. The cease-fire resolution was vetoed by 
Russia and the Pakistani Generals shamefully surrendered after two days 
of Bhutto's arrival in New York. 

It is for the readers to decide who was responsible for the tragic 
dismemberment. 

SIMLA AGREEMENT - BEST DIPLOMACY 



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After the damning defeat of 1971, Pakistan was in a poor and pitiable 
state, vvhile India, in every respect was most dominant, in a position to dictate 
its terms. What had Bhutto in his hands to compel his counterpart Indira to 
agree to his terms? The situation for Bhutto was ali difficult, his path full of 
thorns; but one of his remarkable qualities was that he had never lost heart 
even in a most difficult and depressing situation, and rose equal to the 
occasion by his rare natural gifts; and he amply proved it in Simla. 

On 21st June 1972, President Bhutto flew with his daughter Ms. Benazir 
and his entourage to Simla, vvhere the Quaid-e-Azam had his most crucial and 
historical talks and discussions with the ruling Indian regime and the astute 
Hindu politicians. Just as Jinnah was the šole spokesman of the Muslims of 
United India, so was Bhutto the šole spokesman of Pakistan, in spite of the fact 
that he had taken the largest entourage with himself, perhaps for sightseeing. 

Indira Gandhi vvhose political stocks were now touching the political sky 
and was in a commanding position, was very tough in her talks but the, 
brilliant conversationalist, adroit and diplomatic Bhutto dealt with his 
counterpart very wisely. It was the test of his political acumen. The reigns of 
his country were entrusted to him under very trying condition, it was a real 
crisis and every aspect of his country was in a dilapidated state. At times, it 
seemed that the talks were about to break, and with such news the pulse of 
Pakistan started beating fast, their 93,000 persons were rotting in Indian jails, 
in vvorst condition, their families were in a state of mourning; about five 
thousand square miles of Pakistani area was in the hands of the Indian army; 
the Pakistan army was plunged in disarray and demoralization and they were 
not at ali in a position of conflict with India. After protracted talks, Mr. Bhutto 
was able to break the ice and save the situation and on 2 July, 1972, the 
parties agreed to put an end to the conflict. According to the accord, the Indian 
Army vvould vacate the Pakistani area forthvvith, hovvever there could be no 
immediate agreement with regard to Kashmir, the dispute was to be resolved 
by peaceful means, vvhich in other vvords recognized the existence of the 
Kashmir dispute; so the Kashmir problem remained alive but its solution could 
not reasonably be expected in such a meeting. So far the prisoners were 
concerned, Indira Gandhi vvould not reach any agreement vvithout Mujib-ur- 
Rehman's consent, vvho had insisted on the trial of prisoners as vvar criminals. 

The opponent of Bhutto criticized him that the Simla Agreement vvas 
vvorse than Tashkent Accord, forgetting that in the vvar of 1965, Pakistan had 
upper hand, and in the Declaration at Tashkent, they had lost ali their gain, 
vvhile in the vvar of 1971, India had crushed Pakistan, and in the Simla 
agreement, Pakistan had given away nothing but gained considerably. It vvas 
Bhutto's diplomatic triumph and the criticism vvas only for the sake of criticism. 



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On his return, speaking at Lahore, Mr. Bhutto who had now fully 
established his credentials as Quaid-e-Awam, the true successor of the Quaid- 
e-Azam, told his audience: 

"They were negotiating from a position of strength because they had so 

many cards in their hand. But what did we have? Apart from our 

principles, we had people with us. In addition I had the mercy and beneficence 

of Almighty Allah with me. I talked to them firmly Finally they agreed and 

said on the question of Kashmir, you may stick to your principles, and we shall 

hold further discussions What has been said in the agreement is that we 

should avoid war. Hovvever, we shall continue our maximum efforts to uphold 
our righteous cause based on the principle of justice." 

ISLAMIC SUMMIT CONFERENCE AND 
THE THIRD WORLD 

Bhutto's capacities were much bigger than the geographical limits of 
Pakistan. Immediately after assuming political povver, he toured most of the 
Muslim countries, contacted Heads of the State, discussed the situation under 
vvhich Pakistan had to suffer horribly, explained the potentials of the Muslim 
countries; and spoke about his further programme and vvelfare of the Muslim 
VVorld. By his highly impressive and most logical arguments, he could at once 
convince the Muslim Rulers of the grave situation that the Muslim VVorld had to 
face, the patent and latest potentials vvhich they possessed, and the imminent 
need of unity for their survival. Thus, he enlisted their support for Pakistan 
vvhose international image vvas touching the lovvest limits. 

He called the Islamic Summit Conference at Lahore on 22-24 February 
1974, vvhich proved a tremendous success. The prior Muslim Conferences 
organized by Liaquat Ali Khan in 1949 and 1951 had not proved fruitful, 
because the Muslim Heads of State vvere thinking in terms of nationalism first 
and nationalism last. The greatest achievement of Bhutto vvas that he 
convinced them that they vvere Muslim first and than anything else; the 
geographical nationalism vvas subordinate to Islam. It vvas a revolutionary 
change brought about in their thinking. They took far-reaching decisions in 
their conference, and an Islamic Bank vvas opened as a result of the unanimous 
decision of the Conference. The VVest vvas in fact terrified by this historic 
Conference, they gravely apprehended that the oil producing Muslim countries 
vvould use their oil as political vveapon; and if they vvithdravv their money from 
the VVest, it vvould affect their economy very badly and their industrial progress 
vvould be hampered. 

AN the Muslim countries except Afghanistan participated in this 
Conference. Mujib-ur-Rehman from Bangladesh also attended the Conference 
and Pakistan announced the recognition of Bangladesh in this conference. 



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Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, who in fact was an international citizen, believed in the 
equality and fraternity of the mankind as ordained by Allah. He had a deep 
feeling of the sorrovvs and sufferings of the Third VVorld countries vvhich largely 
depended on the West. The Third VVorld countries too, were victims of in- 
human exploitation by the VVest. He vvanted to organize and unite ali the Third 
VVorld countries and make them realize that they were being exploited 
politically, economically and socially by the industrially advanced countries. The 
feeling and consciousness thus spread amongst the Third VVorld countries 
alerted the superpovvers against Zulfikar Ali Bhutto who was vvorking for a 
VVorld Order based on equity justice and fairness, free from ali types of 
exploitation. Here after he was the spokesman of the Muslim VVorld. 



NUCLEAR POWER 

The dreams of Hindu leadership of India, to establish a Hindu empire of 
Chundra Gupta's days were shattered in August, 1947, when under the 
leadership of Mr. Jinnah, Pakistan - a homeland of Muslims came into 
existence. Thus it was much against the will of the Hindu leadership, vvhich had 
been proposing to crush and destroy the idea of Pakistan. There have been 
constant conflicts betvveen India and Pakistan, especially over Kashmir, a 
predominantly Muslim area of nearly 80 percent Muslim population, but at least 
2/3 of it is usurped by India. There have been three vvars betvveen the tvvo 
countries vvithin a short period of three decades and by the highhanded 
invasion of India assisted by major povvers, the Pakistan of Quaid-e-Azam vvas 
dismembered in December 1971. 

India had been generously getting economic and military aid from 
several countries of the VVorld on the pretext of defence against the socialist 
China, vvhich had never exhibited its aggression against any country; on the 
contrary, the fact is that India entertains its evil designs to liquidate Pakistan. 
Comparatively, India is a huge country vvith several ordnance factories of its 
ovvn, spread throughout the country and they prepare heavy as vvell light arms 
and ammunition including tanks, aeroplanes and even the atom bomb. 
Pakistan, a smaller country has smaller army, vvith fevv ordnance factories, 
inadequate for its requirement and the economic and military aid that they get 
from outside has been conditional and not very significant. 

Mr. Bhutto, the man of hour, vvas not to surrender and bovv before the 
hegemony of India and leave Kashmir as a victim of Indian atrocities. He vvas a 
Prime Minister of honour and high intellect. He organized his army a fresh, 
established ordnance factories, the Steel Mili and made Pakistan a nuclear 
povver much against the vvill of major povvers, especially America. Bhutto 
argued logically and rightly that Christians, Jevvs and Hindus did have atomic 
bomb to vvhich U.S. A. had no objection, but vvhen Pakistan attempted to 
become a nuclear povver, everybody raised his eyebrows and in the vvords of 



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Bhutto, Henry Kissinger finally "threatened" to make "a horrible example of 
you", if he did not stop to amass a nuclear arsenal for Pakistan. Today if India 
has any fears in respect of another war with Pakistan, they are about the 
"Islamic atom bomb" that was provided by Mr. Bhutto. He was essentially a 
peace loving leader, believing in peaceful coexistence, but country's honour 
and equality were his preconditions. He believed in avoiding war by preparing 
to be ready for vvar, vvhich in fact is the best defence of country. India cannot 
fight against China because China is militarily more povverful; and so is the 
čase with super povvers. In my opinion, no Prime Minister of Pakistan was so 
vigilant, so dynamic and so brilliant as Mr. Bhutto; but the big povvers "made a 
horrible example of him" as they had threatened. The P.N.A. and the influential 
Generals vvere merely tools in the hands of Super Povvers and damaged 
Pakistan beyond repair. 

FOREIGN POLICY 

With the nevv geographical form of Pakistan, Mr. Bhutto reshaped his 
foreign policy after deep thinking. Just as he did not vvant any one to play in 
his hands, similarly he did not like to play in the hands of any country. 
Undoubtedly he vvon many friends for Pakistan but he refused to be the camp 
follovver of any country. He vvas a great friend of China, but vvhen he became 
Prime Minister, he further cemented his relations vvith China and from them he 
received very substantial economic, technical and military aid. But at the same 
tirne he did not antagonize Russia, he entered into several agreements vvith 
Russia, among vvhich the Steel Mili of Pakistan needs special mention. He 
succeeded into neutralizing Afghanistan vvhose relations vvith Pakistan had 
never remained happy in the past. 

The fact is that Zulfikar Ali Bhutto's imaginative foreign policy vvas 
unequalled by any other Prime Minister of Pakistan. His speeches in the United 
Nations, Security Council, international forums and negotiations vvith the 
povverful countries indicate clearly that he had a very deep insight in the global 
affairs; and his rhetoric and tact vvere his special assets; he knevv hovv to 
present his čase and convince his counterparts. He has been the most vvell 
knovvn statesman of Pakistan in the World; and the Muslims vvorld over not 
only respected him but also loved him. 

He espoused the Muslim cause, the Arab cause and the Third VVorld 
cause very strenuously and tremendously, as if it vvas his ovvn cause; thus he 
virtually became their spokesman. The Middle East countries, Libya, Iran and 
the Gulf States helped him quite substantially in the economic and financial 
fields, othervvise the tremendous progress that Pakistan had made from 1972 
to 1976 vvas unthinkable. He developed brotherly relations vvith them, they 
never disappointed him and helped Pakistan as much as possible. The oil rich 
Arab countries and Iran could not make atom bomb and it vvas surprising that 
Bhutto made Pakistan a nuclear povver, a potential povver to face India. 
Pakistan's financial capacity by the end of 1971 vvas zero. VVhere from huge 



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funds were provided to enable Pakistan to become nuclear povver? The 
enormous amounts and the high technology that Bhutto provided to Pakistan 
were nothing short of a miracle; and that was the miracle of his amazing 
foreign policy. He had not established Steel Mili, for the purpose of Tee-irons 
and garders but it was for the defence of his Pakistan. Even today, Pakistanis 
are not prepared to close down the nuclear programme, vvhich is meant not 
only for defence but also for peaceful use of atomic energy and economic 
development of Pakistan. Pakistan had also signed an agreement in 1976 with 
France for acquiring a reprocessing plant to extract plutonium. But it was got 
cancelled through American pressure after the martyrdom of Bhutto. It is 
difficult to understand why the axe of harsh vvestern policy falls on Pakistan? 
Was it because it is a Muslim country! Was it to please India or the Jews? 

END OF AN ERA! 

Zulfikar Ali Bhutto vvanted to modernize Pakistan, and recoup the loss 
that Pakistan had suffered heavily on account of the visionless, selfish and 
short-sighted policies of its leaders, the continued Martial Law for more than 13 
years in 24 years life, and the tragic dismemberment of Pakistan. He was 
determined to banish poverty and unemployment from Pakistan. He vvanted to 
raise high the banner of Islamic unity and dignity that the major povvers had 
deliberately lovvered, as they feared that the renaissance of Islam might 
become the future chapter of the VVorld history. He also proposed the 
prosperity of Third VVorld countries, vvhich some povvers had blocked 
intentionally. He vvas unifying and consolidating the Muslim VVorld and the 
Third VVorld; and create a nevv VVorld Order for them, heralding an era of peace 
and prosperity, free from political and economic exploitation at the hands of 
the rich industrialized countries. It vvas a most perilous challenge in the global 
politics that Bhutto had to face. But the kiss of the povverful tyrants prepared 
the traitors to assassinate Bhutto, the most valuable asset of Pakistan. 



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CHAPTER 2 
Genesis of the Bhutto Family 

In order to understand Zulfikar Ali Bhutto thoroughly, it is utmost essential to 
know the background, brief history, traditions and chief characteristic of his 
family. He had inherited his extraordinary charisma, courage, unusual 
intelligence, pageantry, princely living and occasional sentimental moods from 
his ancestors and parents. The family blood, vvhich ran through every vein and 
nerve of this genius, guided the behaviour and actions of flamboyant Bhutto 
and ultimately made him an international political leader, leader of the Muslim 
VVorld and leader of the Third VVorld. 

This family, originally a Hindu Rajput of Rajisthan, India, embraced 
Islam during the regime of great Mughuls as a matter of conviction and 
traditionally they were the people of strong will and valour. Zulfikar Ali though 
not a devout Muslim, finally stood for the renaissance and glory of Muslims 
from his boyhood. Expressing himself in beautiful and impressive vvords in Los 
Angeles, on April 1, 1948, on the subject of "Islamic Heritage," he said: 

"I am not here to preach Islam to you or to threaten you with its 
dormant povvers. I only want to teli you of the Islam that was a burning light of 
yesterday, the ember that it is today and the celestial flame of tomorrovv, for 
that is how I envisage the future of Islam. I must also teli you that religiously 

speaking, I am not a devout Muslim Hovvever, my interest is soaked in 

the political, economic and cultural heritage of Islam/' 

Zulfikar Ali was then aged twenty years, not even eligible to vote in 
Pakistan, but such was his vvonderful understanding and unbounded love for 
Islam that he made a most illuminating and thought provoking speech in a 
Christian dominated superpovver of the vvorld. Proceeding further, he said 
"Destiny demands an Islamic association, political reality justices it, posterity 
avvaits it and by God we will have it. Courage is in our blood; we are the 
children of a rich heritage. We shall succeed." 

Every word of young Bhutto speaks of his Islamic favour, his life 
objective and his invincible determination to unite Muslims of the vvorld and 
revive the past historic glory and greatness of Muslims. 

It vvill not be out of plače to state that Mr. Mohammad Ali Jinnah, the 
Quaid-e-Azam (Great Leader) of Muslim India also hailed from a Rajput family 
that had embraced Islam. Mr. Jinnah by virtue of his unassailable character 



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and unshakable determination was the founder of the biggest Muslim State in 
the vvorld. 

The Bhutto family migrated to Sindh during the reign of Mughuls when 
Kalhoras were ruling in Sindh under the suzerainty of Mughul Emperors. They 
settled and established themselves in Taluka Ratodero, District Larkana and 
ovvned vast tracts of fertile land in the District of Larkana, Jacobabad and 
Shikarpur. VVhere rice, cotton and sugarcane was produced in plant. Thus the 
Bhutto family was biggest and vvealthiest landlord in Sindh and their style of 
living and conducting themselves was totally different from rest of their class in 
Sindh; they could face any situation any adversary and dignity, and unlike 
many other landlords they finally believed in pomp, pageantry, dignity and 
authority. They never submitted or surrendered even before the fiercest of 
their enemies and fought their way to victory. Even the rulers of Sindh were 
some times apprehensive of their revolt, including the brave Talpurs, as such 
they were treated with honour and caution by the rulers of Sindh. 

Pir Bakhsh Khan Bhutto was invited by His Highness Mir Ali Murad Khan 
Talpur to send his son Allah Bakhsh Khan Bhutto to Khairpur vvhere he was 
kept an honourable hostage at the Talpur court for five years, "to ensure that 
my family did not revolt/' Such was the rebellion nature of Bhutto family that 
even the Talpurs to whom Pir Bakhsh Khan owed his allegiance and their 
ovvnership of vast areas was confirmed as a friendly gesture by the Talpur 
rulers, had to be vigilant about them. 

The Britishers, who were entertaining the idea of grabbing India by force 
and fraud, vvould not spare the Talpurs of Sindh. Against ali their promises of 
friendship and cooperation, they conquered Sindh shamelessly in March 1843 
and it was confessed by the plunderer conqueror of Sindh, Charles Napier and 
the unscrupulous that he had committed a "sin" by invading Sindh. The Talpur 
rulers and their families were dispatched as prisoner to Calcutta. The Britishers 
had in fact conquered India by resorting to ali means fair and foul, atrocities 
and tyrannies, bricks and breach of solemn promises; Sindh was no exception 
to their policy of crusading the Indians, it was ali done most unscrupulously 
with ali audacity. 

When the Talpurs were defeated, overthrovvn, imprisoned and replaced 
by the all-powerful Britishers, most of the landlords frightened and demoralized 
behaved like cringing covvards and professional flatters to please their new 
foreign masters. But credit goes to the Bhutto family as its self respecting and 
to an extent proud was not overavved by the povverful British rulers, and their 
attitude, ways and behaviour remained unchanged. Sir Shahnavvaz Khan 
Bhutto was the scion of such an aristocratic and eminent family of Sindh. He 
was born on March 8, 1888 in Village Garhi Khuda Bakhsh Khan Bhutto, Taluka 
Ratodero, a village founded by his grandfather, Khuda Bakhsh Khan Bhutto. 
There is an avvesome event about Khuda Bakhsh Khan Bhutto. He was going in 
his decently decorated carriage on the Naodero - Ratodero road, when the 



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newly posted Mukhtiarkar of Ratodero, namely Keematrai, was coming in a 
tonga (horse-cart) from the opposite direction. The driver stopped the tonga, 
on seeing the carriage, vvhereupon the newly posted Mukhtiarkar of who had 
no previous acquaintance with Khuda Baksh Khan, harshly asked the driver 
why he had stopped the tonga. The driver explained the position, but the 
Mukhtiarkar, (who used to be very povverful officer in those days) was annoyed 
and ordered him to proceed. The tonga driver moved his cart and passed with 
his usual speed vvhile crossing the carriage of Khuda Bakhsh Khan. On enquiry, 
he was informed that the new Mukhtiarkar was in the tonga. At night tirne, the 
Mukhtiarkar was murdered. The police arrested Khuda Bakhsh Khan, trying to 
implicate him in the čase. The big land ovvners of upper Sindh approached the 
Commissioner Sindh, but he refused to order his release. Ultimately when two 
persons voluntarily gave their confession that they had committed the murder, 
police had to absolve and release Khuda Bakhsh Khan. The incident speaks 
eloquently about the family. Sir Bhutto's father, Ghulam Murtaza Khan, who 
died at a young age of only 30 years by a nefarious conspiracy of poisoning, 
was jevvel of a man, an extraordinarily handsome, courageous and physically 
strong prince. Col. Mayhew, the autocrat Deputy Commissioner of Upper Sindh 
(Shikarpur) was at draggers dravvn with him on a matter involving Mayhew 
most personally. Like a bloodthirsty beast, he was terribly desperate against 
him. The Deputy Commissioners, (then called Collectors) in those early days of 
the British conquest were as strong as unquestionable monarchs in their 
respective areas. Here it was a most sensitive and ego-destroying episode of 
his venus like beautiful mistress, having fallen madly in love with Mir Murtaza 
Khan Bhutto. There was nothing more humiliating and insulting for the colonel, 
that a landlord of his area had become master of the heart and life of his 
beloved mistress. On finding Mir in the embracing arms of his mistress, he 
flared up, lost his senses and grappled with the Mir, but was overpovvered and 
severally thrashed and throvvn down like a dead dog on the grounds of his 
bungalovv at Larkana. Though the act was most intolerable, challenging and 
damning for the British bureaucrat, he hushed up the scandal incident, for 
good reasons and started engineering serious false cases, including murder 
cases, against Mir Ghulam Murtaza Khan through the VVaderas (landholders) 
who felt it a matter of pride and pleasure to be the agents of the Collector, and 
gain his favour. 

There was now endless stream of cases initiated against Mir Ghulam 
Murtaza Khan and his self respecting father, Khuda Bakhsh Khan, had to pour 
money for defending his innocent son against the atrocities and conspiracies of 
Colonel Mayhew supported by the sycophant VVaderas. Khuda Bakhsh Khan 
had to engage several lawyers for defending Mir Murtaza. In a murder čase of 
some Hindu, he was falsely implicated and his father had to seek the service of 
two British Barristers, namely Mr. Anwerty of Bnuhey and Mr. Rottigin of 
Lahore vvhose daily fees were Rs. 1000 and Rs. 1500 respectively. This 
continuous and highly expensive litigation was not affordable by Khuda Bakhsh 
Khan, therefore Mir Murtaza Khan had to leave the soil of Sindh and find his 



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asylum in Kabul: and he proved so pushing and influential he could cultivate 
friendship with Amir Abdul Rehman Khan, a very povverful ruler of Afghanistan. 

But in Larkana, Mayhew had created a hell for Khuda Bakhsh Khan. His 
vendetta had crossed ali limits of decency and justice. He was bent upon 
totally ruining the family of Khuda Bakhsh Khan and leaving no remnants of it 
to be remembered any more. On his instructions, the police hired some 
notorious criminals, who attached old Khuda Bakhsh Khan on his way, vvhile 
returning from his lands. He fell from the horseback and was badly injured. He 
was then taken by his servants and peasants to Aminabad (District Jacobabad) 
in a state of unconsciousness; he could not survive and breathed his last after 
about a fortnight in 1896. But there was none to bear any thing against the 
murderer Mayhew. Mir Murtaza was the only child of his father, thus he 
inherited ali the moveable and immoveable properties of Khuda Bakhsh Khan. 
Now the murder committed by Mayhew further emboldened him like a 
professional and cruel manner. Treating Mir Ghulam Murtaza Khan as an 
absconder, a fugitive from law and justice, he got golden opportunity to 
confiscate ali his belongings including jewelry, gold, arms, rare valuables; his 
houses, furniture, carpets were set on fire by pouring kerosene oil over them. 
His infant eight years old son Shahnavvaz, their peasants and villages were 
silent and helpless spectators of this disasters and cruel situation and 

according to him "We saw the fire ablaze at night in the morning we saw 

the ashes". And "that was 1896 when eight year old Shah Navvaz and his aged 
grandmother, mother and brother were forced by the Superintendent of Police 
to leave their once luxurious home in Garhi Khuda Bakhsh Bhutto village of 
Sindh Ratodero Taluka, with only clothes on their bodies. They took shelter 
with their poor haris and for the first tirne in his life, Shah Navvaz vvas obliged 
to vvalk barefoot in SindfVs blazing heat some ten miles a day to the vernacular 
school at Naodero, taking his crust of the bread along for lunch, he vvho had 
always been served on "silver plates." 

Such vvere the vicissitudes of life for the family vvhich vvas so highly 
placed in the society and respected ali over the region of Sindh. In the vvords 
of renovvned national poet Firdausi of Iran "Sometimes the back of rider is on 
the saddle, sometimes the saddle is on his back/' 

The family vvas victim of incalculable misfortune and brutalities caused 
by the collector Colonel Mayhew, for healing his vvounds of rivalry, but perhaps 
they could never be healed as moved by the subsequent events. 

On hearing about the sad death of his father, confiscation of his 
properties, looting of the valuable, burning of the houses and costly furniture 
and the calamities befallen on his minor sons and inmates of the house, Mir 
Ghulam Murtaza vvas restless and made preparation to leave for Sindh vvithout 
a minute's delay. He vvas generously helped by the povverful Amir vvho gave ali 
that he required to face the situation. 



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He now set forth for his native land, but the boat in vvhich he was 
traveling through the mighty Indus was drovvned due to strong storm. He lost 
everything and saved his life with great difficulty. He was not an unknovvn 
person, nor was his family an ordinary one; he was in a position to acquire 
funds, vvhich he got from a personal friend of his; and proceeded to Karachi 
vvith a set programme in his mind. 

On reaching Karachi, he met Rais Ghulam Mohammad Sheedi, but in 
such a perfect disguise of a labourer, that the Rais, vvho knevv the family fully 
vvell, vvas simply surprised to knovv that he vvas none other than Mir Murtaza, 
the conqueror of Mayhew's lovely and captivating mistress. To Ghulam 
Mohammad Khan Sheedi, he revealed his plan to meet the Commissioner Sir 
Avan James, but it vvas not so easy. One could meet the Prime Minister of 
Pakistan but it vvas much more difficult to see the Commissioner of Sindh in 
those early times of British rule. Anyway vvith the active assistance of Rais 
Sheedi, coupled vvith his ovvn ways and vvisdom, he vvas smuggled into the 
house of Commissioner as a labourer vvhere construction vvork vvas in progress. 
Sir James used to visit the construction vvork and meet the labourers on every 
Saturday. Mir Murtaza vvas not a man to lag behind; he jumped over the 
opportunity that vvas afforded to him by the visit of the Commissioner. Boldly 
he came forvvard, disclosed his identity and addressed the most povverful 
bureaucrat of Sindh "I have a story to teli and I vvant you to do justice by 
hearing." VVithout losing temper, the Commissioner heard him and ordered his 
aide-de-camp to fully hear the čase and submit the report. The aide-de-camp 
after fully hearing Mir Murtaza, gave his honest report to the Commissioner. To 
be frank, the trained British officers, vvho had come from a cultured and 
democratic land, did posses some sense of justice and they did not support 
their subordinate officers in their brutal actions based on personal animosity. 
Sir James vvas not totally in dark about the misdeeds of Mayhew and did have 
some information about his romantic episode. 

It vvas ali reasonable vvhen Mir Murtaza requested the Commissioner to 
try the čase himself and not throvv him at the mercy of the most biased 
Mayhew. On receiving the report, the Commissioner passed orders of 
Mayhew's immediate transfer and "shook Mir Murtaza's hand, before he left, 
sagely advising him to leave his office vvithout bitterness". When Sir Shah 
Navvaz Khan became Minister in Bombay Presidency, he read the follovving 
meaningful line vvritten by Sir James about the influence of and caution against 
Bhuttos: 

"They have to be vvatched" 

I don't think that any Commissioner of those days vvrote such vvarnings 
in respect of a family that vvas enveloped in such adversities and calamities. 

When Mir Murtaza vvas free from botherations, he proceeded to Larkana 
and on his way he stayed vvith his friend Ali Ahmed S/O Khan Bahadur Hassan 



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Ali Effendi, vvhere he was informed about the happy news of Colonel Mayhew's 
imminent retirement from service. He then reached Larkana, vvhere he vvas 
received vvith ali vvarmth, honour pomp and pageantry. But the days of his life 
vvere numbered, the jealous Zamindars in collaboration vvith officials poisoned 
this promising and gallant young man to death in 1896. 

Thus the eventful life of Mir Murtaza vvas very short, but hectic and 
heroic; and his descendants vvould rightly feel proud of such an ancestors vvho 
fought his way so heavily, survived honourably and died a tragic death of hero. 
His son Shah Navvaz, vvho made a mark in history after suffering the buffets of 
life in his childhood and boyhood, vvas then only eleven years of age. 

On the academic side, Shah Navvaz Khan received his educational 
instructions, first in the Maderssa High School, Larkana, vvhich vvas then a 
middle school; later on the joined Sindh-Madressa-tul-Islam, Karachi, vvhere he 
vvas under the čare of an English Principal Mr. Vines, but before matriculating, 
he paid farevvell to his studies in 1908 and returned to his village. He vvas then 
under the kind čare of his affectionate. Uncle Ilahi Bakhsh Khan, but this 
affectionate guardian also died suddenly and unexpectedly at an early age of 
28 years; novv the entire burden and responsibility of the eminent Bhutto 
family fell on immature and inexperienced Shah Navvaz Khan. It vvas novv a 
stupendous task to look after such a big family, vast areas of lands spread in 
different Districts, face the family opponents and the hostile administration. 
Shah Navvaz Khan vvas endovved vvith extraordinary qualities by nature for 
facing the pressing exigencies of his tirne; he rose equal to the occasion and 
brought the situation wisely under his control. He vvas highly cultured, cool 
minded, courageous, self respecting, far sighted vvith exhaustible fund of 
patience. He novv opened a nevv chapter of life, he carved a different path to 
tread upon, he moulded his living in modern style, avoiding to annoy any one 
and befriending the official class. He abandoned the age old tradition of 
shikars, dancing and singing functions and the holding of katcheris (gossip 
gatherings) in order to save his precious tirne and not to squander away his 
vvealth vvhich he vvas determined to utilize beneficial for his political 
expeditions, conquests and social contacts and friendship vvith the dignities of 
his tirne. The ways and mean vvere alien to the other landlords of Sindh and 
they continued to indulge in the old hackneyed fashion, oblivious to the 
demand of the tirne. The Minto Morlay Reforms, that had been introduce vvere 
shortly going to usher in a nevv era of democratization of politics in India, 
therefore his eyes vvere novv firmly set on the political field over vvhich he had 
resolutely decided to have his hold and vvas least prepared to surrender it to 
the politically uneducated lot. The other individuals of his class vvere indifferent 
to the future politics because they vvere unavvare of its consequences, but he 
vvas vvide-avvake. He entered the arena vvith ali his resources, vigour and 
capacity and started taking big strides in politics, according to his plan. No 
doubt Rais Ghulam Muhammad Khan Bhurgri (1881-1924) vvas the first Muslim 
Barrister in Sindh and a very big landlord in lovver Sindh vvas politically quite 
povverful but his politics vvas unpalatable to the British imperialism; the idea 



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was hovvever repulsive to the Sindhi Muslims as Hindus were quietly devouring 
the lands of Muslims and reducing them to paupers. But it seems that lady lučk 
was also smiling on Shah Navvaz Khan Bhutto, as Ghulam Muhammad Khan 
Bhurgri died a young man at 43 years age. Now there was no povverful 
antagonist in Sindh to obstruct the path of Sir Bhutto to climb and reach the 
pinnacle of his political povver. 

RISE AND ACHIEVEMENTS 

1910 Member District Local Board Larkana 

1919 Elected to the Imperial Council of India 

1920 Nominated as First Class Special Honorary Magistrate 

1920-34 President of District Local Board Larkana 

(the District then extended upto Sehvvan Taluka) 

1921-36 Member Bombay Legislative Council 

1921 Title of Khan Bahadur 

The above events from 1919 to 1921 took plače in a such quick 
succession that he seemed to gallop in the political field. AN these povvers and 
honours that he came to enjoy in such a short span of a tirne, vvould have 
ordinarily made a man heart headed and povver drunk, but he vvas made of 
different metal; he became pragmatic, seasoned and most remarkable 
politician of Sindh. He vvrites "My Services vvere available to the common man 
from morning to night. I ran an open house at Garhi Khuda Baksh Bhutto 
vvithout distinction and vvithout motive. I tried to help people vvho came- I tried 
to give them good advice. I vvas courteous to the common man and rarely did I 
lose my temper. I spared no efforts to cultivate and befriend the masses". In 
short this vvas Sir Shah Navvaz as he has described himself and his conduct 
vvithout any iota of exaggeration and hypocrisy. 

He had novv ali the opportunities available to traverse the boundaries of 
Sindh politics and enter high venues and vistas, and he accomplished ali these 
by himself vvithout joining any AN India political party. 

1924-36 Appointed Minister in Bombay Presidency 

1925 Elected President of the Sindh 

Muhammadan Association 

1928 As President of the Association he invited Mr. M. A. Jinnah to Sindh for 
resolving disputes betvveen the Muslim Zamindars (landlords) of Sindh 



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Mr. Jinnah was his guest at Larkana. Thereafter he remained in 
constant touch with Mr. Jinnah 

1930 Knighthood 

1930-31 Delegate to Round Table Conference, London. It was the most 
important Conference for the political and Constitutional 

development of India. The vital question of Sindh's separation was on 
the agenda of the Conference. In ali 16 Muslims delegates were invited 
from India. Sir Shahnavvaz Khan delivered a very forceful, memorable 
and convincing speech for Sindh's separation. Mr. Jinnah strongly 
supported him in his inimitable style and non-rebuttal arguments. Thus 
Sir Bhutto succeeded in his mission of separating Sindh from Bombay. 
If Sindh had not been separated from Bombay / the achievement of 
Pakistan vvould have been doubtful 

1932 Chairman of the Sindh Azad Conference held at Hyderabad. It was 

presided 

over by Allama Yousuf Ali 

1934 Sindh People's Party formed by Sir Shahnavvaz Khan 

1936 Elected President of the Sindh United Party and Sir Abdullah Haroon as 
Vice 

President 

1936 Appointed Chief Advisor to the Governor of Sindh March 

Sir Bhutto vvas a most influential Minister and a seasoned politician. It 
vvould be recalled that Sardar VVahid Bux Khan Bhutto vvas implicated in a false 
murder čase. Ultimately, the čase vvas vvithdravvn by the government as it vvas 
a vveak čase. The bigot editor Pimahia, of Daily Sindh Observer Karachi, vvrote 
a very venomous, nasty and malicious editorial, vvith the caption". A Scandal of 
the first magnitude; stating that the čase vvas got vvithdravvn by Sir Shahnavvaz 
Khan, through his tremendous political influence. 

In general election held in early 1937, his party secured 24 out of 34 
Muslim seats, thus it vvas the largest single party in the Sindh Assembly, but 
accidentally the Leader and the Deputy Leader of the party vvho vvere indeed 
patriotic, pragmatic and selfless leaders of Sindh vvere defeated in the election 
to the utter surprise of the political circles. In fact, the defeat of Sir Bhutto vvas 
a severe blovv to the interests of Sindh, for the separation of vvhich Mr. M. A. 
Jinnah and Sir Shahnavvaz Khan Bhutto had fought battle in the first Round 
Table Conference held in London in 1930 - 1931 despite the tough opposition 
by the AN India Hindu Leaders. The result vvas that in the entire decade from 

1937 to 1947, no stable ministry vvhich could serve the Province especially the 
dovvntrodden Muslim could be formed; every member vvas desirous of 



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becoming Minister if not Chief Minister in the Government of Sindh. There was 
no elderly, selfless and non-purchasable politician who vvould unite the Muslim 
members of the Assembly to save the cause for vvhich they had been elected. 

Sir Shahnavvaz Khan Bhutto was over-confident in his election and he 
came to his constituency from Karachi, hardly a week before the elections; 
even the Bhutto family was divided against itself and lamentably lacked 
inherent unity. 

On the other hand, the opposition had firmly united, Sheikh Abdul Majid, 
the veteran Muslim leader was imported from Karachi, ali his election expenses 
were borne by the opposition. They led a very organized campaign not only on 
political basis but in the name of religion too; fiery religious speakers were 
hired not only from Sindh, but even from Punjab; who convinced the Muslim 
voters that in čase Sir Shahnavvaz Khan came into povver, he vvill tax the 
Muslim graves, their beards and their Mosques. On the other hand there vvas 
no body to contradict or refute this false and poisonous propaganda that vvas 
most effectively launched by his opponents. This election campaign vvas 
launched vvith ali vigour by Mr. Kazi Fazlullah and there vvas no body s. oters 
that in čase Sir Shahnavvaz Khan came into povver, he vvill tax the Muslim indh, 
but even from Punj Mr. M. A. Khuhro, vvho used to claim ali credit for 
themselves in getting Sir Bhutto defeated in his home constituency, though 
later on vvhen Khuhro's biography vvas vvritten, this glaring fact knovvn to the 
vvhole vvorld, had been denied. It vvill not be irrelevant to state that in 1923 Mr. 
Khuhro vvas elected, he vvas underage and the defeated candidate K. B. 
Ghulam Mohammad Khan Isran, vvas preparing to file election petition, for 
vvhich he possessed unimpeachable documentary evidence. But it vvas Sir 
Shahnavvaz Khan vvho as an elderly politician, came to Mr. Khuhro's rescue 
vvhen he took him to Khan Bahadur Isran and requested him emphatically to 
drop the idea of election petition, give chance to the young man to serve Sindh 
better as he vvas an educated person. Khan Bahadur Isran obliged Sir Bhutto, 
thus Mr. Khuhro continued as member. But in politics, moral obligations do not 
carry much vveight and are forgotten very soon. 

G. M. Sayed offered to resign to accommodate Sir Shahnavvaz Khan 
Bhutto for Premiership of Sindh, but Sir Bhutto declined to accept this 
arrangement. Had he continued to stay in Sindh politics he vvould have 
conveniently made his return to povver as Premier of Sindh. But this gentleman 
of self respect and scruples vvas not povver hungry and felt so disgusted vvith 
the nasty politics of his opponents that he refused to participate in politics any 
more; though it vvas for the first tirne that he that he vvas defeated in any 
election. Perhaps he thought that he did not deserve this treatment as he had 
tremendously served Sindh. It vvas due to his strenuous efforts that the huge 
scheme of Sukkur Barrage vvas sanctioned by the Executive Council at Delhi 
and finally approved by the Government of India. The Barrage revolutionized 
Sindh agriculture. It transformed the desert areas of Sindh into a most fertile 
garden, resulting in vast economic prosperity to the people of Sindh. Any 



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statesman or politician could legitimately feel proud of such a monumental 
performance. 

In fact Sir Bhutto was the architect of modem Sindh and many were of 
the opinion that his exit from politics at an early age of 49 years was a bit 
emotional and premature. But he was the best judge of his times. He had seen 
ups and dovvns of life, he had vvitnessed the days of extreme adversity and 
immense prosperity: the wise Sir Bhutto was not only visionary, he was self 
educated through his vast experience. With his exit from Sindh politics the 
political povver of Bhutto family started vvanning ali that they could achieve, 
one seat in the provincial Assembly and they did not carry much influence even 
in their own district. It was only after the entry of Mr. Zulfikar Ali Bhutto in 
politics that the name and farne of Bhutto family traveled far and wide beyond 
the borders of Pakistan. 

In fact Bombay was the second home of Sir Bhutto as an important 
minister of the Bombay Presidency and he was living there from 1924. Now as 
a member of the joint Public Service Commission of Bombay and Sindh, he 
continued to remain in this cosmopolitan city as representative of Sindh 
Province from April 1937. Although no more involved in tumultuous politics, Sir 
Shahnavvaz Khan continued to maintain his friendly relations with high political 
and social circles. He had his friendly terms with Mr. Jinnah, who was now the 
Quaid-e-Azam of Muslims and undisputed and an unchangeable leader of 
Muslim India; even his school going son Zulfikar Ali Bhutto had access to the 
leader on occasions. Thus Sir Bhutto was associated with the prominent 
personalities of Bombay in ali vvalks of life and did not lead a secluded life. 

Sir Shahnavvaz Khan Bhutto believed in imparting highest possible 
education to his children according to their aptitude irrespective of their sex. 
He directed the best of his attention to the upbringing and training of his 
promising and dearest child Zulfikar Ali, vvho vvas born on 5-1-1928. Sir Bhutto 
understood better than anybody else that future of his family lay in education 
and his son Zulfikar Ali possessed ali the qualities requisite for a brilliant and 
successful politician provided he vvas groomed vvell. He vvas therefore friend, 
philosopher and guide of his son and got him the best possible education that 
could be available in the United States of America and England. Mr. Zulfikar Ali 
Bhutto, as everybody knovvs, became the most outstanding Prime Minister of 
Pakistan vvith vvhom vvas linked not only destiny of his country but every future 
of the Muslim VVorld; hovvever, Sir Bhutto could not see the rise of his son to 
such a coveted climax as by this tirne he had passed away. But ali these hopes 
that the nation had pinned in the personality of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto vvere 
shattered vvhen General Zia ul Haq, the military dictator, martyred the saviour 
of Pakistan vvithout halt or hesitation on 4-4-1979. If Mr. Zulfikar Ali Bhutto 
had an adroit, sincere to the core and pragmatic adviser like Sir Bhutto, this 
tragedy could have been averted. 



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SIR BHUTTCS DOMESTIC LIFE 

Besides Zulfikar Ali, Sir Bhutto had two other elder sons, namely Imdad 
Ali and Sikander Ali, who possessed very congenial, very likeable personalities 
and generous minds but they passed away in 1950 and 1962 respectively 
when they had not yet attend 50 years of age. 

The second marriage of Sir Bhutto was with a Hindu girl. It is said that 
intellect always surrenders, vvhenever it is at war with heart. Mr. Mohammad 
Ali Jinnah, who enjoyed the reputation of being very cold, most logical, quite 
unemotional and far from romantic life, at the age of 43 years fell in love with 
Ratan, the only daughter of a proud and aristocratic multi millionaire, Sir 
Dinshavv Petit of Bombay. She was mad for Jinnah, renounced her religion, her 
family, her society, embraced Islam and married with a Muslim Barrister when 
she was only 18 years of age. Sir Bhutto was no exception, he too was a 
helpless victim of cupid; intellect is always vveather before love, consequently 
in 1925 at the age of 37 years, he married a pretty Hindu girl aged 18 years 
after she willingly accepted Islam. She chose Sir Shahnavvaz as her life partner 
not because of his vvealth, but the qualities of heed and heart that he 
possessed, as was the čase with Ratan. As a Muslim, she was named 
Khursheed Begum and gave birth to the vvorld renovvned politician Zulfikar Ali 
Bhutto. She lived a very happy and harmonious life with Sir Bhutto and 
Zulfikar Ali never forget even for a moment that his mother came of humble 
origin and he was proud of it. The happy blend of a feudal lord and a girl of 
moderate means did have its effect and perhaps a salutary effect on Z. A. 
Bhutto's personal as well as political life. At the tirne of Indian independence, 
Sir Shahnavvaz Khan Bhutto vvas the Prime Minister (Divvan) of Junagadh State 
vvhich vvas overvvhelming populated by Hindus but its ruler vvas a Muslim 
Navvab. It vvas on his advice of far reaching political and diplomatic significance 
that the Navvab of Junagadh signed the instrument of accession in favour of 
Pakistan, vvhich Sir Bhutto had personally presented to Quaid-e-Azam. It vvas 
such an act of statesmanship by Sir Shahnavvaz Khan Bhutto that infuriated 
Lord Mountbatten, the then Viceboy of India, Pundit Javvahar Lal Nehru, the 
Prime Minister and Sardar Vallab Bhai Patel, Minister for States, over this 
unexpected annexation and they protested to the Government of Pakistan that 
it vvas an unfriendly act on their part to have accepted the accession of 
Junagadh. "The instrument of accession vvas drafted by Sir Bhutto, the shrevvd 
Divvan of Junagadh" 6 as stated by Stanley VVolpert. "The accession of 
Junagadh to Pakistan placed India in an acute dilemma for vvhich any escape 
could be turned to the advantage of Pakistan" vvrites H. V. Hudson the learned 
author of "The Great Divide". It vvas termed as a "Trap by Pakistan" by the 
outraged Lord Mountbatten. The State vvas not big but the implications vvere 
indeed big and the efficient and astute Indian diplomacy could not vvriggle out 
of it. But vvho had masterminded this trap against high handed and povver 
drunk rulers of India? He vvas none else but Sir Shahnavvaz Khan Bhutto, the 
last Divvan of Junagadh vvho had said "goodbye to politics in 1937; but by his 
vision and vvisdom he rendered an unforgettable service to his motherland. It 



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was a preemptive step, Quaid-e-Azam also had foreseen the evil Indian 
designs to grab Kashmir, of vvhich, the population was overwhelmingly Muslim 
and Maharaja was a Hindu. India, vvhile refusing to recognize the accession of 
Junagadh by its rulers occupied the State by force, on 27-10-1947. India 
dispatched her strongest forces vvhich invaded and occupied Kashmir on the 
plea that the Maharaja had signed the instrument of accession in favour of 
India. The dispute over Kashmir vvas referred by India to the Security Council 
on 1-1-1948, vvhere it vvas hotly contested both by India and Pakistan. 
Hovvever India miserably failed to justify and reconcile its contradictory and 
self-destructive stand on Kashmir as it vvas contrary to her behaviour in 
Junagadh. Hovv and why India accepted the accession of Kashmir through its 
Maharaja, vvhen it had refused to recognize the accession of Junagadh vvith 
Pakistan, through its Navvab? The Security Council had no option but to pass 
the plebiscite resolution on Kashmir in spite of strong lobbying by Lord 
Mountbatten through the British Prime Minister Atlee. The political vision and 
far sightedness of Sir Bhutto requires no better proof than the vvise, political 
and patriotic handling of Junagadh's accession vvith Pakistan; thereby baffling 
and confusing the top leadership of India. 

After independence, Sir Shahnavvaz totally retired from public life but 
vvas held in great esteem by the people of Larkana. He gave the gift of his 
beloved son Zulfikar Ali Bhutto to Pakistan and breathed his last peacefully at 
Larkana on 19-11-1957, vvhile his talented son vvas elegantly arguing the čase 
of his country at U.N.O in Nevv York. None including his honest adversaries can 
level any allegation of dishonesty, corruption, cruelty, crooked behaviours or 
brutally in his social and political life in spite of the fact that he vvas the most 
influential and povverful personality of Sindh continuously at least for one and 
half decades. 

Mr. M. A. Khuro's assessment of Sir Bhutto's noble character and 
qualities vvas as under: 

"Because of his close contacts vvith him in politics, I came to appreciate 
his extraordinary qualities as a leader. He vvas a very successful Administrator, 
therefore the Administration of the District Local Board vvas best run under his 
Presidentship". 

"He vvas a good friend socially and he vvas prudent and sagacious, 
farsighted and straightforvvard in his dealings. He vvas a good conversationalist, 
had charming manners and very agreeable social personality. He had a knack 
of presenting his čase in an effective and precise manner, vvith the result that 
he vvas usually successful in negotiations. He vvas consequently highly 
appreciated by the Zamindars of Sindh. He vvas very popular vvith agricultural 
class of Sindh in particulars." 



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Though he belonged to the upper strata of the society, Sir Shahnavvaz 
Khan had deep sympathy for the poor, he vvanted to see them educated and 
advanced. 

"Look after poor Sindhis. See to it that they become prosperous. They 
are backvvard, they are simple and they are deprived of opportunities of 
advancement. Make them literate give them education. Don't ever let them 
down." 

This is what Mr. Yousuf. A. Haroon, a prominent Muslim League leader, 
stated about the valuable advice given to him by Sir Bhutto, when the former 
went to call on him at Larkana for seeking his guidance. 

ZULFIKAR ALI BHUTTO 

Sir Shahnavvaz Bhutto left three sons and tvvo daughters: 

Imdad Ali Bhutto (1914 - 1950) 

Sikandar Ali Bhutto (1921 - 1962) 

Mohtarma Mumtaz Mahal Bhutto (1926 - 1974) 

Mohtarma Munnavvar (1927 - 1994) 

Zulfikar Ali Bhutto (1928 - 1979) 

Zulfikar Ali, the youngest child of Sir Bhutto vvas born on January 5, 
1928 at Larkana. In those days Sir Bhutto vvas a Minister of the Bombay 
Presidency. 

Zulfikar Ali means the svvord of Hazrat Ali that had emancipated the poor 
and oppressed from the slavery of the big proud tyrants. He vvas the dearest 
child of his parents and vvas to be reared up in the best possible way. For the 
purpose of education, he vvas first admitted in the Convent Kindergarten 
School in Karachi for a fevv months. Thereafter, vvhen Sir Shahnavvaz vvas 
invited to join the Provincial Cabinet at Bombay in 1934, they had to shift, 
vvhere they vvere officially housed in a beautiful bungalovv in the Malabar Hills 
fine posh area overlooking the sea. 

Sir Bhutto vvas such an influential minister that the Governor invariably 
acted on his adroit advice, in the matters of far-flung Sindh. The houses of the 
Governor, His Highness Agha Khan, the cultured Parsi gentlemen, Sir Homi 
Mody and Huteesing Krishna VVehru, the sister of Pandit Javvahar Lal Nehru, 
vvere also near the house of Sir Bhutto, thus he vvas in the midst of the highly 
educated people in the Malabar area. It vvill not be out of plače to mention that 
Mr. Mohammad Ali Jinnah, the brilliant barrister of Bombay and a top ranking 
constitutional expert and political leader of India, had his mansion on the 
Mount Pleasant Road in Malabar Hills. 



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Sir Bhutto got his son admitted in the Cathedral School of Bombay in 
1937. Zulfikar Ali was very fond of cricket and famous Cricketers like Mushtaq 
Al Omar Qureshi, Piloo Modi and others were his fast friends in Bombay. He 
was being brought up very delicately with ali čare, by his parents. Sir Bhutto 
who used to take his son with him vvherever he used to go for meeting his 
friends. During the war period, Sir Bhutto and Mr. Jinnah used to meet quite 
frequently specially at the clinic of Dr. Jai R. Patel, who was common friend of 
both these politicians. 

The generous social and habitable Doctor lavishly entertained his 
number of friends daily in his clinic, vvhere politics, the burning topic of the day 
was discussed by the politicians belonging to the different segments of 
thought. It was here that the young Bhutto was most impressed by Mr. 
Jinnah's povverful and inimitable arguments and became his follovver at once. 

Sir Bhutto, who was most friendly with the high cultured and highly 
educated society, felt that he must get his darling son Zulfikar educated in the 
best educational institutions of the vvorld, in order to prepare him for a very 
effective role in his country. Zulfikar Ali did his Senior Cambridge from Bombay 
and proceeded to the United States in September 1947, for his higher studies 
in the University of the Southern California at Los Angeles. It was here that the 
young Bhutto proved himself a great debater, a brilliant študent of politics, 
history and international affairs, a remarkable intellectual imbued with Islamic 
fervour. In his historic speech on April 1, 1948, on "The Islamic Heritage" he 
told his Christian audience. "My interest is soaked in the political, economic 

and cultural heritage Imperialism has sapped our vitality and drained our 

blood in every part of our globe the young generation of Muslims, who will 

be the leaders of new force of an order based on justice, vvants the end of 
exploitation". 

It was his inner voice, his heart, voice, the exploited world's voice. But 
at that tirne he did not know that the West could permanently stop his voice, 
through their invisible machinery. It vvould be relevant to put, that he vvorked 
voluntarily in the Pakistan Embassy at VVashington, a patent mark of his 
patriotic responsibility as an ardent admirer of his political hero, Quaid-e-Azam 
Mohammad Ali Jinnah who had recently breathed his last on September 11, 
1948. 

Such was his brilliance, that the Diplomatic Historian, T. VValter Wall 
bank vvrote in October 1948, "One of my students from India Mr. Z. A. 

Bhutto has been in my history classes, for a period of one year. I vvould 

say that this young man in definitely superior scholar, perhaps even in the 
brilliant category." 

On his twenty first birthday on January 5, 1949, he received birthday 
gift from his father Sir Bhutto vvhich comprised a leather-bound five volume set 
of VVilliam Sloane's biography of Napoleon Bonaparte and Kari Marx's 
Communist Manifesto in pamphlet form. This gift is indicative of his political 



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aptitude and economic inclinations. He had ali praise for NapoleorVs courage 
and respect for Kari Marx sympathetic attitude tovvards the poor as he was 
influenced by both in his political life. 

For two years, he was in the University of Southern California from 
vvhere he graduated. Then, he moved to Berkeley Campus (University of 
California) from vvhere he completed his degree vvith honours in Political 
Science in June 1950. He then left America for England to get himself admitted 
in Oxford University. Mr. High Trevor Roper, Counselors of the Christ Church 
College in the University, asked him about the cause of his joining. In reply 
Zulfikar Ali said that he vvanted to study "jurisprudence and lavv". The 
requirement for jurisprudence vvas the knovvledge of Latin, vvhich the young 
man had to study, Mr. Trevor advised him to do the course in three years 
instead of tvvo years, vvhich the intelligent British students used to complete in 
tvvo years. But the confident young man replied that he vvould do it in tvvo 
years and he actually did that. Resultantly, he vvas avvarded the Master of Arts 
degree. "Less than a year, after being enrolled at Lincoln's Inn, Zulfikar Ali 
Bhutto vvas called to Bar there, as VVilliam Pitt, Lord Canning, John Morley and 
Mohammad Ali Jinnah had been before him." Equipped vvith ali these 
qualifications, the handsome, charming and eloquent genius reached Pakistan 
vvith high political ambition of Foreign Ministership and Prime Ministership of 
his country. 

ZULFIKAR ALI'S MARRIAGE AND CHILDREN 

He had tvvo vvives. His first vvife vvas Shirin Amir Bano, daughter of Khan 
Bahadur Ahmed Khan Bhutto of Naodero, District Larkana, cousin of Sir 
Bhutto. Khan Bahadur ovvned vast landed properties and several houses, he 
did not have any male child and had only three daughters vvho vvere to ovvn the 
property after his death. According to the customs of the tirne, the daughters 
vvere not married to strangers, so that no strangers could intrude in their areas 
of the landed aristocracy. Sir Bhutto though an enlightened person, got his 
beloved son married vvith Shirin Amir Bano, of course keeping these 
considerations in vievv. 

Zulfikar Ali vvas about 12 years vvhen he had to marry vvithin his family 
vvith a girl, about eight nine years older than him. "Such a business marriage 
had been arranged betvveen my father and his cousin Amir Bano vvhen vve he 
vvas only tvvelve and she eight or nine years old." Later on, vvrote Mohtarma 
Benazir Bhutto in her autobiography. 

To be frank, the first marriage vvas a "social necessity" but the real 
marriage and love marriage of Zulfikar Ali vvas vvith Begum Nusrat on 
September 8, 1951. She vvas born in Bombay on March 23, 1929 and belonged 
to an Iranian family. 

He had four children out of the vvedlock, tvvo sons and tvvo daughters. 
The tvvo sons vvere killed. 



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Ms Benazir Bhutto 

(June 21, 1953 - December 27, 2007) Assassinated on December 27, 2007 in 

Ravvalpindi 

Mir Murtaza Bhutto 

(1954 - 1996) Assassinated on September 20, 1996 at Karachi. 

Ms Sanam 
1957 

Shahnavvaz 

(1958 - 1985). Died in France under Mysterious circumstances On July 18, 

1985. 

Mohtarma Benazir Bhutto is a very brilliant, fearless, popular and 
charismatic political leader of Pakistan. She fought relentlessly against the 
Martial Law dictator Zia-ul-Haque and had to undergo imprisonment several 
times. Before assuming the charge of the Pakistan People's Party formally, she 
was the defacto Chairperson of her party and her father knew that she vvould 
never let down. She became Prime Minister of Pakistan tvvice, in 1988 and 
1993, but the President of Pakistan exercising his extraordinary povvers under 
8th amendment dissolved the National Assembly. She was the youngest Prime 
Minister of Pakistan, inherited many of his qualities and qualification as the 
political leader of her country. She married Mr. Asif Ali Zardari in December 
1987. He had nothing much to do with politics before marriage; but thereafter 
vvhenever Mohtarma Benazir is out of povver, both husband and wife have to 
undergo most exacting ordeals. 

The family background of Z. A. Bhutto has been briefly stated to 
show that vvhile assessing him, his ancestral heritage must not be ignored. 
They were undoubtedly feudal lords, but brave liberal and intelligent by nature. 
If he had been only a feudal aristocrat, he vvould have been like many others. 
But he lived vvith his father for most of the tirne in Bombay and passed the 
early formative years of his age in Bombay in a highly cultured and educated 
society. He received his early political training from his father, a highly 
experienced, pragmatic and successful politician and he learnt a lot from him. 
His attitude of feudal aristocracy vvas radically changed by the urbane Bombay 
society, the parental influence and his subsequent education in very advanced 
and democratic countries like the United States and England. But vvith ali these 
changes, he stili retained some of old family traits and trends, his unsociable 
luxury, his strong vvill, high degree of self-respect and tremendous generosity. 
But he vvas never cruel, unforgiving and petty minded. If ali these 
characteristic are combined, that is the feudal background, the cultured and 
educated personality and his high VVestern academic education, they vvill make 
him a complex personality for any one vvho studies him superficially. There is 



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no vvonder if the Italian vvriter calls him a very complex personality, she failed 
to understand her in spite of her high degree of intelligence and experience. 

"The more you study him, the more you remain uncertain, 
confused. Like prism turning on a pivot, he is forever offering you, offering a 
different face and at the same moment that he gives in to your scrutiny, he 
withdraws. So you can define him in countless ways and ali of them are true: 
liberal and authoritarian, fascist and communist, sincere and a Mar. He is 
undoubtedly the most complex leader of our tirne and the only interesting one 
his country has so far produced." Indeed it was an impossible task for a 
VVesterner to understand him fully. If his personality is udged in a better sense 
of understanding, the contradictions as pointed by Fillaci will disappear. 



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CHAPTER 3 



Jinnah and Bhutto 

"To be ignorant of the times of the celebrated, is to continue in a 
state of childhood ali h is days. " 

The philosophy contained in the above sentence very rightly applies to 
the two celebrities of Pakistan and every Pakistani must fashion his life 
accordingly if they want to understand politics and secrets of rise and decline 
of the states. 

Quaid-e-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah (1876 - 1948) and Quaid-e-Awam 
Zulfikar Ali Bhutto (1928 - 1979) were the two greatest leaders of the country. 
Quaid-e-Azam means "great leader" and Quaid-e-Awam means "leader of the 
people" and these titles were conferred upon them not by the sycophants and 
flatterers but by the people when they were fighting against the Governments 
of the day and guided multitudes of peoples of their country. In ali fairness, 
this fact must be admitted even by their adversaries. 

Mr. Bhutto was much younger than Mr. Jinnah, the margin was not less 
than 52 years, but the former was fan and follovver of the latter and many 
qualities were commonly shared by them. 

It is true that Jinnah and Sir Shahnavvaz Bhutto were quite friendly with 
each other, but the letters vvritten by Zulfikar Ali Bhutto when he had not yet 
attained the age of adolescence were not the result of Jinnah - Sir Bhutto 
friendship. It was young Zulfikar Ali's deep devotion for his leader vvhich made 
him vvrite letters to the great leader. He called upon him and obeyed his 
instructions; wept bitterly when he died and vvorked in the Pakistan Embassy 
voluntarily at VVashington for some tirne. According to him, Quaid's untimely 
demise left the nation an orphan when he was needed most; and he alone had 
organized and united the disarrayed Muslims and liberated them from slavery. 
Jinnah was the model of leadership for Zulfikar Ali. He often spoke of Jinnah to 
his friends saying "Thafs is my ideal, the man whom I respect." 

His devotion bears a kind of resemblance to the young 
revolutionary Subash Chandra Bose of Bengal who deeply adored his Bengali 
Congress leader Desh Bandhu C.R.Das, one of the three greatest AN India 
Congress leaders of his tirne vvhose mind was free from bigotry, quite 
courageous by nature and was not visionary and reactionary like Gandhiji. 
Soon after the entry of young Subash Chandra Bose in AN India Politics, C.R. 
Das breathed his last and his death was painfully mourned by Bose, as did 
Bhutto in čase of Mr. Jinnah. The sad Subash expressed: 



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"I gave him my hearfs deep adhesion and reverent love, not so 
much because I happened to be his follovver in the arena of politics as because 

I happened to know him in his private life Once we lived together in jail 

for eight months, for two months in the same celi, for six months in the 
adjacent ones. I took refuge under his feet because I came to know him 
thus " 

Subash Bose died in an air crash at the age of about 50 years, 
vvhile fighting against America and Britain in the second vvorld war and Bhutto 
was assassinated at about the same age by General Zia. 

SUCCESSOR OF QUAID-E-AZAM 

It was of tirne and misfortune of Pakistan that there was a long gap of 
more than half a century betvveen the Quaid-e-Azam and Zulfikar Ali Bhutto. 
Had the latter been immediate successor of Jinnah, Pakistan vvould not have 
suffered so heavily and so irreparably at it did after llth September 1948. The 
Muslim League, vvhich had attained Pakistan, vvould not have tattered into 
pieces after the relinquishment of Presidentship by the Quaid-e-Azam. The 
subsequent leadership vvas not in a position to deliver goods on behalf of the 
people and take čare of Pakistan. 

In modern politics, it is always a vvell organized, popular political party 
vvith strong mass support that can serve a country, as did AN India Congress 
leadership in India under the able guidance of Prime Ministership of Pundit 
Nehru. Bhutto vvas the most brilliant, charismatic, ever vigilant and dauntless 
leader vvith a grasp of vvorld affairs to head Pakistan in both peace and vvar. He 
knevv friends and foes, understood the policies, tactics and diplomatic moves of 
Pakistan's enemy number one, India, usurper of Kashmir. The intrigues and 
conspiracies, the rule of the unelected, the dissentions betvveen East and the 
West vvings, the imposition of Martial Lavv, the rule of a Military Junta, had torn 
the tvvo vvings of Pakistan apart. It vvould not have occurred if a statesman had 
been at the country's helm of affairs. 

SIMILARITIES BETVVEEN TVVO GIANT STATESMEN 

There vvere many similarities betvveen these tvvo most outstanding 
personalities of Asia. The subject of history is very delicate and difficult, it 
demands that the vvriter must keep himself above prejudice, parochial feelings 
and petty mindedness else it vvould be a disservice to the nation to distort the 
history. 

These personalities vvere very controversial and many Ulemas issued 
decrees of infidelity against them, in unison, they supported AN India Congress 
leadership. But the common Muslim vvho had the consciousness and vision 
threvv them in the vvaste paper basket. When Pakistan came into being, the 



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very same Maulvis started claiming that Pakistan was created for making it a 
Muslim religious state. They treated Zulfikar Ali in the same fashion. No body 
else could have achieved Pakistan except Mr. Jinnah. It was a political miracle; 
and after 1971, no other political, general or religious leader could have saved 
the remainder of Pakistan. It was Mr. Bhutto who picked together the torn 
pieces of Pakistan; hovvever, when he raised its status from zero to 
respectability in the comity of nations, ali his opponents, including the 
champions of secularism rose against him on the plea that they vvanted to 
establish "Nizam-e-Mustafa", that is the system of Holy Prophet (Peace be 
upon him). They succeeded in getting Bhutto assassinated, but till today, ali 
those who raised the catchy and hypocritical slogan have done absolutely 
nothing for the establishment of Nizam-e-Mustafa. If Mr. Bhutto had not come 
forvvard with ali his efforts and abilities, the very existence of Pakistan was in 
doubt and the dream of Indira Gandhi, vvould have been realized. 

Though Mr. Jinnah died a natural death, but due to his strict 
vigilance and hard work, even some of his ministers were sick of him, they 
vvanted his early death, so that the cats could play freely. They never cared for 
their benefactor, not even arranged for his treatment. Both of these politician 
vvere recipients of modem education, fully understood the requirements of 
modem politics and they believed in secular politics keeping Islamic values and 
principles as their guiding lines. Mr. Jinnah vvas the apostle of Hindu Muslim 
unity and throughout India nobody strove for Hindu Muslim Unity as he did; 
but the bigotry and orthodoxy of the so-called National Congress drove him to 
demand Pakistan. The political stand, argument, determination and 
reasonableness of Jinnah, made Bhutto his political disciple, but he too like his 
leader Jinnah has secular bent of mind, they did not believe in theocracy. 
Hovvever, they stood for renaissance of Islam, believing in equality for ali, 
every citizen to be treated vvith justice and fairness. According to them the 
existence of strong Pakistan, vvas a guaranty for the safety of Muslim States in 
Middle East including Iran against the designs of India expressed by Pundit 
Nehru even before independence. 

He said "The pacific is likely to take the plače of the Atlantic in the 
future as a nerve centre of the vvorld. Though not directly a pacific state, India 
vvill inevitably exercise important influence there. India vvill also develop as the 
center of economic and political activity in the Indian Ocean Area, in South- 
East Asia and right up to the Middle East." 

The entire edifice of Indian povver vvas built in the brain of 
Javvahar Lal Nehru, the Indian Prime Minister even before Independence. Both 
Jinnah and Bhutto vvere fully avvare of the expansionist design of Hindu 
hegemony; as such they vvanted to keep Pakistan strong enough to serve as a 
protective shield for Muslim countries beyond Pakistan. But vvas it an easy 
task? 



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It was a happy coincidence that both the barristers handsome in 
form, hailed from the soil of Sindh, but they did not believe in parochialism, 
provincialism and capitalist style of state. They were tireless vvorkers, knew no 
rest. 

In his old age in spite of ailment, the Quaid-e-Azam vvorked for 
fourteen hours a day, in spite of doctor's vvarning. It was he and his type that 
they achieved the largest Muslim State, he was a statesman with invincible and 
indefeasible determination. So was the Quaid-e-Awam, who fought against the 
heavy odds, capitalist, feudal lords, industrialists and religious edicts and 
ultimately won his battle. In fact they had no enmity with India, but Indian 
leaders considered them as their enemy No. 1, for vvhich, the reasons were 
obvious. They had usurped Kashmir against ali principles of partition, 
International law, Security Council decisions and ali moral vievvs. Any other 
leader or ruler of Pakistan could tolerate this behaviour but these two vvould 
not. They vvanted that the Pakistanis must live and die with honour, partition of 
United India was already made with grave miscarriage of justice and Kashmir 
was being forcibly occupied and terrorized by the India's "largest democracy", 
a phraseology that was coined and conferred by the West to flatter India. In 
the vvords of Miss Fatima Jinnah, Kashmir was on JinnafVs lips at the hour of 
departure from this vvorld. 4 Bhutto feel out with the Field Marshal Ayub and 
his Junta over Kashmir and for the honour of his country and founded his own 
party. No other leaders of Pakistan were so jealous of their country's 
reputation and respectability as these two giant leaders. 

In Pakistan, there has been acute crisis of leadership. Even in the vvords 
of Pundit Nehru, Mr. Jinnah vvas ali alone in his party, though he enjoyed the 
support of vast majority of Muslims in the United India: 

"Mr. M. A. Jinnah himself vvas more advanced than most of his 
colleagues of the Muslim League. Indeed he stood head and shoulders above 
them and he had therefore become the indispensable leader. From public 
platform, he confessed his great dissatisfaction vvith the opportunism and some 
times vvorse feelings of his colleagues. " To be frank, these remarks of Mr. 
Nehru apply vvith equal force to Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, People's Party and his 
vievvs and opinion about the leaders of his party. If "Mr. M. A. Jinnah" and 
"Muslim League" are replaced by "Mr. Bhutto" and the "Pakistan People's 
Party," it vvill hardly make any difference. 

Unfortunately there has been lamentable dearth of leadership in 
Pakistan, the political parties are not vvell founded and the national institutions 
have languished. It is therefore that Pakistan has not produced skillful 
politicians, it has been a perpetual victim of Martial lavv or the rule of 
bureaucrats, therefore the political soil of Pakistan is not fertile enough to 
produce statesmen of high caliber. The brilliant but luckless Suhrawardy of 
East Pakistan vvas not tolerated and he died or vvas got killed in Beirut, as the 
Bengalis say. Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, a political genius vvas also in a way alone like 



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Jinnah. The people of Pakistan loved him and he loved them; but the party 
leadership was never up to the mark, with the solitary exception of young Ms. 
Benazir Bhutto, who too was hardly tolerable after the assassination of her 
illustrious father. A genius has his own ways, even in democratic setup, he 
formulates the policies, convinces the masses and acts upon them, it is not the 
masses who guide their leader. In Muslim League, as well as in Pakistan 
People's Party, Jinnah and Bhutto vvould consult their advisors, but its 
acceptance was not essential. They convinced their executive committees of 
the correctness of their vievvpoint. The mass support was certainly with them 
but the conspirators were busy against the Ceasar and their leaders were busy 
in self-aggrian dismount. When Rome was burning Nero was fiddling, that was 
the leadership of Pakistan. True Jinnah was not the founder of Muslim League, 
but it was he who infused life in the dead body of Muslim League, a Messiah of 
Indian Muslims; and thereafter it came to be recognized as the šole 
representative organization of Muslims by the Britishers and Congress. Bhutto 
founded the People's Party in the teeth of opposition, when more than a dozen 
dravving room political parties were in existence. His success was unimaginable 
according to the political pundits; but he gave a concrete programme to the 
people, struggled day and night against the reactionaries, avvakened the 
hitherto leaderless masses and finally trounced ali the parties in West Pakistan. 

Both were povverful speakers in English, but Mr. Jinnah could not speak 
eloquently in any Indian language. Bhutto picked up Urdu and Sindhi 
immediately and in spite of his limited vocabulary, he made best use of his 
rhetorical gifts. 

Jinnah lived for a short tirne after independence, but did a 
marvelous job to consolidate the crumbling structure of Pakistan. So far the 
foreign relations of Pakistan were concerned, JinnafVs policy was to be friendly 
with the neighbouring countries, the Muslims Countries and the oppressed 
nations. As a statesman he did not trust ali his eggs to be put in one basket as 
Liaquat Ali Khan had done aftervvards. 

Due to his age, ailment and serious domestic problems, the 
Quaid-e-Azam could not visit the countries out of Pakistan. Bhutto was a 
young, a live wire; he visited ali the important countries of the vvorld and 
projected the image of Pakistan. Basically his Foreign Policy persuade the same 
fundamentals as Jinnah had outlined, but to implement them was an onerous 
job, he performed it very tactfully, skillfully with his unusual gifts, he was said 
to be the master of global politics; yes he was. But this coveter had to face 
many hurdles and evils that will be stated else vvhere in this book. 

Both Jinnah and Bhutto prepared to make Pakistan a vvelfare State, 
vvhere people could live vvith honour and throvv away the hegemony of the 
capitalist and feudal lords. The Quaid-e-Azam had made no secret of it, 
because he vvas enjoying the highest status of founding father of the nation, 
but Bhutto preached the very same thing openly and audaciously vvith forceful 



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phraseologies and terminologies. The purpose of these policies was identical. 
Mr. Bhutto pleaded socialism but he was not a Marxist, he vvanted to train the 
party vvorkers, educate the masses politically, bring an end to the Government 
of the elite and establish an egalitarian society in the long run. 

The nearest and the most outstanding personality, who was eligible to 
succeed Jinnah in critical situation of politics, was Zulfikar Ali Bhutto. Though it 
can be said that there was proximity in capacity, but there was distance in 
tirne. Hovvever, one can say that Jinnah had a long experience and education in 
politics and vvorked with political stalvvarts like Dada Bhai Naoroji, Feroz Shah 
Mehta, Gopal Krishna Gokhale, Maulana Mohammed Ali Jauhar and Tilak, but 
Bhutto had no such experience, he was straightaway made minister in the 
cabinet of Ayub Khan's Martial Law and what could he learn from him? AN that 
he had learnt was his own genius coupled with decade's experience of state 
craft and in 1968, he had realized and expressed that it was his blunder of life 
to have joined Ayub Khan. It was a correct statement. But Zulfikar Ali Bhutto 
was only thirty years of age when he joined the Cabinet and he was the only 
Minister from Sindh. At that tirne it was impossible to prophesize as to how 
things vvould take shape. He might have thought that by remaining in political 
povver, he vvould be able to serve the people and also build his ovvn future 
career there by. 

Jinnah vvas totally a self-made man. During the course of his 
education in England, his father, a business man, became a pauper. He had to 
stay continuously in London for years in vievv of the financially strained 
circumstance. Zulfikar Ali vvas the son of a wealthy father, Sir Shahnavvaz 
Khan, therefore, money vvas no problem for him vvhen he vvas in U.S. A. or U.K. 
Mr. Jinnah savv very difficult years in the beginning but he had his way; his 
brilliant advocacy and shares of business in companies made him a wealthy 
politician of India. Bhutto had no vvorries so far finance vvas concerned, but his 
father died before the promulgation of Martial Lavv in 1958 and no body vvas to 
guide him politically. Bhutto family vvas undoubtedly a big feudal family vvith 
very considerable urban properties, but after 1937 vvhen Sir Shahnavvaz Khan 
politically retired, they lost the political paradise. It vvas only after Zulfikar Ali's 
entry in politics that Bhutto family reached the zenith of political povver; but 
the Bhutto family as a vvhole had no contribution in that. It vvas due to his 
personal qualities and capabilities that he rose to the pinnacle of politics in 
Pakistan. The Bhutto family again gained its political prominence surpassing ali 
their past records. Jinnah lived in palatial houses, had fleet of cars, vvore best 
dresses in life; Bhutto vvas born vvith golden spoon in his mouth, the dearest 
child of his father vvas educated in best of the educational institutions and lived 
in luxurious bungalovvs. 

Jinnah ultimately created the largest Muslim State in the vvorld 
and became its unquestionable head, policy maker, guide and the šole 
spokesman. Bhutto enjoyed the absolute majority in Parliament, he vvas the 
most formidable and povverful of ali politicians in Pakistan. But did they lead a 



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life free of vvorries and botheration? Was it a bed of roses or a path of thorns? 
The reply will be definite "no". Both of them fought very tedious and painful 
battles against their strong opponents for the greater part of their life. In their 
historic struggle, there were hundreds of thousands who applauded them and 
raised vociferous slogans. Yes, they were also the most povverful persons of 
their tirne, but the life was an excruciating pain for them. They were not living 
for themselves but for the nation that was being tormented, humiliated and 
degraded, not only by their foes but by their own country men. No body was 
there to share their invisible sufferings and sorrovvs, ali were behaving as cruel 
critics. The nation was facing life and death problems, India their most 
inveterate enemy with the policy of non-violence, was most thirsty to drink 
deep the blood of Pakistan, the coterie of Generals and bureaucrats were 
multiplying the problems, they had divided the nation. Could these great men 
lead a luxurious and carefree life under such exacting and exceptional 
circumstances? The fact is that their mind and soul were occupied with 
profound national miseries, vvhich are vvorse than death. It requires unusual 
courage to suffer them ali through life, struggle relentlessly till the last breath 
of life. 

Mr. Jinnah remained distant, even the leaders of the party were not 
familiar with him, no body could take liberty with him, but ali the same he was 
the uncrovvned king of the Muslims of United India. He was the most popular 
leader of Muslims and Muslim League was the šole representative organization 
of Muslims of India because of him. And yet most of his personal friends were 
non Muslims. But Zulfikar Ali was a very buoyant leader, he was an orator, a 
charming personality, a great political tactician like Jinnah. He totally identified 
himself with masses; sang, danced and clapped with them, raised slogans like 
a vvorker. Hovvever he had his times when he maintained strict protocol and 
nobody could be free with him. Both enjoyed love and respect almost to the 
point of being vvorshipped by their follovvers. But a section of people 
entertained utmost hatred in their hearts and were blood thirsty against them. 
These are indeed the mysterious miracles of the real leadership. 

JINNAH AND BHUTTO FAMILIES 

Zulfikar Ali Bhutto's father was one of the biggest landlords of Sindh. He 
was an important Minister in the Provincial Government of Bombay, as at that 
tirne. Sindh was part and parcel of the Province of Bombay. Sir Shahnavvaz 
Khan Bhutto who was the first man to have participated in modern politics in 
his district Larkana and he had most of his landed property in the District of 
Larkana. From 1924 onvvards he lived for most of the tirne in Bombay with his 
family and got his son Zulfikar Ali educated in Bombay at the initial stage. 

VVriting about his meeting with Miss Fatima Jinnah in 1968, Bhutto 
vvrote: "Fati, as her Great Leader brother always called her, was in the last 
year of her life. She reminisced about JinnafVs friendship with Sir Shahnavvaz, 
the old days in Bombay vvith Dr. Patel and his tea parties." So it is an 



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established fact that Zulfikar Ali Bhutto's father Sir Shahnavvaz and Mr. Jinnah 
were friends. It is also an indisputable fact that Sir Bhutto had fully concurred 
with the political view of Mr. Jinnah and supported vvhenever required. 

In 1938, Mr. Jinnah was invited by the Sindh Muslim Leaders to come 
and organize the AN India Muslim League in the province in order to save the 
Muslims of Sindh from the political annihilation and economic onslaught of 
Hindus who had fully united themselves in order to deprive the Sindhi Muslims 
of the fruits of separation. The Government of Sindh, headed by Mr. Allah 
Baksh Soomro and supported by the Congressites as well as Mahasabhites, 
who were not supportive of the organization along religious lines. Hovvever Mr. 
Jinnah visited some cities even in the interior of Sindh like Jacobabad and 
Larkana. The Government of Sindh had issued instructions to the District 
officials of Sindh to see that Mr. Jinnah was given a lukevvarm vvelcome in the 
Province. But at Jacobabad, a grand function was held by Mir Jafar Khan 
Jamali, a prominent landlord, brave patriot and ardent admirer of Jinnah 
vvithout caring for Governmenfs displeasure. At that tirne I was a študent in 
the Madressah High School. Larkana and he came to address the students of 
High School. I saw him for the first tirne in my life. "I warm you that the 
country is burning, I am ringing the beli and you have to extinguish fire". This 
is ali that I remember what Mr. Jinnah said in that meeting. It will not be out of 
plače to mention that the High School was run by the District Local Board, 
Larkana of vvhich Mr. Nabi Bakhsh Khan Bhutto, cousin of Sir Shahnavvaz Khan 
Bhutto vvas the President. Mr. Jinnah stayed at the house of Nabi Bakhsh Khan 
Bhutto and an address of vvelcome vvas presented to him by the President of 
Local Board in spite of the fact that the Government of Sindh had made ali 
efforts to see that Mr. Jinnah did not get any reception in the Province. Mr. 
Nabi Bakhsh Khan Bhutto vvas also the Member of the Imperial Central 
Legislative Council and had joined the Independent Party in the Council, vvhich 
vvas headed by Mr. Jinnah. It vvas a balancing party betvveen the British 
Government and the All-Indian Congress and had played a very positive and 
constructive role and invariably supported the correct measure and opposed 
the anti-people and outrageous bills and negative attitudes of the congress and 
the British Government in the Assembly. A public meeting vvas also held at 
Larkana vvhich vvas arranged by Mr. M. A. Khuhro and other Muslim League 
leaders. 

It vvas in 1938 that a historic and unprecedented Sindh Provincial 
Muslim League conference vvas held at Karachi, of vvhich Sir Abdullah Haroon 
and G. M. Sayed vvere the moving spirits. The foundation of Muslim League 
vvas thus laid on strong basis in Sindh. The shortsighted AN Indian Congress 
leadership, by its short sightedness vvas novv paving the path for Pakistan. It 
vvas in this historical conference that the Resolution for separate Muslim 
homeland vvas passed. 

Sir Shahnavvaz Bhutto had said goodbye to Sindh in 1937 due to 
his defeat in the Provincial Assembly and he vvas appointed Member of the 



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Public Service Commission in Bombay. Dr. Patel was a prominent physician of 
Bombay and both Mr. Jinnah and Sir Bhutto were not only his clients and 
customers as chronic patients suffering from various ailments, but also his 
intimate friends and enjoyed his hospitality frequently. They used to meet 
quite frequently at the clinic of Dr. Patel. Many other prominent and vvorth 
citizens of Bombay like Parsi industrialist J. R. D. Tata, Sir Covvasjee and the 
Hindu banker S. D. Schroff were also in the list of PateTs patients. The doctor 
used to entertain his friends lavishly and sometimes Zulfikar Ali also 
participated in those meetings. It was inevitable that in meetings of this kind 
there vvould be discussions about Hindu-Muslim Unity. Congress attitude 
tovvards Muslims was the burning topic of the tirne. Questions used to be put to 
Mr. Jinnah about economic and political viability of Pakistan and Jinnah 
ansvvered those questions very convincingly and logically like a very seasoned 
statesman. Zulfikar Ali remembered that they were "the kind of replies that 
made him feel proud to him." 

Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, though a lad in those days, did not remain 
aloof from politics in Bombay and there he became an enthusiastic fan of Mr. 
Jinnah, who was now the Quaid-e-Azam of Indian Muslims. On 26th April 1945 
when seventeen years of age, he vvrote a very emotional letter to the Quaid-e- 
Azam from Mussoorie assuring him of his loyalty and sacrifices for Pakistan. It 
will be profitable to reproduce the letter of Mr. Z. A. Bhutto: 

Charlivile Hotel 
Mussoorie 
April 26, 1940 

Dear Sir, 

The political situation vvhich has taken plače in the Frontier has made me 
so wild and angry that I have found courage to vvrite to my leader. It seems 
that the Mussulmans of today are losing their fighting and martial spirits. 

Mussulmans should realize that the Hindus have never and will never 
unite with us. They are the deadliest enemies of our Koran and our Prophet. 
We should realize that you are our leader, you Sir have brought us under one 
platform and one flag and the cry of every Mussulman should be "Onvvard to 
Pakistan". Our destiny is Pakistan, our aim is Pakistan. We have a capable 
leader in you and nobody can stop us, we are a nation by ourselves and India 
is a Subcontinent. Therefore we must have our rights. 

How can Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah or others such as Dr. Khan Sahib 
call themselves Mussulmans when they fall victim to the Congress policy. It 
breaks my heart when I read the stupid speeches against the League. Are they 
really so ignorant or it is their idea of patriotism? 



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It will take a million such Abdullah's in trying to convince us that our aim 
is vvrong but even then they will not succeed because they do not realize that 
you have inspired us and we are proud of you. 

Being stili in school, I am unable to help in the establishment of our 
sacred land. But the tirne will come when I will even sacrifice my life for 
Pakistan. I belong to the Province of Sindh, undoubtedly Sindh is another 
province vvhich is causing trouble but "Insha Allah" the day will dawn when 
Sindh will turn for the better and play a vital part in our Pakistan. 

Sir I fully realize that you are very busy person and you might not have 
the tirne to read a letter of a school boy leave alone reply it. 

If you think that I am being very foolish then please forgive me but I 
simply had to vvrite to you after realizing those ignorant speeches of impartial 
men. 

I am Your Follovver 
ZULFIKAR ALI BHUTTO 



It may be noted that the word "Follovver" was vvritten in capital letters: 
as a matter of respect and emphasis. 

A Photostat copy of the letter vvhich vvas vvritten by Mr. Zulfikar Ali 
Bhutto in his ovvn hand vvriting is also reproduced for the benefit of the 
readers. Hovv prophetic it proved that he vvould sacrifice his life for Pakistan! 

The political struggle for independence of India vvas at in climax and the 
main participants in its political vvar vvere AN India National Congress and AN 
India Muslim League; Quaid-e-Azam vvas in fact the šole representative of the 
Muslims of India. He vvas treated by Muslims as God-sent gift to guide the 
destiny of Muslims of India and the Congress vvas led by Mr. Gandhi, Mr. Nehru 
and Sardar Patel. The Congress vvas supported by some Muslim leaders also 
but they had no voice and they had nothing to do vvith the policy making of 
Congress and vvere treated as sycophants by the Muslims of India. 

The year 1946 vvas the most crucial year in the history of India vvhen the 
Cabinet Mission visited India under the leadership of Lord Pathik Lavvrence, 
Secretary of State for India along vvith Sir Cripps and Sir Alexander, Ministers 
of the British Cabinet. The Muslim League accepted the proposals of the 
Cabinet Mission and also by the Congress, but immediately thereafter the All- 
India Congress backed out. The British Government, being pro-Congress, 
vvould not like to displease the Congress leadership. 

As against the hostile attitude of All-India Congress and Britishers 
tovvards the Muslims of India, the All-India Muslim League decided to hold 
"Direct Action Day" on 16th August 1946 throughout India. Mr. Jinnah invited 



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Zulfikar Ali Bhutto who was the študent in Bombay in connection with the 
"Direct Action Day." He came along with his group of friends and they talked to 
Mr. Jinnah as to how the "Direct Action Day" vvould be launched in a befitting 
manner. Everyone of them spoke but the advice given them appeared to be 
vague "Everyone talked in circles and vague language, I remarked that 
Bombay was the Maharashtrian stronghold and Elphinstone College was a 
študent fortress of the Maharashtrian militant students. Some action of strike 
in Elphinstone College vvould have tremendous psychological effect." 

Mr. Bhutto vvho vvas the leader of the students succeeded in blockading 
the college entry way. The police vvas called and the Elphinstone College vvas 
ordered to be closed dovvn on the "Direct Action Day". On the next day, ali the 
nevvspapers of Bombay carried the reports on "Direct Action Protest" declaring 
it a singular success. 

In 1946, Sir Bhutto resigned from the Public Service Commission of 
Bombay and joined as Divvan (Prime Minister) of Junagadh State, the majority 
of vvhose population vvas non-Muslim but the ruler vvas a Muslim. Sir Bhutto 
vvas out and out for Muslims League and quite friendly vvith Mr. Jinnah. VVithout 
any hesitation, keeping before himself the vievvs of Mr. Jinnah and the national 
interests. Sir Shahnavvaz Khan Bhutto drafted the documents of accession to 
Pakistan, got them signed by the Navvab of Junagadh and personally handed 
over the same to the Quaid-e-Azam. Nehru and Patel vvere therefore, intensely 
annoyed vvith this accession process launched by Sir Bhutto. Quaid-e-Azam 
expired on llth September 1948 and Zulfikar Ali Bhutto in his letter to Mr. 
M. A. H. Ispahani condoling the demise of his Quaid vvrote. "We have been 
orphaned at this critical moment vvhen vve needed more than any other force, 
the torrential magnanimity of our beloved leader. Though the Quaid is no 
longer vvith us yet his pure and virgin špirit vvill remain forever fertile in our 
mind. His entire life vvas a struggle for the betterment and emancipation of his 
people. 

Again he vvrote another letter to the Pakistan Embassy VVashington. 
"Jinnah is solely responsible for the creation of the State for those vvhom he led 
in the struggle for emancipation of their lives.... The dream of creating of 
Pakistan has been a great dream. The realization of his dream has been 
nothing short of a miracle, for it has been an achievement carried out single- 
handedly. He has led a people vvho vvere thoroughly derelict and disunited and 
depressed. He has been a God-Inspired Man, a man of purity of heart, of 
invariable audacity and unique courage and determination." Mr. Bhutto vvas 
very young, he vvas študent vvhen the Quaid-e-Azam passed away. Mr. Bhutto 
vvas 52 years younger to the Quaid. The demise of Mr. Jinnah vvas a rudest 
shock of life to Mr. Bhutto. 

From the letters and facts briefly narrated above, it is crystal clear that: 



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1. Zulfikar Ali Bhutto even as a študent was deeply involved in the political life 
of his country and povverful Pakistan was the aim of his life. 

2. He was not only against the Hindu hegemony and its leadership, but looked 
with an eye of contempt at those Muslim leaders who opposed the Pakistan 
Movement and supported Mr. Gandhi and Congress as against Mr. Jinnah. 

3. He had implicit faith in the leadership of Quaid-e-Azam Mohammad Ali 
Jinnah and fully shared the political, economic and social concept of 
Pakistan as enunciated by the Quaid publicly and vvanted to construct the 
State on those lines. 

4. Mr. Jinnah was the only Muslim leader in India who could and did unite the 
disarrayed and disorganized Muslims under one banner, with an 
extraordinary courage, determination and far sightedness. For their 
honourable existence, he got the homeland for Muslims as against the joint 
opposition of povverful Congress and the British government ali alone. He 
took his nation wisely and safely to their land beyond the reach of the 
tyrant pharaoh vvho had falsely styled himself as God. 

5. The Muslims of Pakistan stili needed him very badly for consolidating the 
country, as it vvas a newly born nation that required to be nursed by him. 

6. Mr. Bhutto's patriotic sense for his country vvas so strong and intense that 
at the tender age of 17 years, he pledged vvith his leader to lay dovvn his 
life for Pakistan vvhen the tirne came. And later on he actually fulfilled his 
pledge, demonstrating his love and exceptional courage for his country; 
thus his martyrdom vanquished the ruthless Military dictator. 

7. The demise of Quaid-e-Azam, Father of the Nation, came as a rude shock to 
him as it vvas quite untimely and there vvas none to look after the country 
vvhich vvas in grave danger from India the avovved and the strongest foe. 

Before the rejuvenation of Muslim League by Quaid-e-Azam in 
1937, Muslim League vvas nothing and Pandit Javvaharlal Nehru, the President 
of All-India Congress, had refused to recognize it as the šole representative 
organization of Muslims; and again after his demise, it vvas reduced to zero. 
Thus Mr. Bhutto had rightly mentioned in his letter of condolence. "He had led 
a people vvho vvere thoroughly derelict, disunited and depressed. He has been a 
God-sent inspired Man, a man of purity of heart of unbelievable audacity and 
unique courage and determination". Thus; it vvould appear that after Mr. 
Jinnah, it vvas only Z. A. Bhutto vvho knevv the enemies and hovv to deal vvith 
them. 

Ms Benazir Bhutto vvhile speaking about her visit to Simla vvith her 
illustrious father Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, Prime Minister of Pakistan in 1972 on the 



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occasion of his talks with Mrs. Indira Gandhi, Indian Prime Minister about the 
release of nearly 100,000 political prisoners of Pakistan says: 

"I vvondered also if perhaps the presence of the Pakistan 
delegation in Simla sparked more historical memories. It was this very city that 
her father met with Mr. Mohammad Ali Jinnah and Liaquat Ali Khan to carve 
out the boundaries of the new State of Muslim Pakistan from Hindu India." This 
was the last meeting of Mr. Bhutto with Mr. Jinnah. 

So far the family background of the two leaders is concerned, 
Jinnah belonged to a business family that could not prosper in Karachi; they 
were not rolling in riches and wallowing in vvealth like Bhutto family. The family 
of Bhutto was a very rich hand-owning family of Larkana, though they had 
vvitnessed many vicissitudes of life. 

There appear to have many similarities betvveen Bhutto and Nehru 
families. Though ideologically poles apart, belonging to two opposite countries 
at daggers dravvn against each other, Z. A. Bhutto utilized his exceptional 
abilities, rhetoric and diplomacy in the right direction for the emancipation of 
the oppressed through plebiscite in Kashmir as promised by Javvahar Lal Nehru 
the Prime Minister of India; vvhile the Nehru family exercised and exhausted ali 
its influence, brute povver and provvess to stifle the process of plebiscite in 
Kashmir and continued the atrocious Indian rule in Kashmir. 

Javvahar Lal Nehru's father, Pundit Moti Lal Nehru vvas one of the fevv 
most prominent and respected leaders of AN India Congress and vvas a very 
wealthy Barrister. Z. A. Bhutto's father Sir Shahnavvaz Khan vvas also an 
eminent and farsighted politician; and, for about 15 years he vvas an 
unquestionable leader of Sindh, ovvning vast properties and vvealth. Thus 
politics vvas a matter of political legacy for both Javvahar Lal and Zulfikar Ali. 
Both of them received their educational instructions in England and did their 
Bar-at-Lavv in an atmosphere of prosperity unlike Mr. Jinnah. Both of them had 
a fairly deep knovvledge of the vvorld history; vvestern politics and had leanings 
tovvards socialism. 

Javvaharlal Nehru vvas the most outstanding Prime Minister of India, 
served his country to the best of his ability, formulated the foreign policy of 
India, industrialized his country and made India nuclear povver of the vvorld 
during the span of 17 years of his high office. On the other hand, Bhutto 
started his career as Minister in the Martial Lavv, established his vvorld vvide 
reputation by giving nevv dimensions to the foreign policy of Pakistan, tried his 
best to build Pakistan and ultimately became Prime Minister of Pakistan. No 
other Prime Minister of Pakistan vvas so much knovvn throughout the vvorld as 
Bhutto and so vvas the čase of Nehru, both of them vvere the most popular 
Prime Minister of their country. Bhutto further united the Muslim vvorld, vvhich 
acknovvledged him as its leader and gave the gift of "Islamic Bomb" to the 
Muslim VVorld. But it vvas perhaps misfortune of Pakistan that he had taken 



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over the reigns of Pakistan in serious crisis; he had to pick up the pieces of the 
dismembered Pakistan. VVhile his efforts to unify the Muslim Countries and 
cultivate friendship with China, the newly avvakened vvorld giant, he had to face 
very tough opposition from the West, for vvhich he had to pay heavily and his 
Prime Ministership continued for about five year. Javvaharlal had not to face 
such situation, the West was very sympathetic and highly helpful for him and 
he remained in office for nearly two decades. This length of tirne was enough 
to build India. The job of Zulfikar Ali was therefore enormous and he had to 
tread the thorniest political path; vvhile Nehru was placed in a much 
comfortable situation. It is also an admitted fact Nehru did not enjoy those 
oratorical gifts, vvhich vvere conferred on the fiery speaker. But it vvas beyond 
doubt that Nehru vvas a seasoned politician and a great vvriter. Zulfikar Ali 
Bhutto, vvho could turn tables on his opponents, died an unnatural and 
untimely death at a young age of about 50 years, vvhile Nehru lived for about 
75 years and died his natural death. Bhutto's "judicial murder" proved a 
calamity for Pakistan. 

FAMILIES OF JAVVAHARLAL AND 
ZULFIKAR ALI BHUTTO 

Soon after the death of Javvahar Lal Nehru, his foreign educated 
daughter Indira Gandhi became the Indian Prime Minister in October 1965 and 
she is credited vvith dismemberment of Pakistan in December 1971. But Bhutto 
did not have high opinion of her as it vvas in čase of Pundit Nehru: 

"To me she's is a mediocre vvoman, vvith a mediocre intelligence. There 
is nothing great about her, only the country she governs is great. I mean it's 
that throne that makes her seem tali, though actually she is very small. And 
also the name she bears. Believe me, if she vvere Prime Minister of Ceylon, 
she'd be nothing but another Mrs. Bandaranaike. And if she vvere Prime 
Minister of Israel.... Come novv, I wouldn't dare compare her to Golda Meir. 
Golda is far too superior." 

The remark vvas resented by Indira Gandhi. Indira Gandhi, hovvever, vvas 
killed by her Sikh body guards in November 1984 vvhen she vvas Prime Minister 
of India. She left tvvo sons namely Sanjay Gandhi (1946 - 80) and Rajiv 
Gandhi (1944 - 91). It vvas knovvn throughout India that Sanjay vvas being 
trained as political heir of Indira Gandhi. But he died in 1980 vvhile piloting his 
ovvn plane, it is said that the plane crash vvas a conspiracy against the family. 
After the death of the Indira Gandhi, she vvas succeeded by her son Rajiv vvho 
vvas a pilot in Indian Airlines for over ten years and he had married an Italian 
girl namely Sonia Maino vvho is novv popularly knovvn as Sonia Gandhi. But 
unfortunately, Rajiv vvas assassinated during political rally in Madras in May 
1991. Presenting Sonia Gandhi has been elected President of the AN India 
Congress on the pressing request from the top Congress leaders and vvorkers. 
Sanjay's Gandhi vvidovv Manika Gandhi is also very much in the arena of Indian 
politics, stepping in the shoes of her husband and the Gandhi family, in 



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opposition to AN India Congress. Thus Monika and Sonia Gandhi are poles apart 
from each other in India Politics. It will be relevant to mention that Sanjay had 
named his son Feroze Varun after the name of his father Feroze Gandhi. 
Corning to Bhutto family, it will be recalled that the eldest and most brilliant 
daughter of Z. A. Bhutto, Ms. Benazir Bhutto struggled relentlessly and 
incessantly against the dictatorial regime of Zia-ul-Haq in spite of the fact that 
she was jailed several times and had to suffer the rigorous of Martial Law. The 
two sons of Mr. Bhutto, namely Mir Murtaza (1954 - 96) and Shahnavvaz (1958 
- 85), the latter having been named after his grandfather, were living in exile 
after the martyrdom of their father and continued their struggle against Zia 
regime outside Pakistan. Shahnavvaz died in France under mysterious 
circumstances. Mir Murtaza having been elected member of Sindh Provincial 
Assembly in 1993 in absentia returned to Pakistan, but he vvas killed on 
September 20, 1996. Thus both the sons of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto died at a very 
young age like those of Indira Gandhi. Ghanvva Bhutto, the vvidovv of Mir 
Murtaza, has formed Shaheed Bhutto Peoples Party in opposition to Pakistan 
People Party led by Benazir Bhutto, but she is no match for the brilliant 
Benazir. Ms. Benazir Bhutto fought general elections in Pakistan and vvas tvvice 
elected as Prime Minister of Pakistan in 1988 and 1993, but on both occasions 
the National Assembly vvas dissolved by the President of Pakistan. She is very 
courageous and struggling bravely against the party in povver that has filed 
countless cases against her, in order to oust her from politics and virtually ruin 
her. But she remains the most remarkable politician of Pakistan. Looking to the 
facts briefly narrated above, it vvould be abundantly clear that there are many 
similarities betvveen the tvvo celebrated families of the Sub-Continent. At 
present both the families are out of povver and struggling for their comeback in 
povver. These are the tvvo legendary families of the subcontinent. 



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CHAPTER 4 
After the Quaid 

"M/e understand death for the first tirne, when he puts his hand 
upon one whom we love" 

De Stael 

The death of Quaid-e-Azam on September 11, 1948 left Pakistan an 
orphan, many imminent problems remained unsolved. There was no leader of 
national stature to whom the people of Pakistan could look for the safe 
guidance of the hard-earned state of Pakistan. The man of destiny had 
departed from this vvorld. The young Zulfikar Ali Bhutto was a študent, far from 
practical national politics; but the demise of great Jinnah was a rude shock of 
life to him and the entire nation. 

Liaquat Ali Khan, who had remained the General Secretary of AN India 
Muslim League and was nominated as Prime Minister of Pakistan, had not come 
up to the expectations of Jinnah, therefore the Quaid was not pleased with his 
performance Chaudary Mohammad Ali, Secretary General to the Government 
of Pakistan vvrites: 

"There was, it was true, a big gulf betvveen the Quaid-e-Azam and his 
cabinet colleagues, including the Prime Minister, but that arose from the 
loftiness of his intellect and the greatness of his position, as the Father of the 
Nation." 

Now let us see what was the version of Miss Jinnah when Liaquat Ali 
Khan went to the Quaid at the tirne of his fatal ailment in Ziarat in July 1948, 
along with Chaudary Mohammad Ali. About the Quaid she mentions: 

"Fati, so you know, why he has come? I said I wouldn't be able to guess 
the reason. He said "He vvants to know how serious my sickness is. How long I 
will last"." 

When she was sitting at the dinner table on her brother's insistence, she 
vvrites: 

"I found the Prime Minister on the dinner table in a jolly mood, cracking 
jokes and laughing, vvhile I shivered vvith fright about his health, vvho vvas 
alone in his sick bed." 



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Quaid-e-Azam had ignored H. S. Suharawardy a brilliant, administratively 
experienced political leader from East Pakistan and appointed Liaquat Ali Khan 
as Prime Minister. But the latter could not rise to the level of a national leader 
and was counting the days of his great leader. It was very unfair on his part. 

"Another unvvise political step taken by Navvabzada Liaquat Ali at the 
instance of his life, was sending his resignation from the office of the Prime 
Minister. What happened was that the Quaid-e-Azam had chided Raana at 
dinner saying that she was assuming false airs of importance by posting as the 
senior lady in Pakistan, vvhich she was not and that the senior person was his 
sister Fatima Jinnah who had stood by him through thick and thin. The copy of 
Liaquat Ali's letter of resignation dated 27-12-1947, is in Quaid-e-Azam's 
Archives and vvhich shovvs that Liaquat's vvife vvas overpovvering, even in 
political matters and she could influence her husband to take such vital political 
decisions". 

The learned author Lavvrence Ziring vvrites: 

"There vvas little vvonder that skeptics believed that the country vvould 
crumble, and indeed, had it not been for JinnafVs large presence and his 
capacity to motivate sacrifice on a grand scale, Pakistan may have collapsed 
vvithin vveeks of independence. Jinnah vvas taken up vvith enormous problems 
facing the nation and could not, like Gandhi, remove himself from the political 
picture. But his health vvas in a stage of precipitous decline " 

Further he goes on to vvrite: 

"After independence had been achieved, Jinnah sensed he had judged 
in-correctly. Liaquat had shovvn himself to be a less than forceful personality 
and Jinnah assumed his povvers. Although angered by the undermining of his 
office, Liaquat vvas in no position to challenge JinnafVs authority. Liaquat's 
inability to maintain the integrity of his office, gave the Governor GeneraTs 
position, an importance that vvas not foreseen in the parliamentary condition 
that Pakistan sought to operate". 

It is not necessary to plače more material on the point, but it stands 
abundantly proved that Liaquat did not posses the vision and ability of a Prime 
Minister. He vvanted to be Pundit Nehru of Pakistan, but that vvas ali fanciful. 
Mr. Jinnah had done a unique honour to him and he had nothing personal 
against Liaquat; ali that he demanded vvas that his country must not suffer. 

The biggest blunder of Liaquat Ali Khan vvas that he did not or could not 
mould the people into one Pakistani nation. VVhether he lacked that ability, or 
did it purposely, is a matter, vvhich requires dispassionate study and thinking. 



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ANTAGONISED RUSSIA 

Liaquat Ali Khan had committed a Himalayan blunder in global matters 
by not going to Russia in 1949 when he was invited by them at his instance 
and he had agreed and the dates were fixed for the visit. On the contrary, he 
accepted a much later American invitation, went to U.S. A. and never visited 
Russia. 

No seasoned Prime Minister could annoy and insult a povverful neighbour 
like Russia, vvhose invitation was much prior in tirne. This result of this 
unvvarranted refusal was ultimately the dismemberment of Pakistan and 
America did not come to Pakistan's rescue against this national disaster, in 
spite of defence alliance. 

BUNGLINGS IN KASHMIR 

Kashmir is the lifeline of Pakistan, because ali the rivers of Pakistan take 
off from this land. The principle, on vvhich the United India was partitioned, 
was that the Muslim majority areas vvould go to Pakistan and vice versa. The 
Quaid-e-Azam himself was extremely vvorried about it. In fact Sardar Patel, 
who was in charge of States, was of the same opinion. Chaudary Mohammad 
Ali vvrites: 

"Patel could not contain himself and burst out". "Why do you compare 
Junagadh with Kashmir? Talk of Hyderabad and Kashmir and we could reach an 
agreement." Patel's view at this tirne and even later on was that India's effort 
to retain Muslim majority areas against the will of the people could not be a 
source of strength, but of vveakness of India. He felt that if India and Pakistan 
mutually agreed to let Kashmir go to Pakistan and Hyderabad to India, the 
problems of Kashmir and Hyderabad could be solved peacefully and to the 
mutual advantage of India and Pakistan". 

It was quite a realistic and reasonable view. This discussion had taken 
plače at Delhi betvveen Liaquat Ali and Patel and according to Chaudary 
Mohammad Ali who was in the midstream of politics knew the facts thoroughly. 
Sardar Shaukat Hayat Khan has mentioned in his book as under about the 
Kashmir episode: 

"Later during the attack on Kashmir, Mountbatten came to Lahore. At a 
dinner attended by Liaquat, Governor Mudy and four Ministers of Punjab, Lord 
Mountbatten conveyed the message from Patel, the strong man of India, 
asking Liaquat to abide by the Rules over the future of Indian States previously 
agreed upon betvveen the Congress and the Muslim League, that those states 
vvhose subjects made up of a majority of a community and the state vvas 
contiguous and adjoining a Dominion vvould accede to the adjoining country. 
Patel had said that Pakistan could take Kashmir and let go Hyderabad Deecan 
vvhich had a majority Hindu population and vvas no vvhere near Pakistan by sea 



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or land. Mountbatten went to sleep in the Lahore Government House 

Navvabzada turned round to me and said "Sardar Sahib, have I gone mad to 
give up Hyderabad State vvhich is much larger than the Punjab for the sake of 
the rocks of Kashmir"? 

"I was stunned by the Prime Minister's reaction and ignorance of our 
geography and his lack of vvisdom. I thought, he was living in a fooTs paradise 
and did not understand the importance of Kashmir to Pakistan, vvhile hoping to 
get Hyderabad.... As a protest, I resigned from the position, I was holding 
Kashmir operation". 

If we keep the version of Chaudary Mohammad Ali, Lavvrence Ziring and 
Shaukat Hayat in juxtaposition; there will be no hesitation in saying that 
Liaquat Ali was also responsible for the loss of Kashmir. 

Sardar Shaukat Hayat has made follovving shocking and startling 
disclosure in his book: 

"Actually Quaid lost his temper with Liaquat for not sending Kashmir 
papers to him and Dr. Illahi Bakhsh had to intervene in the interest of his 
patient. This fact was mentioned in Dr. Illahi Bakhsh's book. "With the Quaid- 
e-Azam in his last days".; but later those pages were replaced on Liaquat's 
orders. I found them missing even in the Punjab Public Library, vvhere the 
original book had been kept in a safe. When the Librarian obliged me by taking 
it out, I was surprised, that those particular pages had been removed and 
replaced with others amateurishly stuck in plače with a piece of stravv. Liaquat 
had vvarned Dr. Illahi Bakhsh not to divulge the facts of his conversation with 
Quaid-e-Azam to anyone or he vvould have to face dire consequences. Dr. Illahi 
Bakhsh was later found dead in the Flashman Hotel Ravvalpindi during his 
visit." 

CONSTITUTION MAKING 

In more than four years of his Prime Ministership, Liaquat Ali Khan, did 
not frame the constitution, with the result that the problems multiplied and the 
conflict betvveen the East and West vvings go more and more serious; vvhile 
India, in spite of its multifarious problems, framed the constitution by the end 
of 1949 and the general elections vvere held in 1950 and thereafter they are 
held regularly, consequently democracy vvas finished in Pakistan for ali 
practical purpose and political stability vvas seriously jeopardized. 

Sardar Shaukat Hayat assigns follovving reason for its delay: 

"He delayed the completion of constitution to avoid elections vvhich he 
could not vvin because he had no seat in Pakistan and had to be elected by East 
Pakistan.../' 



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This action of Liaquat was quite partial allovving only people from his old 
province and the adjoining area to migrate unfairly into Pakistan in order to 
create a seat for himself in Karachi. The people of the rest of India were left to 
stew in their own juice. 

This act of his created a lot of confusion with people getting allotments 
in Sindh vvithout records, on each others dubious evidence. These refugees got 
a monopoly of jobs in the cities and deprived local Pakistanis of their rightful 
share. The political instability stili persists." 

His only achievement in four years was "Objectives Resolution" vvhich is 
as under: 

Speech of Liaquat Ali Khan and Objectives Resolution 

(1949) "In the name of Allah, the Beneficent, the Merciful"; 

VVhereas sovereignty over the entire universe belongs to God Almighty 
alone and the authority vvhich He has delegated to the State of Pakistan 
through its people for being exercised vvithin the limit prescribed by Him is a 
sacred trust; 

This Constituent Assembly representing the people of Pakistan resolves 
to frame a constitution for the Sovereign Independent State of Pakistan; 

VVherein the State shall exercise its povver an authority through the 
chosen representatives of the people; 

VVherein the principles for democracy, freedom, equality, tolerance and 
social justice, as enunciated by Islam, shall be fully observed; 

VVherein the Muslims shall be enabled to order their lives in the 
individual and collective spheres in accord vvith the teachings and requirements 
of Islam as set out in the Holy Quran and the Sunna; 

VVherein adequate provision shall be made for the minorities free to 
profess and practice their religions and develop their cultures; 

Whereby the territories novv included in or in accession vvith Pakistan 
and such other territories as many hereafter be included in or acceded to 
Pakistan shall form a Federation vvherein the units vvill be autonomous vvith 
such boundaries and limitations on their povvers and authority as may be 
prescribed; 

VVherein shall be guaranteed fundamental rights including equality of 
status, of opportunity before lavv, social, economic and political justice and 
freedom of thought, expression belief, faith, vvorship and association, subject 
to lavv and public morality; 



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VVherein adequate provision shall be made to safeguard the legitimate 
interests of minorities and backvvard and depressed classes; 

VVherein the independence of the judiciary shall be fully secured; 

VVherein the integrity of the territories of the Federation, its 
independence and ali its rights including its sovereign rights on land, sea and 
air shall be safeguarded; 

So that the people of Pakistan may prosper and attain their rightful and 
honoured plače amongst the nations of the VVorld and make their full 
contribution tovvards international peace and progress and happiness of 
humanity. 

Sir, consider this to be a most important occasion in the life of this 
country, next in importance only to the achievement of independence, because 
by achieving independence, we only won an opportunity of building up a 
country and its polity in accordance with our ideals. But the Objectives 
Resolution though apparently Islamic was not Islamic in essence. 

According to Justice Mohammad Munir, the Objective Resolution is a 
clear deviation from the ideas of the Quaid-e-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah and 
from the interpretation of Islamic State by Allama Dr. Mohammad Iqbal. VVhile 
quoting the speeches of Quaid, he has referred to his broadcast to the United 
States. 

"I do not know what the ultimate form of constitution is going to be, but 
I am sure, it will be democratic type embodying the essential principles of 
Islam. Today they are as applicable in actual life, as they were 1,300 years 
ago. Islam and its idealism have taught us democracy. It has taught equity, 
justice and fairplay to every body. VVe are the inheritors of these glorious 
traditions and are fully alive to our responsibility as framers of the 
constitution". 

In his address to Civil and Military officers at Karachi, on October 19, 
1947, he described the new State as one in vvhich "we can live and breath as 
free man and vvhich vve could develop according to our ovvn rights and culture, 
vvhere principles of Islamic social justice could find fair play." 

Justice (Retd) Javed Iqbal, son of Allama Mohammad Iqbal, says 
"Secularism vvas once derided by the orthodox Muslims but is novv considered 
to be an integral part of Islam. According to Islam the spiritual and temporal 
obligations are not only connected vvith each other but it is incumbent on every 
Muslim to constantly endeavor to realise the spiritual values vvhile performing 
the temporal obligations hence secularism is an integral part of Islam and it is 
for this reason that the Islamic State assimilates the equalities of ideal secular 



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state/' In fact the corruption and fraud multiplied in the days of Liaquat Ali 
through Rehabilitation Department and it went on spreading like cancer to 
other Departments. But it must be admitted that there was no allegation of 
dishonesty in money matter against Liaguat Ali personally. 



RAVVALPINDI CONSPIRACY ČASE 

It seems that this čase itself was the result of a sinister conspiracy. 

"Major Ishaq in an intervievv on May 6, 1972 gives a summary of the 
events, vvhich he believed, led to the dissatisfaction amongst certain groups, in 
the army. He vvrites, "we had broken through Indian defences when a sudden 
halt was ordered. The Army units and formations in other parts of Kashmir, 
went through a similar experience. Every body felt miserable, Indian Army 
formations in Kashmir got stuck in the mountains vvithout reliable logistic 
support and we got right on the top of them. Then suddenly, cease-fire was 
announced, effective from January 1, 1949/' 

Major Ishaq was one of the accused and their leader was Major General 
Akbar Khan, Brigadier in 1949 and engaged in the war against India in 
Kashmir. "The beginning of this conspiracy according to these documents could 
to traced as far as mid of July 1949 " 

"In March 21, 1951, the Ravvalpindi conspiracy (Special Tribunal) Act, 
termed by a judge as one of the most in-human in legal history was passed by 
the Constituent Assembly. According to the act, the accused was to be allovved 
no appeal against their sentences. Sentences of any length could be imposed 
on the convicted persons". 

Judgment was announced on 5th January 1953 and accused were 
convicted with different sentences. 

Ayub Khan, who was made Commander-in-Chief by Liaquat Ali in 
January 1951, was also hostile to Akbar Khan and the conspiracy čase was the 
result of the combined efforts of these higher ups. It is surprising that 
conspiracy was alleged to be hatched in 1949 and the investigation took two 
years to be completed; even Akbar Khan's wife the daughter of Begum 
Shahnavvaz, was accused in the čase. What a mockery of justice! In čase 
Liaquat Ali had not ordered cease-fire to Pakistan forces with effect from 
1.1.1949, entire Kashmir vvould have been an integral part of Pakistan; and the 
heavy defence expenditure incurred in the name of Kashmir vvould not have 
broken the back of Pakistan's economy. Thus Kashmir vvas lost, innocent 
people vvere convicted and the Pakistan Army vvas demoralized. 



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ELECTIONS IN PUNJAB 

Bhutto was accused of rigging the elections, vvhich ended in manipulated 
results, imposition of Martial Lavv, removal of Bhutto from Prime Ministership, 
though he was prepared for fresh elections and dissolution of Assembly. 
Thereafter, a murder čase was foisted on him and he was savagely treated in 
jail and sentenced to hanging by the superior courts of Pakistan, vvhich vvas 
universally condemned. It vvas ali done in the name of Justice and Islam! 

In 1950, Provincial elections vvere held in Punjab, in vvhich the vvhole- 
sale massive slaughter of democracy vvas caused officially. Sardar Shaukat 
Hayat vvrites: 

"Here rigging vvas done officially - he personally over savv the elections 
in order to get his favourite candidate Mian Mumtaz Daultana to succeed 
against the Navvab of Mamdot vvho had formed the Jinnah-Avvami League vvith 
Shaheed Suhrawardy, I vvas told personally by the presiding officer in Vehari, 
vvhere Mumtaz had contested, that he spent the vvhole day marking bogus 
ballots in favour of Mumtaz, as did many other officers in other constituties.... 
Thus Liaquat has the dubious honour of initiating dishonesty in elections/' 

The facts are supported by Dr. Safdar Mahmood: 

"In the elections, Sardar Abdur Rab vvas the Governor of Punjab. On 
account of his personal nobility and being former reliable lieutenant of the 
Quaid-e-Azam, even his political opponents respected him. But vvhen during 
the days of his Governorship, there vvas lot of rigging in many constituencies 
and the official machinery notoriously supported the Muslim League 
candidates, his admirers vvere rudely shocked and surprised". This version of 
rigging has been more strongly supported by Qudratullah Shahab vvho vvas 
Deputy Commissioner in Punjab in those times. 

DESTROYS MUSLIM LEAGUE 

No country can be run vvithout a fully disciplined, united and organized 
party. The League vvas nothing before the Quaid-e-Azam, but vvhen he 
organized it, the party vvas reckoned as an indefeasible force by Congress as 
vvell as the Britishers. Such strong party vvas a 'must' even after independence, 
but Liaquat Ali ruined it, Dr. Safdar Mahmood vvrites: 

"Liaquat Ali Khan adopted ali means openly in favour of Qayyum Khan. 
Most of the Members of the Provincial Muslim League belonging to Jhagra 
group vvere not allovved to enter the hali vvhere election vvas being held/' 

"But in spite of it, Qayyum Khan vvon by a majority of 18 votes only and 
slogans of "Lion of N.VV.F.P. Zindabad" vvere raised. It vvas his personal victory, 



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but there was multiplication of division and destruction in the organization 
vvhich he presided". 

It was really lamentable that a man like Liaquat Ali, successor to the 
Quaid-e-Azam threvv away the staircase by vvhich he had ascended to the most 
important and dignified office of the first Prime Ministership of Pakistan. 
Qayyum Khan acted very ruthlessly and negatively in the administration and 
the party affairs. Pir Manki Shareef, vvho had played tremendous role in the 
Pakistan movement, had to say good bye to the party and joined Suhrawardy. 
This "Lion" vvas so vveak-hearted that in the days of Ayub Khan, he gave his 
apology in vvriting for getting himself released. 

Liaquat Ali literally abused the Bengalis and called them traitor and Mars; 
he got Suhrawardy the most talented politician of Pakistan illegally and 
unconstitutionally removed from the membership of National Assembly, vvhich 
created deep resentment in East Pakistan. So the process of Yot' had crept in 
the body politics of Pakistan right from the days of Liaquat Ali and thereafter 
the situation vvent on vvorsening and vvorsening. Liaquat Ali vvas after ali a 
politician, he vvas General Secretary of the Muslim League in the United India; 
and much vvas expected of him. His ovvn Cabinet vvas a "divided house" he lost 
his grip over the administration and in-discipline had engulfed the country. He 
himself fell victim to the tragic assassination in Ravvalpindi on 16 October 1951 
vvhen he rose to address a public meeting. This daring and dastardly murder 
vvas said to be the result of conspiracy by his influential and criminal 
colleagues. But the murder of Prime Minister vvent unpunished, even its first 
information report is not on record. 

The state of affairs thereafter, is depicted by Mr. G.W. Choudhury: 

"Ever since the death of Quaid-e-Azam and Liaquat Ali Khan, politician 
started a free-for-all type of fighting. They vvaged ceaseless and bitter vvar 
against each other, regardless of the iN effects on the country just to vvhet 
their appetites. There has been no limit to baseness, chicanery, deceit and 
degradation. Having nothing to offer, they had provincial feelings, sectarian, 
religions and racial differences to set a Pakistani, against a Pakistani, the result 
is total administrative economics, political chaos in the country". 

The political history of Pakistan vvas far from being bright. In 1971, it 
vvas the darkest chapter of our history. The largest Muslim State vvas 
dismembered and Mr. Bhutto took charge of West Pakistan as Pakistan that 
vvas 44 percent of the Quaid-e-Azam's Pakistan, in a shabby, shameful and 
shattered state. For the first tirne, he had organized the biggest political party 
in Pakistan (West Pakistan) on 1-12-1967, gave a nevv programme, to the 
people, nevv dimensions to the state and nevv hope to Muslim VVorld and the 
Third VVorld. It is again a profoundly painful and poignant part of Pakistan's 
history that the savior of the soil had to sacrifices his life after suffering ali the 
torments and tortures of the vvorld at the hands of his executioners. 



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CHAPTER 5 
The Draconian Rule in Pakistan 

"/Vo man undertakes a trade he has not learned even the 
meanest, yet every one thinks himself sufficiently qualified for the 
hardest of ali trades that of Government/' 

Socrates 

Thirty percent of the Army of United India was dravvn from amongst the 
Muslims and they were mostly from Punjab; and some from North West 
Frontier Province, but none of those Muslim officers enjoyed the rank above 
that of a Brigadier. Ayub Khan was a colonel at the tirne of independence. If 
there had been no Pakistan, he vvould have retired simply as an unknovvn 
colonel or at the most a Brigadier. But Pakistan came into being in 1947 
through purely democratic process under the superb leadership of Quaid-e- 
Azam. In January 1951, he was promoted by Liaquat Ali Khan as Commander- 
in-Chief of the, Pakistan Army though he did not have credible record of 
service. Two Officers senior to him had died in an air crash. It seems that he 
was not promoted on the basis of his efficiency as a soldier but on extraneous 
grounds as a political leader. If Ayub Khan was inefficient as soldier, how could 
he run the largest Muslim State of the vvorld. It was perhaps a tragic day for 
Pakistan when the Prime Minister of Pakistan made him the Commander-in- 
Chief of Pakistan Army in January 1951. In 1947, he was appointed in the 
Boundary Commission Force by the British Government to control the situation 
in East Punjab and protect the Muslims. But he miserably failed to provide any 
protection to the Muslims of East Punjab. "Ayub Khan came in for a great deal 
of criticism for his failure to come to the assistance of Muslims who were 
trapped and massacred in East Punjab. Ayub's pleas of helplessness received 
no sympathy." 

It will be relevant here to mention Sardar Shaukat Khan's contention 
about Ayub Khan's efficiency: 

"At this tirne, the Boundary Force came into being and Brigadier 
Digambir Singh from India and from our side, Colonel Ayub Khan were selected 
as the respective representatives of the two countries vvorking under the 
orders of Generals Reece whom. I had knovvn him as the Brigade Commander 
in Palestine. Later he had gone to Burma to command a Division. He called me 
and said: 



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"Shaukat vvhatever has come over your people, that against the fine 
soldier that India has selected to represent their country on the Boundary 
Force, you have selected a man whom I had sent back from Burma when he 
shovved tactical timidity soon after the death of his Commanding Officer? He 
was therefore posted to the training command in India. How do you expect him 
to be of any assistance to you and how could I learn to depend on his vvisdom 
after what he had done in the past? 

It seems evident that after the death of Liaquat Ali, Ayub Khan 
entertained the ambition of becoming dictator of Pakistan. In 1953 Ayub Khan 
covertly entered into the political life of Pakistan. In 1953, in conspiracy with 
and at the behest of Governor General of Pakistan Malik Ghulam Mohammad, 
the willy knave physically paralysed, unable to vvrite, walk and talk, they 
removed the honest, respectable and sincere though a weak associate of the 
Quaid-e-Azam i.e. Khavvaja Nazimuddin of East Pakistan from the Prime 
Ministership of Pakistan at the cost of annoyance of the majority wing of East 
Pakistan, in April 1953 and appointed an East Pakistani puppet Prime Minister, 
Muhammad Ali Bogra, who was Pakistan's ambassador in U.S. A. The Chief 
Executive of Pakistan was thus appointed like a government servant. 

The real position is that from 1951, soon after the assassination of 
Liaquat Ali Khan, there developed and ambition in Ayub Khan's mind to 
become the dictator of Pakistan and this fact is evident in his own 
autobiography. According to him he met His Highness Sir Agha Khan in Niče in 
1951 and Agha Khan said to him, "You have got Pakistan after great sacrifice. 
You do not want to lose it. But if parliamentary system is the one you are 
going to follovv, you will lose Pakistan. I have called you here to teli you that 
you will lose it in this way and you are the one person who can save it." But 
this version of Ayub Khan is very clearly preposterous and fabricated. If Agha 
Khan had advised him as such, he vvould have naturally mentioned it in his 
autobiography published after 1951. if it had been so, he could have tendered 
the same advice to Quaid-e-Azam and Mr. Liaquat Ali Khan too who was Prime 
Minister of Pakistan for more than four years. Quaid-e-Azam was a staunch 
supporter of the parliamentary system in Pakistan and Agha Khan could not 
have over ruled a politician and parliamentarian of vast experience like Mr. 
Jinnah. A great personality like Sir Agha Khan who had served the cause of 
Muslims throughout the vvorld and especially in the United India rated Mr. 
Jinnah above the high ranking state like Lloyd George, VVinston Churchill, 
Prime Ministers of British Empire, Clemenceau, President of France, Mr. Gandhi 
and Mussolini of Italy in his autobiography. According to Ayub, Agha Khan's 
opinion about Jinnah was "He took the right decision, at the right tirne. You can 
see his breadth of vision, how great he was, a man of tremendous 
determination and sense of purpose. Once he made up his mind, he put every 
thing into it. I wish he had lived." But the founding father was a firm believer 
in Parliamentary democratic system and he had remained a very prominent 
and vocal member of the Central Legislature for about 35 years, playing very 
positive role. He fought and achieved Pakistan when there was democracy of 



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parliamentary system and his glorious and historic victory was result of a 
democratic vote and not through a war vvaged by generals. 



Why were the guidelines of the Quaid totally ignored? 

If for argumenfs sake this statement of Ayub Khan is believed to be 
true, then it proves conclusively that Liaquat Ali Khan was not able enough to 
strengthen Pakistan and that Pakistan was not fit for democracy. 

In 1954 General Ayub Khan was made Defence Minister of Pakistan 
besides his rank as Commander-in-Chief of Pakistan. Such an appointment was 
repugnant to ali recognized democratic traditions. It was now as clear as day 
light that Ayub Khan became the virtual master of the country. He kicked the 
ladder of democracy / vvhich had elevated him to the rank of Commander-in- 
Chief; thus virtually the democracy and even the political, economic and social 
systems came to an unceremonious and sad end. The Assemblies including the 
Constituent Assembly existed only in name. They were no better than rubber 
stamps and the people of Pakistan could clearly visualize that the country was 
being ruled by a coterie of some Generals and bureaucrats like Ayub Khan, 
Ghulam Mohammad and Iskander Mirza; and the old guard was practically 
ousted. Hovvever in September 1954, the Constituent Assembly did frame a 
constitution, quite democratic in nature, divesting the Governor General of ali 
his arbitrarily assumed povvers, vvhich according to Quaid-e-Azam vvas a "full 
and complete sovereign body." Annoyed and abusive Ghulam Muhammad 
declared emergency and dissolved the Constituent Assembly. This shameful 
political decoity vvas challenged by Maulvi Tamizuddin Khan, President of the 
dissolved Constituent Assembly in Sindh Chief Court. AN credit to the Chief 
Court that set aside the dissolution of Assembly; it vvas vvise, patriotic and 
legally correct judgment. The relevant portion reads as under: 

"I have no doubt in my mind that there is no limit imposed upon the 
legislative povvers of the Constituent Assembly, sitting as a constitution making 
body. No assent of the Governor General vvas therefore necessary." Mr. Jinnah 
had already made it clear in his speech to the members of the Constituent 
Assembly." 

The judgment vvas fully in keeping vvith the interpretation put by Mr. 
Jinnah about the povvers of the Constituent Assembly, no deviation from it 
could be possible or permissible. 

But the Federal Court Judges earned a permanent curse of the people 
and destroyed their ovvn motherland, vvhen they set aside the Judgment of the 
Sindh Chief Court and demolished the future of Pakistan. I vvould like to quote 
Sardar Shaukat Hayat: 



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"Unfortunately the Supreme Court at that tirne was presided over by 
Chief Justice Munir, a kakezai clansman of Ghulam Mohammad, who in my 
opinion pronounced the most perverse judgment in the history of law by 
reversing Sindh High Court decision under a newly coined term, the Law of 
Necessity, vvhich is unique in the history of Anglo-Saxon Jurisprudence. The 
Supreme Court Judgment was almost akin to the Fatvva given by some Ulemas 
after the murder of Hazrat Imam Hussain in favour of Yazeed's elevation to the 
caliphate." Immediately on announcement of this Judgment, Hyder Bakhsh 
Jatoi, top Hari leader of Sindh, vvrote a highly critical and condemning 
pamphlet in English calling it as an anti-Pakistani announcement, but the 
Federal Court had no moral courage to initiate contempt of court proceedings 
against him. The paralysed leadership of Pakistan was totally tongue tied. Mr. 
Jatoi vvrote: 

"Justice Munir has failed in his duties. He has violated his oath of office, 
he has betrayed Pakistan and the cause of democracy and course of justice in 
Pakistan. Such a man should not remain in our judiciary any longer." It vvas a 
most condemning criticism; he should have taken proceedings against brave 
and truthful Hyder Baksh Jatoi if it amounted to interference vvith 
administration of justice, or alternatively the only honourable option for him 
vvas to resign from the august office of Chief Judge." 

Credit goes to Mr. Justice Cornelius the only non-Muslim Judge of the 
Federal Court vvho vvrote a dissenting judgment. In 1954, the helpless and 
impotent National Assembly of Pakistan merged ali Provinces of West Pakistan 
into one unit that is the Province of West Pakistan in the name of unifying the 
people and integrating the country. Ayub vvho vvas brute force behind making 
one unit, says: "I do not claim one unit vvas entirely my idea; other people too 
vvere talking about it. But my contribution vvas that vvhen I joined the Cabinet, 
I vvanted to vvork for clear tvvo objectives: to save the armed forces from 
interference of the politicians and to unify the provinces of West Pakistan into 
one unit. I pressed very hard for it and initiated the process of merger of the 
provinces/' 

The fact is that it vvas ali against the vvill of smaller provinces vvho had 
been hating the vested interests of Punjab as usurper. It vvas almost the last 
nail in the coffin of democracy unity of the country and the smaller provinces 
that by an unholy conspiracy of the vested interests of Punjab enslaved them 
to unscrupulous elements. Ghulam Mohammad, General Ayub Khan, Iskander 
Mirza, Mumtaz Mohammad Daultana and the leaders of Punjab vvere the main 
architects of One Unit. One Unit of West Pakistan vvas condemned by non- 
Punjabis because it seemed to plače them in permanent state of slavery. The 
Punjabis had greater vvealth, they controlled trade and industry and enjoyed a 
pre-eminent position in commercial, governmental as vvell as military affairs, in 
other vvords they achieved very unfair leverage over the provinces that could 
not čope vvith them. 



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According to the constitution, the General Elections were scheduled to 
be held in February 1959. Sir Feroze Khan Noon was the Prime Minister of 
Pakistan and he was supported by Hussain Shaheed Suhrawardy, Leader of 
East Pakistan, with this understanding that the elections will be held in 
February 1959. Mr. Suhrawardy, a brilliant and fearless leader by virtue of his 
popularity expected to be the Prime Minister of Pakistan. But why vvould the 
elections be allovved to be held at ali? Iskandar Mirza who was at the helm of 
affairs as President could not have been elected for the next term. As such, he 
was deadly against the holding of elections. 

General Ayub Khan was also very ambitious and vvaiting for an 
opportunity to grab the povver as dictator of the country. Knovving about the 
proposal for come-back of the democracy in 1959, Iskander Mirza, in close 
collaboration and collusion with General Ayub Khan imposed Martial Law in the 
country on 7-10-1958 with the consent of America on the pretext that the 
politicians had misbehaved and ruined the county and the constitution had 
failed to work. A false impression was created that the socialists vvould come in 
povver if elections vvere held. Every citizen vvas surprised as to hovv and why 
cruel calamity of Martial Lavv vvas imposed to crush them vvhen general 
elections vvere scheduled to be held in February 1959. But nobody could resist 
or oppose the Martial Lavv because the entire Pakistan vvas on the point of 
bayonets, severe threats of long term imprisonment and hanging vvere being 
issued and no political party vvas so organized to face such holocaust. Pakistan 
vvas novv a political graveyard and the National Press vvas completely curbed. 
Hovvever as usual the flatterers came out vvith their usual sycophancy to 
shovver tributes on Ayub Khan for his commendable and courageous imposition 
of Martial Lavv, obviously they expected some prize from him. On 27th October, 
Iskandar Mirza vvas "richly" avvarded by Ayub Khan. He vvas kicked out from 
the office of the President at pištol point by General Azam Khan, General 
Shaikh and General Burki. First he vvas sent to Quetta vvhere from he vvas 
dispatched to London; Thus he harvested rich crop of betrayal vvith the Nation 
and died out of his country as a unknovvn person and none from Pakistan shed 
a tear for him. Their friendship and love for Pakistan stood fully exposed in less 
then three vveeks tirne. VVriting about Ayub's return from East Pakistan, Sir 
Morrice James says: 

"When he came back, he heard that Mirza had secretly asked a senior 
Pakistani Air Force Officer vvhether he vvould be vvilling to arrest three Army 
Generals. He took up this report vvith Mirza vvho denied it. Ayub vvarned him 
that he vvas playing vvith fire and during the night of October 26-27 sent 
Generals i.e. Azam Burki and Shaikh to the Presidenfs House to demand that 
Mirza should resign.... During discussions that follovved, General Azam drevv his 

revolver he agreed to sign the document they had brought. He and his vvife 

vvere sent under guard to Quetta in Baluchistan. A search vvas made for bank 
books and other evidence of the funds vvhich they had accumulated abroad. 
Only vvhen he agreed to repatriate ali the money to Pakistan, vvere he and his 



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wife brought back to Karachi and in November allovved to leave for London/' In 
no tirne Mirza got what he deserved and Ayub get after a decade. 

THE U.S.A. ROLE 

America, as a superpovver in the vvorld, has been loudly and proudly 
proclaiming to be the custodian of democracy and human rights and firmly 
believes in justice, fair play and equity and that it vvould implement the settled 
and confirmed principles of democracy throughout the vvorld. But Pakistanis 
have a sad experience. They feel that America is not vvhat it professes to be. 
The practical side of its politics is indeed lamentable and unreliable. Pakistan 
had always remained a loyal friend and ally of America vvithout caring for the 
displeasure of its povverful neighbour and superpovver Russia. But Pakistan had 
always to pay and suffer heavily for her loyalty to America, hovvever the rulers, 
bureaucrats and politicians of Pakistan can not be absolved of their crimes that 
they committed against their ovvn motherland for the sake of their selfish ends. 

The imposition of Martial Lavv in 1958 not only brought democracy and 
democratic institutions to an end but also ultimately destroyed and 
dismembered Pakistan. 

The U.S.A. vvas always in search of and anxious for, Indian friendship 
vvhich it vvanted to purchase at any cost in order to face the neighbouring 
Communist povvers. Since India is much bigger in size, population, resources 
and enjoys political stability and is also militarily stronger than Pakistan, the 
U.S. politicians have always preferred India to Pakistan; the latter being much 
smaller in size and population and politically unstable and having limited 
resources, the choice vvas obvious. Pakistan's so-called friendship vvith USA 
vvas almost unconditional, bordering on subordination and slavery, vvhile 
India's policy vvas governed by its interests and it did not bind itself vvith USA. 
It's Prime Minister, Pandit Javvaharlal Nehru, a Hindu statesman of high caliber 
vvho remained in office for 7 years, looked after the interests of his country 
skillfully and honestly, in the best possible manner and had very efficient 
diplomatic Indian Services throughout the vvorld to espouse the čase of India 
competently vvhether right or vvrong. The pygmy and selfish politicians of 
Pakistan vvith bureaucratic civil and military political manager, vvere no match 
for Pandit Javvaharlal Nehru and his trained patriotic colleagues. Hovvever, the 
politically vvide avvake people of Pakistan vvere sick of their politics and policies. 
The Pakistani people in spite of their lovv literacy rate and tattered clothes 
knevv that they vvere being ruled by U.S.A. through Ghulam Mohammad, 
Iskandar Mirza and Ayub. But they felt themselves utterly helpless, unable to 
change the destiny of the country as there vvas no dynamic leadership and no 
representative and effective political party to safeguard the national interests 
of the country. 

Mr. Altaf Gauhar's book, "Ayub Khan" is in fact a book of exculpatory 
confessions in respect of pathetic political conditions prevailing in Pakistan and 
the conspiracies hatched by Ayub Khan and Iskandar Mirza for the imposition 



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of Martial Law in Pakistan. Under the instructions and directions of USA, 
General Ayub Khan and Iskandar Mirza, the President of Pakistan, had made 
their country wholly dependent on the military and economic crutches provided 
by America and in fact Pakistan had surrendered its sovereignty to the 
superpovver. The imposition of Martial Law is a tragic story of the intrigues, 
conspiracy and high handedness against the people of Pakistan. Both Iskandar 
Mirza and Ayub Khan were deadly against the general elections in Pakistan 
scheduled to be held in February 1959 as Iskandar Mirza could not be elected 
President of the country after the elections and the extension granted to Ayub 
Khan as Commander-in-Chief of Pakistan was also to expire in 1959. 

"Mirza openly ridiculed the idea of elections: angels won't be flying out 
of the ballot box, he vvould say to anyone who brought up the question of 
elections. The same politicians who had brought the country to ruin vvould 
return to exploit the people. He made no secret of his contempt for the 
constitution and the political process; for him these vvere luxuries that Pakistan 
could ill-afford." 

The malicious, greedy, intriguing and unelected President of Pakistan 
vvas novv contemptuously talking in such terms vvhich constituted an 
unforgivable sin against the people of Pakistan vvho had achieved Pakistan 
under the dynamic leadership of Mr. Jinnah by purely democratic means and 
Mirza vvas President of the country by virtue of the struggle of the same people 
vvho vvere to vote in 959 elections. 

The American Government had adopted an unfriendly attitude tovvards 
Pakistan and vvas anxiously looking to India for cultivating friendly relations. 
"The American attitude tovvards Pakistan had undergone a change since 1956. 
A povverful group vvithin the US administration vvas suggesting that Pakistan 
vvas becoming a demanding ally. For them India vvas a better bet, vvhich could 
be projected as a model democracy in Asia to stem the tide of communism and 
contain the influence of the Soviet Union and the People's Republic of China. 
Naturally, the grovving understanding betvveen the United States and India vvas 
beginning to cause great concern in Pakistan. The Indian attitude, too, vvas 
hardening tovvards Pakistan. The Indians had vvarned that the canal vvaters 
from the five rivers of undivided Punjab (Indus, Jhelum, Ravi, Chenab and 
Beas vvhose sources vvere under Indian control) vvould be diverted for Indian 
use after 1962. In the Pakistan National Assembly, the U.S-Pakistan alliance 
novv came under severe attack. The Prime Minister, Malik Feroz Khan Noon, 
made a passionate speech in Parliament on 8 March 1958 in vvhich he declared, 
"Faced vvith the threat from India, Pakistan vvould delink itself from its alliance 
vvith the Americans: Our people, if they find their freedom threatened by 
Bharat, vvill break ali pacts and shake hands vvith people vvhom vve have made 
enemies because of others. Let there be no mistake about it. The Prime 
Minister's statement vvas widely acclaimed by ali sections of the people vvhich 
came as a great surprise to the Americans. 



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This realistic statement was in fact pointing out to the blunder 
committed by Late Liaquat Ali Khan former Prime Minister of Pakistan, who had 
unwisely rejected Russian invitation, though sought by himself and visited U.S 
much to the anger and annoyance of their povverful neighbour Russia. Feroz 
Khan Noon now vvanted to mend fences with Russia; US was therefore enraged 
against Pakistan for proposing to change their foreign policy. The statement 
also proves that the people of Pakistan were sick of unfriendly attitude of 
America. They supported their Prime Minister and hailed his statement. 

"The Americans were disturbed by the grovving criticism in Pakistan of 
US policy tovvards India. The US Ambassador, Horace A. Hildreth, had 
persuaded the State Department and the Pentagon that a highly competent 
pro-Western group was in command in Pakistan and the United States could 
rely on that group to maintain a positive and friendly attitude tovvards it and to 
keep Pakistan stable." 

Among this group, the Americans counted Ghulam Mohammed, Iskander 
Mirza, Ayub Khan, Mohammed Ali Bogra, Chaudary Mohammed Ali and Syed 
Amjad Ali. By the end of 1956, tvvo of the three Ali's vvere out and Ghulam 
Mohammed vvas dead. So the membership of the group had dvvindled to three, 
of vvhom tvvo vvere congenial and pliable representative of big business vvho 
relied on his brother Syed VVajid Ali, a prominent Punjabi businessman and a 
close confident of Mirza. It vvas a period of internal and international 
conspiracies against democracy in Pakistan. 

In 1956, Suhrawardy, the most capable of ali the politicians of Pakistan 
and the most popular leader of Bengalis, vvas made Prime Minister of Pakistan 
but it vvas not because of his efficiency and ability; it vvas in fact the decision of 
America. "By 1956 he had established close friendly contacts vvith British and 
American diplomats in Pakistan. In September 1956, Suhrawardy vvas 
appointed Prime Minister and he became the most articulate supporter of the 
Pakistan-American alliance." 

Suhrawardy did not last long as Prime Minister. It vvas unfortunate that 
a man of his calibre, vvho vvas quite a popular figure and a democrat by 
temperament, failed to realize that general elections vvere vvhat the people 
vvanted more than anything else and offered the only way to ensure the 
continuation of civilian rule in the country. 

Why the U.S. A. vvhich had been trumpeting itself to be the torchbearer 
of democracy in the vvorld, vvas supporting Martial Lavv in Pakistan? AN long the 
ruling Junta of Pakistan vvas a vassal of U.S. A., though the latter had shovvn its 
preference and respect for India, in spite of the fact that the Indian svvord vvas 
permanently hanging over the head of Kashmir and Pakistan. In 1958, vvhen 
Feroz Khan Prime Minister of Pakistan came to the irresistible conclusion, that 
American friendship vvas in no way a friendship, vvhile speaking in the National 



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Assembly, he had expressed his determination to delink itself from the 
alliances with America. 

It will not be out of plače to mention that Iskander Mirza's son was 
married with the daughter of American Ambassador Mr. Horace Hildreth. 

Democracy in Pakistan was in the danger of assassination at the hands 
of Mirza and Ayub for the achievement of their selfish ends. Pen was in the 
hand of Mirza and svvord in the hand of Ayub; therefore they had no difficulty 
in imposing Martial Law. The real povver was in the hands of Ayub Khan, but 
the short sighted Mirza was prepared to cut his own roots. 

Ayub and Syed Amjad Ali, who were essentially men of America, had 
been trying their best to see that elections in February 1959 were not held. 
"Ayub and Syed Amjad Ali succeeded in convincing the Americans that Pakistan 
vvould be reestablished if left-wing politicians came to povver through election. 
The Americans vvere told that tirne vvas of the essence: the politicians vvere 
conspiring to hold the election in February 1959 and a large number of persons 
vvith dubious antecedents and socialist leanings vvould get themselves elected 
by exploiting the electoral procedure and rigging the polls". It vvas height of 
injustice to carry false tales to U.S for the purpose of stopping general 
elections, throttling democratic process and imposing Martial Lavv for the sake 
of their personal povver. No doubt India had been enemy number one of 
Pakistan; but this conduct of Ayub Khan and Amjad Ali vvas most injurious to 
the future of Pakistan. Novv it vvas not difficult to say vvhether they vvere friends 
or foes of their homeland. Communist vvere novvhere in Pakistan and the 
allegation of rigging vvas all-malicious. They misled America. "Back in Pakistan, 
Ayub Khan felt reasonably pleased vvith the results of his mission. He told Mirza 
that the Americans may not revievv their programme of aid to India but they 
had understood the risks involved in pushing Pakistan tovvards the uncharted 
vvaters of general elections in the hope of consolidating the democratic process 
in the country. With a major hurdle thus removed Mirza found the path clear to 
svving his plan into action." 

Thereafter Ayub Khan started floating false rumours that the politicians 
had been giving out that: "A number of senior officers vvere accused of being 
Indian agents.... Asked General Musa about the rumours. He told me that he 
had made enquiries and found that these rumours vvere started by some of the 
politicians in Abbottabad." 

The fact vvas that the politicians had made no such allegations of 
corruption against the Army and there vvere no rumours; the so called rumours 
vvere an innovation of Ayub Khan's brain in order to create conditions 
conductive to the imposition of Martial Lavv. Ayub Khan said: "The elections, of 
course, are coming near. The politicians have vvorked themselves into a state 
of hydrophobia, especially the dismissed ones. They are dying to get back into 
povver by hook or crook. And having got there they knovv they vvill have 



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nothing to show for themselves except further disrupting the country. In vvhich 
čase they will come face to face with me and the army. Hence I am regarded 
by them as enemy number." 

Thus Ayub Khan actively started preparing grounds for Martial Law right 
from 1957, but the inefficient politicians in povver were completely in dark, Mr. 
Altaf Gauhar's contention about the rumours is: 

"Who started these rumours was never discovered because they were 
creation of fabrication. The astonishing thing was that nobody in the Prime 
Minister's Office or the Presidenfs Secretariat appeared to have heard of these 
rumours. Nor was there any such hint in the nevvspapers, some of vvhich 
thrived on the most sordid kind of gossip. The possibility cannot be ruled out 
that these rumours, vvhich remained restricted to a fevv army centres, vvere 
floated by military intelligence to help Ayub Khan make up his mind." Ayub and 
Mirza treated politicians as satans and people of Pakistan as fools. They 
themselves vvere suffering from the self-deceptive notions that they vvere 
sages of the age. The imposition of Martial Lavv played a death lock against 
Pakistan. 

MANIPULATION FOR PERPETUAL RULE 

Unfortunately in Pakistan, the transfer of povver has never been smooth 
and constitutional, because the constitution vvas framed very late and vvas 
never acted upon. Anyone vvho came in povver by hook or crook vvas not ready 
to part ways vvith it honourably and constitutionally. When Ayub Khan become 
President of Pakistan his electoral college vvas not the common man of Pakistan 
through vvhose ballot, Muslims had got the homeland, but the Army Generals 
vvho primary duty vvas to protect the frontiers of the country against any 
foreign aggression. Surrounded by the vicious circle of sycophants and lackeys 
vvho styled him greater than the Founder of the State, Ayub Khan manipulated 
and gave such system to the country by vvhich it became seemingly impossible 
to remove him. He never believed in Democracy. The fact that Ayub Khan 
vvanted to perpetuate his rule by passing lavvs like Basic Democracy vvas 
admitted even by his son-in-lavv, Aurangzab Khan, M.N.A. from Svvat. He 
abrogated the Constitution and chose nine Ministers in his Cabinet vvhose 
position more or less vvas that of Advisors. Out of nine Ministers, three 
povverful Ministers vvere from the Army, belonging to West Pakistan. Out of the 
remaining six, three belonged to the East and three belonged to the West 
Pakistan. "Hovvever the vital decisions related to defence, foreign affairs or 
economic policy, vvere taken in the Presidential Palače vvith the help of an inner 
Cabinet. Most significant feature of the system, vvas the total exclusion of 
Bengalis from the decision-making process." The people of East Pakistan vvho 
constituted 56% of the total population of Pakistan therefore novv started 
thinking that they had hardly any plače in Pakistan. For the reason that the 
Constitution of the country vvas abrogated, political parties and political 
activities vvere banned the entire ruling Junta and the Army came from West 



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Pakistan, their so-called Ministers had no say in the Cabinet; under the 
circumstances it was not possible to change the Government by ballot vvhich 
had come to povver through bullet. 

The Army Ministers were General Azam Khan, General K. M. Shaikh and 
General Burki. The only silver lining in the dark firmament of Martial Law 
Cabinet from West Pakistan was selection of the youngest and inexperienced 
Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, who was born for political battles and was every inch a 
politician. This genius proved that he was Moses in the politics of Pakistan, 
brought up in the house of Pharaoh who had come in the shape of President 
from the Army, thus he ultimately took his nation to a safe destination by 
putting up a brave fight. But never did he know that the day was not very far 
when he himself vvould be the most tragic target of Martial Law and leave his 
nation mourning for him. The feeble, ailing but invincibly determined Quaid 
had not created Pakistan for opportunist politicians, adventurist Generals, 
greedy bureaucrats, any coterie or any class of Muslims living in Pakistan. It 
was for ali the masses of the country. He had not shed his blood, svveat and 
tears and finally sacrificed his precious life for any individual or group of 
gangster but for the vvelfare, economic and political justice to his oppressed 
people. It was not brought in existence by him by any stretch of imagination 
for any military General or any political opportunist. But now Ayub Khan 
thought himself even above the Quaid-e-Azam, because he erroneously 
thought that he knew the genius of people and the country was to be 
controlled through "controlled democracy". Now it was no more a country of 
Jinnah's concept and vision. Hovvever, the blunder brought his unceremonious 
end and caused incalculable damage to the country. 

BASIC DEMOCRACIES 

In June 1959, with the advice of his top bureaucrats, he introduced the 
system of "Basic Democracies", thereby depriving the common man of Pakistan 
of his right of franchise. Ayub Khan had never believed in democracy, but he 
and the ruling class of his thinking like Iskandar Mirza and Ghulam Mohammad 
had been constantly thinking of guided or controlled democracy. Now this gift 
was conferred on the people in the shape of Basic Democracy and its members 
were also subordinated to civil servants. Out of a vvhole nation of more than 
one hundred million, only 80,000 Members were to be elected to constitute the 
Electoral College for electing the President and members of Assemblies. Ayub 
Khan favoured such scheme because it ensured a foolproof control over this 
limited Electoral College. These 80,000 Members were again subject to the 
complete control and total discipline of Government Officers, Police Sub- 
Inspectors and even Head Constables. They were given some very nominal 
povvers supervised and controlled by the Tehsildars and Deputy Commissioners 
and other officials. In order to corrupt these peoples, some crumbs were 
throvvn before them in such an atmosphere that no self respecting citizen 
vvould like to be the Member of the Basic Democracies as they vvere 
subordinated even to lovvest grade Government servants. It vvas an insult to 



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call such a system a democratic system. The farce of Basic Democracies 
created by Ayub Khan on the "genius of the people" implying thereby that the 
people of Pakistan who had fought and achieved Pakistan under the leadership 
of Mr. Jinnah by democratic means were not yet fit and competent enough to 
master their own destinies. It was a challenge to the political avvakening of the 
people of Pakistan; as it was a curse vvorse than the Government of British 
East India Company on the free people of Pakistan. 

ELECTED BODIES DISQUALIFICATION ORDER 

General Ayub Khan, the abrogator of the Constitution and usurper of the 
people's povver and rights now passed law (Public Offices Disqualification 
Order) on 21.3.1959 to defame and degrade those distinguished politicians 
who had fought side by side with the Quaid-e-Azam for the attainment of 
Pakistan, on false, frivolous, dishonest and minor charges. These politicians 
had made enormous sacrifices for the national cause and their honesty was not 
challengeable by a corrupt dictator like Ayub Khan. The result was that ali 
eminent politicians, including Khavvaja Nazimuddin, A. K. Fazlul Haq and 
Tamizuddin Khan and many more were disqualified from taking part in politics. 
Thus the main politicians who were deemed to be a potential threat to Ayub 
Khan were debarred from political field. Thus Ayub Khan made the political 
field clear for himself thinking he had buried ali the opposition that was likely 
to revolt against him. He thought that it was now one horse race for him. What 
a suicidal thinking! No sane and patriotic Pakistani could ever think that Ayub 
Khan was follovving right path. It was nothing short of political vandalism, 
highly disapproved by the common men and political thinkers. 

In addition to the above order, he passed another order on 7th August 
1959, vvhich is usually called EBDO and it was made applicable retrospectively 
with effect from August 14, 1947. Proceedings were initiated against 98 
politicians; 70 of them voluntarily relinquished politics, 28 of them contested, 
out of vvhich 22 lost their čase and 6 vvere acquitted. This disqualification 
process vvas a shameful political drama, in vvhich very minor and trivial charges 
vvere leveled. The black buffaloes of Martial Lavv vvere novv the masters of 
Pakistan. 

INDUS BASIN ACCORD 

There vvere serious allegations against Ayub Khan causing irreparable 
damage to Pakistan by selling riparian rights to India. River Indus is the 
biggest river vvith five other supporting tributaries i.e. Jhelum, Chenab, Ravi, 
Satluj and Beas. The Head VVorks of Madhupur and Ferozpur vvere located in 
India vvhere from Pakistan vvas getting vvaters for the cultivation of 1.7 million 
acres and according to the terms of partition arrangements, India vvas bound 
to supply vvater, but she did not honour her commitment and cut off the entire 
supply in 1948. 



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Hovvever, Pakistan pressed her čase and better sense prevailed on India 
and the supply was later on restored, but the land ovvners in Pakistan had 
suffered substantial damage. When Ayub Khan came into povver, he was 
always found suffering from inferiority complex against India and its cunning 
and astute Prime Minister Nehru. He entered into an agreement with India 
vvhich is termed as Indus Basin Accord. The Ayub Khan surrendered the river 
Satluj, Bias and partially Ravi to India. With the financial aid from the VVorld 
Bank and other countries, Pakistan constructed Tarbella Dam on Indus River 
for the storage of vvater in order to meet the vvater deficiency. It will be most 
relevant to state that the life of this dam is calculated to be 50 years only 
because according to the experts, it will be silted by that tirne. This Accord, 
according to experts and politicians, is highly damaging for the future of 
Pakistan rather, suicidal for the country. He sold the flovving vvaters for the 
stagnant vvater stored in a dam vvhich vvas to last only for 50 years. India is 
novv cultivating barren lands; and in Pakistan there is constant shortage of 
vvater and constant disputes raging betvveen the provinces of Pakistan over 
vvater shortage after the implementation of this Accord. This dispute in 
Pakistan has novv taken a very serious turn and the people of Punjab are 
pressing hard for the construction of another dam vvhich may be named 
Kalabagh Dam or Indus Dam and this preposition is seriously objected to by 
the small provinces. It is apprehended that Ayub Khan's Indus Basin Accord 
might result in serious consequences for the political existence of Pakistan. And 
there is serious danger to the unity and integrity of Pakistan, as the minority 
provinces might break away from Pakistan at any tirne. 

JOIIMT DEFENCE WITH INDIA 

General Ayub Khan always suffered from the inferiority complex 
especially vvhen he talked to Pandit Javvaharlal Nehru on the problems common 
to both the countries. VVithin six months of coming into povver, Ayub Khan 
offered a Joint Defence Pact to India in 1959, but it vvas spurned back by 
Pandit Nehru, Prime Minister of India, saying against vvhom? Pandit Nehru on 
the other hand offered "No vvar Declaration Pact" like an astute politician. 
Ayub's policy vvas also hostile to China. 

This unvvise offer vvas an insult for the vvhole nation. It vvas an act of 
degradation vvhich no self-respecting Head of State vvould commit. The dispute 
abut Kashmir vvas existing betvveen Pakistan and India and the latter had 
openly flouted to resolve the dispute according to the United Nation's Security 
CounciTs plebiscite Resolution and refused to abide by it. It vvas neither 
honourable nor even understandable. With vvhat face the General vvas trying to 
extend the hand of friendship vvith ali vvarmth to Pandit Nehru vvhen the valley 
of Jammu and Kashmir vvas red vvith the blood of Kashmiri Muslims and ali 
types of shameful acts vvere being perpetrated upon them by the Indian forces. 
Nehru contemptuously refused to shake hand of friendship vvith Ayub. 



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CONSTITUTION 

General Ayub Khan had abrogated the 1956 Constitution on 7th October 
1958, thus the country was vvithout any Constitution. It was purely a personal 
authoritarian and arbitrary rule. No Constitution was passed by any Assembly 
or passed through referendum of the people of Pakistan, but it was dictated by 
General Ayub Khan himself in 1962. It will be relevant to mentioned that he 
had committed on 23-3-1959 that: "It vvould be put to the vote of the people 
in a suitable manner and then put into effect." But the promise was never 
fulfilled for the obvious reason that if put to vote, it vvould be rejected out 
rightly. Its consequences could have "his resignation." 

The main features of the Constitution vvere as under:- 

1. The President and the Assemblies vvere to be elected by Basic Democrats 
numbering 80,000 in entire Pakistan. 

2. The Annual Budget of the country vvas not to be passed by the National 
Assembly. It vvas only to be placed before them. The President alone 
could pass or modify the Budget. 

3. No Bili involving any financial or economic implications could be 
introduced in the Assembly vvithout the permission of the President. 

The Ministers vvere not to contest election to the Assembly but vvere 
directly selected by the President and they vvere responsible to the President 
and not to the legislature. So vvas the čase vvith the Provinces as it vvas One 
Unit. The Governors vvere nominated by the President and could continue only 
at the pleasure of the President and the Ministers vvere also selected by the 
Governors vvith the approval of the President. In fact, the Governor could not 
select any person as Minister unless the President had consented to it. 

The Judiciary vvas at the mercy of the President. It vvas purely arbitrary 
and unquestionable discretion of the President to select the Judges. 

The form of the Government vvas not Parliamentary but Presidential, 
rather dictatorship. It vvas totally against the vvill and vvishes of Quaid-e-Azam, 
vvho himself vvas extraordinarily conversant vvith the Constitutional Lavv and 
had vast experience of Statecraft and the rise and decline of nations. This so- 
called Presidential system vvas nominal and not truly Presidential, it vvas a 
disguised dictatorship. 

KASHMIR 

Kashmir is the most important problem of Pakistan and the main dispute 
vvith India is in respect of Kashmir. According to Mr. Jinnah, the Founder of the 
State and Mr. Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, India is enemy number one of Pakistan; 



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Pakistan had tried her best to resolve the disputes with India by bilateral talks 
but India had always remained adamant bent upon devouring Kashmir. 

In comparison to Pakistan, India is not only much bigger in area and 
population but it maintains a well equipped and three times more Armed 
Forces than Pakistan and is industrially much more developed. In 1962, China 
requested Pandit Javvaharlal Nehru, the Prime Minister of India, to settle the 
boundary dispute betvveen India and China, but the politically intoxicated and 
arrogant Pandit Nehru refused to settle the dispute. Hence there started an 
armed conflict betvveen the China and India. It is very difficult for Pakistan to 
vvrest Kashmir from India by peaceful means and negotiations but in history 
occasions arise vvhen a povverful dictator is also compelled to restore the rights 
of the oppressed. As such this vvas appropriate opportunity that Pakistan could 
conveniently avail and get the Kashmir problem solved for ever. But General 
Ayub Khan lost this golden opportunity as the USA President directed him like 
a boss that he should not create problems for India by entering into armed 
conflict over Kashmir. He further directed Ayub Khan to extend such assurance 
to Pandit Nehru. In this Sino-Indian War, China had inflicted crushing and 
humiliating defeat on India and the Pandit vvas totally confused and 
demoralized. Zulfikar Ali Bhutto had rightly said: "You may remember that 
vvhen the Indo-China War vvas fought out in 1962, Ayub Khan vvas busy 
sightseeing in Hunza." In fact a picture of his vvas published in the nevvspapers 
shovving him riding a mule. The Himalayas vvere rocked, the Chinese shadovv 
vvas lengthening to envelope Assam, the American Ambassador vvas on his toes 
in search of our President, but during the most critical days, Ayub Khan vvas in 
Hunza. That vvas the tirne vvhen vve vvould have done something to liberate 
Kashmir. That vvas an important occasion. India had pulled ali her troops from 
occupied Kashmir. Kashmir had no troops at ali. It lay bare. Any action by 
Pakistan vvould have ended the Kashmir issue forever and that action vvould 
have been in conformity vvith justice. VVorld opinion vvould then have given its 
blessing to such an action. 

At that tirne Mr. Qudratullah Shahab vvas Secretary to the President 
Ayub Khan and he had the first hand knovvledge of the behaviour of General 
Ayub Khan vvhen the vvar betvveen China and India had started. Shahab 
approached Ayub at midnight to attack and liberate Kashmir as proposed by 
China, but he vvas snubbed by Ayub to go back to his house and have a sound 
sleep. 

General Ayub Khan used to rely on bureaucracy. "Ayub, hovvever began 
to rely more and more on his top civilian Officials Qudratullah Shahab, N. A. 
Faruque, Fida Hassan and in later part of his era, on Altaf Gauhar more than 
anybody else". Altaf Gauhar vvas the Information Secretary in the Government 
of Pakistan and it is said that the autobiography ostensibly vvritten by Ayub 
Khan vvas in fact the product of Mr. Altaf Gauhar's pen and brain. "Probably it 
vvas 20th October 1962 that I vvas sleeping in my residence at Harley Street, 
Ravvalpindi. It vvas about 2:30 a. m. that ali of a sudden one car entered in the 



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compound of my house and I heard the voice. After some moment, my servant 
came inside and informed me that one Chinese vvanted to meet me 
immediately. Probably that Chinese citizen had been to Pakistan or learning 
Urdu and he had met me in several functions. He informed me that due to 
continuous attacks from India, China was constrained to take action and that 
at certain places Chinese Army had entered India and advanced forvvard and 
that he had come to inform me about it.... In diplomacy, Chinese have their 
special trait and method, they don't trust their advice or opinion unnecessarily 
on their friends, but by their hints and suggestions they express their intention 
in a beautiful manner and they are highly efficient in performing it and in my 
opinion they had avvakened me right at 2.30 a. m., probably to inform me in 
their own way that the initial hours of war were extremely important, Indian 
Army have been routed and that they were escaping very swiftly from every 
front due to the fear of Chinese. It was an opportune moment when Pakistan 
could take advantage of this situation and that they must not vvaste their 
tirne." 

"I immediately changed my dress took out my car and proceeded to the 
Presidential House. It was about 3:00 am. After some effort, I got access to 
the House and the bedroom of the President. I narrated the entire conversation 
that had transpired; thereupon he spontaneously said: "This is not unexpected 
news that at such an odd hour of the night you have come to inform me after 
ali what do you want". I expressed my view that we may use these moments 
to our advantage. The President Ayub Khan expressed in a hot and furious 
tone "you civilians think that the Army movement is a child's play. Go and 
sleep and I am also feeling sleepy." Up till today I am of the opinion that 
President Ayub had lost a most vital and golden opportunity of his life and 
Presidency out of his hands. If his leadership qualities had not been marred by 
sleep, if there had been any blend of manliness coupled with fury, in his 
character, there vvould have been a new turn in the chapter of our history. 

Alistair Lamb, a very prominent vvriter on Kashmir, is also of the same 
view as Qudratullah Shahab. "The clash of arms betvveen India and China in 
1962 provided Pakistan in fact with an admirable opportunity to force the 
Kashmir settlement. This was the tirne for Pakistan to attack the Indian Army 
of occupation in its part of the State of Jammu and Kashmir. Indian forces 
defending the Assam border had suffered a disastrous defeat comparable to 
the British retreat from Kabul during the First Afghan War. The Indian land in 
northern Ladakh was also under severe Chinese pressure. There were good 
grounds for supposing that the Pakistani movement at this juncture particularly 
with Chinese collaboration might have brought on an Indian debacle of the first 
magnitude. President Ayub Khan, hovvever, decided not to exploit this 
opportunity. Instead, he agreed to begin a fresh round of talks with Indians on 
the vvhole question of the future of Kashmir". In fact, it was ultimately over the 
Kashmir issue that Mr. Zulfikar Ali Bhutto was compelled to part his ways with 
Ayub Khan, formed his own party and started his war valiantly against Ayub 



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Khan. The part played by Mr. Bhutto in the čase of Kashmir is an unforgettable 
chapter of history. It will be further discussed at another plače. 

PRESIDEIMTIAL ELECTIONS 

"Fear that man who fears not God" 

In the Presidential Elections held in January 1965, the myth of Ayub 
Khan's so-called popularity was on one hand thoroughly exploded and on the 
other hand the people of East Pakistan lost ali hopes of justice, equity and fair 
play; and it was this election vvhich ultimately brought them on the verge of 
cessation. Ayub Khan's Electoral College was essentially the Army of Pakistan 
but slowly and gradually he was losing his hold on the Army because of his 
faint heartedness, inefficiency and corruption and his increasing dependence 
on civilian bureaucrats. Even Ministers were being appointed on their 
recommendations. He had no political party to rely on, the Conventional 
Muslim League was a hateful group of opportunists, paid agents and flatterers 
who did not command any respect in the country. The Army was also disgusted 
and fed up with his ever increasing reliance on corrupt bureaucracy; but in the 
Presidential Elections he had to manipulate his elections by hook or crook, by 
fair or foul means. It is true that the Ministers of Ayub Khan in the Cabinet had 
to support him half-heartedly as they were part and parcel of Ayub Khan's 
Government. Zulfikar Ali Bhutto being the Foreign Minister in his Cabinet had 
also to support him, but the fact is that in his politics he had neither relied on 
the support of Generals nor on the bureaucrats. From the very beginning of his 
entry in the Cabinet, he was incessantly vvorking for the vvelfare of masses 
especially the dovvntrodden class though he himself belonged to feudal 
aristocracy. As a keen študent of history and pragmatic politician, he could 
fully understand that his Electoral College was the masses of the country and 
not the acrobatic class of bureaucrats, as such he was the most popular 
Minister amongst the people. But it must be borne in mind that Ayub Khan 
mainly relied on the bureaucrats and the official agencies to get him elected. 
Hovvever, the in deniable fact is that Bhutto had many friends in havvkish class 
of army officers. 

The opposition was disorganized, lamentably lacked the leadership and 
had no candidate strong enough to contest against the dictator Ayub Khan 
especially when there had been no freedom of expression to the people and 
the press. The hard-earned freedom was in the Martial Law prison for a long 
tirne and the country was converted into a graveyard. The eyes of ali the 
politicians were fixed on Ms. Fatima Jinnah to fight against Ayub Khan though 
she was quite old, physically frail and ignored by ali the Governments after the 
demise of Quaid-e-Azam and she lived quite a secluded life; away from ali 
political activities. But ali the same she was a very respected, venerable 
person, being the sister of the Quaid-e-Azam. She commanded respect 
throughout Pakistan. Some follovvers of Miss Jinnah had advised her not to 
contest the elections as Ayub Khan vvould not allovv anybody else to come into 



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povver through ballot. "Ms. Jinnah, if you hope to vvin, please do not make even 
an attempt, because elections will be rigged against you. It vvould be 
impossible to win in this limited Electoral College of 80,000 (Eighty Thousand) 
created by him, but if you are prepared to lose, it vvould be the greatest 
service to the nation by breaking the back of the present dictatorship". Ms. 
JinnafVs reply vvas: "I have accepted your advice given in the interest of the 
Nation and shall jump into fray to extricate our people from the clutches of the 
usurpers." 

In this election held in January 1965, General Ayub Khan's so-called 
popularity, corruption, dictatorship, the eyewash reforms and misrule vvere 
thoroughly exposed and his real political face of corruption, covvardice, 
dictatorship and dependence on bureaucratic crutches, vvhich vvere the real 
characteristics of his rule, came on the surface. The vvhole vvorld including 
Ayub Khan realized that it vvas a manipulated and immoral victory, much vvorse 
than an honourable defeat. The election vvas limited to the Electoral College, 
comprising only 80,000 manageable Basic Democrats, thus the hundred million 
population had been deprived of the right if franchise. The people novv turned 
deadly against him. The mass support continued to remain vvith highly 
respected and venerable Miss Fatima Jinnah, the sister of Quaid-e-Azam 
Mohammad Ali Jinnah, vvhile the corrupt and vveather-cock bureaucracy had 
been holding the shameful banner of Ayub Khan's election in its dirty hands. It 
vvould be very relevant to inform the readers that the famous and popular poet 
Habib Jalib vvho had suffered ali his life for rendering national and political 
service, participated in the public meetings of Miss. Jinnah and sang his 
meaningful and revolutionary songs vvith such melody and emotion, that the 
people of Pakistan vvere electrified and started hating Ayub Khan. This election 
laid the foundation stone of Ayub's destruction. 

The vvhole election campaign of Ayub Khan vvas mainly headed, manned 
and managed by the tvvo Governors of Pakistan i.e. the ruthless Navvab Amir 
Ahmed Khan of Kalabagh from Punjab and Abdul Monem Khan, the most hated 
Governor of East Pakistan, through Government machinery, District 
Magistrates and the Police Superintendents vvho vvere used as their stooges 
and agents vying vvith each other for vvinning future favours in the form of out 
of way promotions and postings. Thus by total abuse of their povvers and by 
most shameful corruption and intimidation, the Government Officers vvere 
vvorking day and night to vvin the election for Ayub Khan. 

Ayub Khan vvas determined to vvin the election. Mr. Altaf Gauhar, the 
biographer of Ayub Khan vvrites: 

"The real problems of Ayub's associates vvas that they vvere ali convinced 
that he vvould never allovv the situation to reach a point vvhere he might lose 
the election. They vvere certain that if things vvent too far, he vvould call upon 
the Army to put an end to the popular hysteria." 



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The election campaign started on September 1964 and the most 
respected Miss. Jinnah in her public meetings, was dravving mammoth crovvds 
full of enthusiasm and national špirit in her support, abhorring Ayub Khan and 
raising revolutionary slogans. If there had been election on the basis of adult 
franchise, it was certain that the people of Pakistan vvould have risen in an 
open and uncontrollable revolt against Ayub Khan. Ayub Khan's biographer 
Altaf Gauhar, the Information Secretary of Pakistan in the regime of President 
Ayub said: 

"The campaign raised serious questions about Ayub's style of 
Government. Allegations of corruption against Ayub's family, particularly his 
son Gohar Ayub, were openly leveled and widely believed. Gohar, a retired 
Captain from the army, had acquired an assembly plant from General Motors 
(to vvhich he gave the name Gandhara Motors) through the influence of his 
father. Throughout the campaign "Gandhara" was used as the ultimate proof of 
nepotism against Ayub. The opposition adopted 'Gandhara' as a slogan, vvhich 
they used vvith devastating effect and people from Peshavvar to Chittagong 
came to treat it as the ultimate symbol of corruption in Ayub's government and 
in his ovvn family. Nothing destroyed Ayub's prestige and credibility more than 
'Gandhara'. Even his reforms came in for a lot of criticism." 

Ayub vvas persuaded by his party to use the religious card against Miss 
Jinnah. A 'fatvva' (religious decree) vvas obtained from some Ulemas to the 
effect that a vvoman could not become the Head of a Muslim State. The 
opposition organized an even larger set of Ulemas to produce an equally 
authoritative 'fatvva' in support of Miss Jinnah. They discovered from the 
vvritings of various Muslim jurists that a vvoman could become the ruler under 
exceptional circumstances and vvho could deny, asked the opposition, that 
Pakistan vvas going through exceptional circumstances. The vveapon of religious 
decrees vvorked against Ayub throughout the campaign. No argument could be 
advanced in favour of Ayub Khan. He vvas held responsible for ali ills in the 
country including destroying the institutions of the homeland and even the 
country itself. 

She declared that he had bartered away Pakistan vvaters by signing 
Indus Basic VVaters Treaty vvith India. She revived the controversy about the 
offer Ayub made to Nehru in 1959 to enter into a joint defence pact vvith India 
against China. She referred to a meeting that Ayub had vvith Agha Khan in 
Niče. In 1951 soon after the assassination of Liaquat Ali Khan during the 
course of vvhich Agha Khan said to him: "You have got Pakistan after great 
sacrifices, you do not vvant to lose it this way and that you are the one person 
vvho can save it". She used this instance to shovv that he vvas planning to 
overthrovv the civilian Government long before the coup d'etat in 1958. 

Much as the ruling party tried to defend Ayub, Miss. Jinnah succeeded in 
creating serious doubts in the public mind about Ayub's reforms and his 
achievements in the field of international affairs. Her tour of East Pakistan vvas 



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even more successful rather thunderous and was attended by mammoth 
crovvds, raising sky-renting slogans in her favour and against General Ayub. 
VVhile traveling by train from Dacca to Chittagong, it was such a vvonderful and 
enthusiastic scene that the people of East Pakistan were anxious for the 
glimpse of Miss Jinnah and hear from the sister of the Quaid-e-Azam that 
justice vvould be done to them and that the days of oppression were coming to 
an end. Consequently, the train was late by 23 hours. Thus the charisma and 
the profound popularity and respect that she enjoyed in the elections was 
unprecedented vvhile Ayub Khan was abhorred by both the VVings of Pakistan 
and more specially the people of Bengal. 

Ayub's term as President was to expire on 23rd March, 1965 and he had 
intended to fix the election date a few days before 23rd March, 1965 but the 
dictator and his deputies were so deeply demoralized and confused that they 
thought that if Miss Fatima Jinnah continued her tour upto March 1965, the 
people of Pakistan vvould rise in revolt against Ayub Khan and he vvill have 
absolutely no chance to vvin the election. General Ayub on the advice of the 
Governors and the officials incharge of the election vvork "decided to hold the 
election on 2nd January 1965/' The election thus held on 2nd January 1965 
vvas merely a drama, a farce of election; the hearts of the people vvere vvith 
Miss Jinnah but the svvord vvas vvielded by the dictator Ayub Khan, so the 
Election vvas held under the shadovv of the svvord. On that day this vvriter vvas 
the Election Agent of Miss Fatima Jinnah in Tehsil Shadadkot, District Larkana 
vvhere there vvere 64 Basic Democrat voters; and Mr. Mumtaz Ali Bhutto vvas 
the agent of Mr. Ayub Khan. I found that ali the BD members vvere sitting in 
the camp of Ayub, vvearing red rose on the collars of their coats-a-sign of Ayub 
Khan's supporters. Finally the result vvas that Miss Jinnah got 28 votes vvhile 
Ayub Khan secured 36 votes. This apparently small and insignificant instance 
eloquently speaks about the manner, method and modality of Presidential 
Election. No honourable man could feel proud of vvinning election in such a 
shameful manner. According to the result, Ayub Khan got 49,951 votes and 
Miss Jinnah 38,691 votes. Though outwardly Ayub emerged successful but the 
real victory vvent to Miss Fatima Jinnah and her purpose to a avvaken the 
people of Pakistan against Ayub Khan vvas fulfilled as she had desired. 

It vvill not be out of plače to mention that the manipulated victory of 
Ayub Khan vvas the result of high-handedness, corruption, anti-democratic 
means and rigging by favour seekers, unscrupulous and corrupt to the core 
elements in the bureaucracy. These vvere the elements vvho vvere ultimately 
responsible for breaking the political, economic and social setup of Pakistan 
and had mutilated the valuable institutions on vvhich the country had existed. 
The blue eyed bureaucrats had never cared for the representatives of the 
people and they vvent even to the extent of insulting, maltreating and man- 
handling the Members of the Assembly. In one čase, one CSP officer vvho vvas 
criticized by a Member of Assembly, openly slapped that Assembly Member on 
the face. The matter vvas referred to the National and West Pakistan 



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Assemblies who pressed for serious action against the officer and it was played 
up in the Press. Hovvever, nothing was done and the officer went scot-free. 

Was Ayub's Election Fair and Democratic? 

Ayub Khan exceeded and excelled ali his insidious exercises in the 
history of Pakistan, in vvinning the presidential election. 

1. Only eighty thousand members of Basic Democracy system were allovved 
to vote to the entire exclusion of one hundred million people of Pakistan. 

2. The election was fought by the Deputy Commissioners and Police 
Superintendents of the districts of Pakistan, openly and notoriously 
compelling the members to vote for Ayub Khan. In West Pakistan 
especially, it was next to impossible to flout the orders of the zealous, 
unscrupulous and oppressive District Officials, vvorking under the 
directives of the ruthless Governor Navvab of Kalabagh. 

3. The members were purchased vvherever found necessary. "The 
Government set out to buy as many of the elected members as possible, 
vvhile blaming the opposition for disturbing the peace." 

4. The Radio Pakistan was used exclusively for the election campaign and 
publicity of Ayub Khan and against Miss Jinnah. "The question - ansvver 
sessions vvhich were broadcast by Radio Pakistan, after careful editing to 
ensure that nothing damaging to Ayub Khan was put on the air, also 
went badly for Miss Jinnah". The Press Trust News Papers also acted in a 
most partisan way, as if the Radio Pakistan and the Press Trust Papers 
were the property of Ayub Khan. 

5. The election of Basic Democrats was held on 19 November, 1964 and 
the Presidential elections were ordered to be held in haste on 2 January 
1965, vvithout giving enough tirne to Miss Jinnah to contact the masses 
of the two vvings, organize the entire election campaign and politically 
avvaken the people against the dangers of dictatorship that Pakistan was 
facing. 

Mr. Altaf Gauhar, the Information Secretary to the Government of 
Pakistan vvrites as under: 

"His term of office was expiring on 23rd March but he had seen 

how ineffectual his party had been and instinctively knew that tirne was on 
Miss JinnafVs side. If she were to undertake another round of public meetings, 
grueling through such an exercise vvould be for her.... The district officers were 
themselves under so much pressure that they vvanted the election to be 

vvrapped up as soon as possible Ayub finally decided that the elections 

should be held on 2 January 1965. The decision took COP by surprise. The first 



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round of the campaign had clearly gone in favour of Miss Jinnah. She had 
demolished the ruling party, leaving Ayub to fight a lonely battle against her". 
AN underhand means were adopted by Ayub Khan for his victory as a dictator 
should. But the matter did not rest here, even many Honourable High Court 
Judges played unprincipled role, supporting the dictator out of way. 

No body can asses the exact magnitude of the Image, but in order to 
commemorate the "Martyr Day" in Liaquatabad, a function used to be 
organized every year on 5th January. For several days there were clouds of 
fear and terror in the city and there was serious conflict betvveen the Pathans 
and the Muhajireen. According to some, it renevved the memories of Hindu- 
Muslim riots in these days. After the victory in Presidential election, this 
situation patently and terribly proved a bad omen for Ayub Khan. 

"The anger, annoyance and freezy of the Karachites was strong when on 
the first Friday of Holy Ramzan, Gohar Ayub vvanted to address the people in 
the mosque, vvhich gave rise to serious disturbance and people refused to bear 
him. There was some hand to hand fight also. With great difficulty the police 
could bring him out of the mosque." They attacked wildly in those areas and 
set properties on fire, vvhich resulted in immense damage to life and property. 

BLOODBATH AFTER VICTORY 

The story of hovv Ayub Khan vvon the Presidential election has been 
briefly narrated. But it vvill be equally necessary to state hovv this so called 
victory vvas celebrated by creating a vvorst type of bloodbath in Karachi, as if 
Chengiz Khan and Halaku Khan had conquered Bukhara and Baghdad. His 
Secretary Qudratullah Shahab vvrites in his autobiography: 

"In the election, Dacca and Karachi had overwhelmingly voted against 
Ayub Khan. About the people of Dacca, he silently drank his blood, but his 
Karachi his beloved son Gohar Ayub undertook to teach a lesson to the people 
of the city. On 5th January, a big procession in the name of celebrating the 
"Victory" vvas taken out under the leadership of Gohar Ayub Khan. There vvas a 
long line of trucks, vvagons, busses and richshas in the frontage part of the 
procession; ali the drivers and the persons sitting in the vehicles vvere mostly 
Pathans. Several months, prior to the presidential election, Pathans had 
started arriving in Karachi from Hazara District and they vvere pervading like 
dust storm of terror over the city on the victory day. In Liaquatabad and some 
other parts of the city, there vvere some clashes betvveen the citizens and the 
participants of the procession. As a matter of revenge, against the citizens they 
attacked in the dark night, set on fire and caused colossal loss to life and 
property. It is not possible to assess the extent of loss." 

"Presidential Candidates vvould appear before the members of the 
Electoral College in Principal tovvns.... These meetings vvere presided over by 

Judges of different High Courts some of the presiding judges vvere 

amenable to Government pressure, others vvere more than vvilling to shovv 



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their loyalty to Ayub Khan: they rejected questions they thought vvould be 
considered offensive by Ayub." About Judges he vvrites: 

But the greatness of Justice M.R.Kayani, Chief Judge of the West 
Pakistan High Court, vvould be recorded in golden vvords in the annuals of 
Pakistan's Judiciary. This frail, but very strong minded judge gave strong and 
effective protection to the people and the subordinate judiciary against the 
onslaught of Martial Lavv Officers. His daring Speeches in inimitable style 
against the dictatorship, vvill be remembered forever; and Kayani's struggle for 
democracy and human dignity excelled the courage of ali politicians of 
Pakistan. His pen vvas much sharper than the svvord of Ayub Khan. This fact is 
indeed unexplainable hovv these physically frail and aged personalities like 
Jinnah and Kayani and others too of the same class and calibre have been very 
superior in character, inherently possessing vvill and stronger than steel. 

BHUTTO AN ASSET TO AYUB 

None including the friends or masters of Ayub could deny that in his 
entire cabinet, Mr. Bhutto alone vvas a popular leader of masses. His 
charismatic and hard-vvorking personality, exceptional ability, deep sense of 
patriotism, his courageous and progressive policies, the formulation of a 
realistic and honourable foreign policy most suited to Pakistan and his love for 
the dovvn trodden masses, his povverful advocacy of Pakistan's cause in the 
international forums, his tremendous struggle for the Muslims of Jammu and 
Kashmir and his efforts for the unification of Muslims, vvere some of the rare 
qualities of Bhutto, vvhich made him knovvn throughout the vvorld, more than 
any other politician of Pakistan. He vvas eminently suited to be the Head of any 
State in the vvorld. Directly and indirectly most of these facts have been 
admitted by Mr. Altaf Gauhar the vvriter of Ayub Khan's biography and his 
admirer as Pakistan's Information Secretary. He vvas said to be conscience 
keeper of General Ayub Khan. He vvrites "VVhatever the causes of 1965 vvar, 
the facts are highly destabilizing for Pakistan and devastating for Ayub. Not 
being a political animal, he did not knovv hovv to make scapegoat of his 
associates, though he knevv that he had been grievously misled and 
deliberately kept in the dark about the course of Operation Gibraltar in 
Kashmir. He took ali the blame on himself and agonized over every little 
miscalculation, he couldn't bring himself to criticize the Armed Forces, his ovvn 
creations and haphazard planning and grave miscalculation.... He seemed to 

have lost the confidence and the povver of decision The Tashkent 

declaration vvas received in Pakistan vvith great dismay. To popular indignation 
vvas added a sense of betrayal by the faint hearted President vvho didn't have 
nerve to carry on the fight vvhich he had himself started, to the bitter end." 

The above passage leaves absolutely no doubt vvhat so ever that the so- 
called Field Marshal Ayub Khan vvas not at ali a politician. He vvas a faint- 
hearted person though he had styled himself as Field Marshal. Neither he knevv 



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any thing about the strategy of war nor he possessed any fighting qualities as 
well as strong will vvhich is essential even for a soldier. 

So far the Commander-in-Chief General Moosa was concerned, it was 
totally futile to expect any thing from him. In fact they had neither fought nor 
commanded in any battle. Thus Mr. Altaf Gauhar lends full support to the 
remarks of fearless and revered Fatima Jinnah that Ayub Khan knew nothing of 
politics and it was doubtful vvhether he was even a good soldier. 

About the qualities of Mr. Bhutto and the services that he rendered to 
General Ayub as a Minister, Altaf Gauhar vvrites, "A man of phenomenal 
intelligence and courage who believed he could cut any knot, work his way out 
of any pinch and outvvit any opponent. He was Ayub Khan is alter ego and gave 
dynamic dimension to Ayub Khan's Foreign Policy. He further vvrites, "Little did 
he knovv at the tirne that the courts vvould avvard him the death sentence in 
highly controversial murder čase and a ruthless military dictator vvould execute 
him in a cold blooded manner, I vvas shocked, apart from deep sense of 
personal loss, I knevv that Bhutto's execution vvould hold the country in a thrall 
for years to come." 

Bhutto's treatment and ultimate execution came as a rude shock to ali 
the patriots vvhether friends or foes. By his death, Pakistan suffered such an 
irreparable loss and setback that it vvas not possible to recover. It vvas a happy 
tiding for the enemies of Pakistan because its ovvn army Junta removed the 
most capable and valiant statesman and soldier of the country, the Muslim 
vvorld and the Third vvorld. For decades thereafter, Pakistan has remained a 
political orphan, friendless and helpless. 

No politician of Pakistan could vie vvith him, or challenge him as, he vvas 
an extraordinarily talented and gifted genius having very intimate knovvledge 
of politics and vvorld affairs. It is an undeniable fact that in Ayub's cabinet, he 
vvas the architect of Foreign Policy. His remarkable courage and extraordinary 
intellect vvere of course beyond question. He vvas undisputed hero of masses, 
students, labourers and peasants. Ayub Khan lacked these qualities vvhich vvere 
necessary for any successful Head of State and the people realizing his 
limitations and deficiencies, treated him a mediocre soldier as vvell as politician, 
but Mr. Bhutto had tried his best to fill this lacuna; he really served him like a 
son. His praised him in his speeches, though he didn't deserve those tributes, 
he supported the dictator out of way, but hovv long vvas it possible? 

General Ayub Khan vvent on committing blunder after blunder for vvhich 
the country had to suffer heavily. Ayub Khan vvas dear to him but not as much 
as his homeland, the national interests counted supreme vvith him. Mr. 
Bhutto's loyalty vvas vvith his country first, then any one else. Bhutto tried his 
best and used ali his persuasive povvers for the adoption of correct and 
courageous national policies by General Ayub Khan, as according to Mr. Bhutto 
India vvas the vvorst enemy of Pakistan and didn't tolerate Pakistan's survival 



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even for seconds. Unfortunately Ayub Khan suspected the bonafides of Mr. 
Bhutto as he was misled by latters political adversaries and finally he was 
sacked, but the fact remain as clear as day light that the resignation of Bhutto 
amounted to suicide by Ayub Khan himself. The contents of the book prove the 
qualifications and disqualifications, merits & demerits of both and further he 
tried his best to raise the image of Ayub Khan so high. But how and why he 
struggles to bring the dovvnfall of Ayub Khan was a matter that involves the 
honour and the best national interests of the country. 

It will be very pertinent to state that Pundit Javvaharlal Nehru was an 
elected Prime Minister of India from August 1947, to 1964 upto the last breath 
of his life. This is called political stability of a country, because he ruled the 
country with the will of the people. He solved multi-factious problems of his 
country, industrialized India and united the peoples of his country, that had 
different cultures, languages, customs and conflicting interests. AN these 
heterogeneous elements constituting the vast population of his huge country 
were happy under his leadership. Economically and industrially he succeeded in 
obtaining very substantial aid technology from the rich and industrialized 
countries vvithout any strings by his selfless political acumen and far 
sightedness. He went on achieving more and more popularity day by day, thus 
India became one of the most important countries of the vvorld and Pandit 
Nehru entertained the idea of making India the leader of Asia, though it proved 
abortive in view of their bigger neighbour with vviser leadership. 

Novv, due to Martial Law in Pakistan, with Army Generals, bureaucrats 
and unelected Ministers, the sycophants of Ayub made mockery of democracy 
in Pakistan, the country had lost what Mr. Jinnah had gained by his day and 
night efforts vvithout caring for his health and life. But Bhutto knevv vvhat 
democracy vvas and vvhat it meant. 

It vvould be folly to compare any General or any bureaucrat vvith Pundit 
Nehru and he vvas no match even for Lal Bahadur Shastri and Indira Gandhi as 
they vvere trained in the process of democracy, deeming themselves as 
servants of the people. Jinnah knevv Nehru fully vvell and could vvell deal vvith 
the Congress and the Hindu leaders of India rightly because he had passed 
through the mili and vvas vvell acquainted vvith the art and intricacies of political 
life. Novv the dark clouds of Martial Lavv vvere permanently hovering over the 
country and the homeland vvas vvithout any guiding light. In these 
circumstances, Mr. Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, vvho vvas a heavenly gift for Pakistan, 
vvhom God had endovved vvith ali the qualities of head and heart, a fascinating 
personality, a scholar, a vvriter, highly cultured in manners, expert in politics, 
vvell versed in the art of diplomacy, armed to teeth in logical reasoning, came 
on the political surface of Pakistan. The Indian diplomats including their 
Foreign Minister Sardar Svvaran Singh felt themselves in the grip of inferiority 
complex before this young Foreign Minister of Pakistan. 



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But unfortunately after the Tashkent declaration the President Ayub was 
so annoyed with Zulfikar Ali Bhutto that there was no other honourable course 
left for him but to resign. He had very powerfully espoused the cause of his 
country, vvithin and out side Pakistan and he had been a great supporter of the 
Muslim and the Third VVorld countries. 

He was not a devout Muslim, nor could he be equated with angels; he 
admitted what he was; but he was far from hypocrisy and even his vvorst 
enemy could not challenge his high degree of efficiency and extraordinary 
brilliance. Had he been the Prime Minister of Pakistan for two decades like Mr. 
Pandit Nehru who was much older in age, Pakistan vvould have been one of 
most modem and strong states, strategically situated as it is. With his 
elimination, India heaved a sign of relief as they got rid of a man whom they 
feared the most. The main difference betvveen Ayub Khan and Zulfikar Ali 
Bhutto was that the former believed in peace with India at any cost and the 
problem of Kashmir was not so vital problem for him, but Bhutto was made of 
a different metal, he did believe in peace with India, but with honour and 
dignity. The problem of Kashmir was upper most in his mind and he treated it 
as part of Pakistan as had been considered by his political mentor and 
Founding Father of Pakistan Mr. Jinnah. Ayub believed in dictatorship and he 
could not fit in any democratic set up; vvhile. Bhutto was basically a democrat. 
He didn't rely on the politics of Generals as, according to him the first and the 
foremost duty of the army was to look after the frontiers of the country and 
not to interfere in the civil administration. Bhutto was thus poles apart from 
General Ayub. He tried his best to make Ayub a high ranking politician and 
save the honour of his country, but when he failed in his efforts, he had to part 
his ways with Ayub Khan. Hovvever, it must be remembered that he did serve 
Ayub Khan for seven years in the national interests. But unlike Ayub, he had 
not learnt to surrender country's interests before his national enemies. It is 
surprising that General Ayub in his autobiography of 295 pages has never 
mentioned anywhere about Z. A. Bhutto whom he had been declaring as the 
most brilliant Minister, nor he was mentioned a single word about his role as 
Foreign Minister, vvhich was indeed glorious and historical. He had fought 
historic battles at the United Nations, Security Council and had reshaped the 
weak Foreign Policy of Pakistan and put up relentless battles for Kashmir 
against India. General Ayub was a frequent guest of Bhutto at Larkana for 
shooting and holidaying. It is indeed a sad commentary on the authenticity, 
honesty and the historical value of the autobiography of General Ayub. But the 
general impression has been that the auto-biography was not the result of his 
pen; he had neither pen nor svvord in his hand like a seasoned politician or 
vvarrior. It is said to have been vvritten by the Pakistan's Information Secretary 
Mr. Altaf Gauhar under his instruction. 

Politically the people of East Pakistan were far ahead from the 
people of West Pakistan. After the imposition of Martial Law in 1958, Bengalis 
lost ali hopes of Justice and fair play as the entire army came from West 
Pakistan especially from Punjab and few from the Frontier Province. VVhile 



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eulogizing the martial špirit, the Quaid-e-Azam said on March 20, 1948 "The 
Martial špirit of Bengalis is historically knovvn and especially the part played in 
history of the past Bengal.... You have every opportunity to revive your martial 
špirit" But who cared? It was a deliberate scheme to make East Pakistan their 
permanent colony and virtually they had no representation in the Government. 
In March 1962, there were serious bloody disturbances and irrepressible riots 
by the študent community in East Pakistan and they were demanding full 
provincial autonomy for their province as the two vvings were separated by a 
long distance of more than 1000 miles and that distance, vvhether land or sea 
was under the control of the most belligerent India. Instead of solving their 
legitimate problems, Ayub Khan accused the Avvami League Leader H. S. 
Suhrawardy the veteran politician and a relentless fighter for attainment of 
Pakistan and others of inciting the students and the people of the region; as 
such he ordered for crushing those elements. The agitation spread to various 
cities throughout East Pakistan e.g. Dacca, Chittagong, Sylhet, Khulna, Barsial, 
Kushtiya and other areas. There were frequent serious clashes betvveen the 
army combined by the police against the students. Hundreds and thousands of 
students were arrested but undeterred by the armed forces they continued to 
demand the release of ali political detainees, withdrawal of vvarrants of arrest 
and restoration of civil liberties. Ultimately the Government had to surrender 
and the demands were accepted. This unrest and bloodshed in Bengal went 
beyond control as the result of short sightedness of Ayub Khan and his 
administration. It conclusively proved that they had to yield ultimately their 
imperious way. And these incidents further proved that the people were 
stronger than the armed forces and the democratic demands had to be 
accepted sooner or later. Hot headed fools accept after shilly shally vvhile wise 
to do it promptly. 

LAWYERS' REVOLT 

The Bar Associations of the country have always been struggling for civil 
liberties and democratic rights in every regime. Now Ayub Khan's regime had 
banned ali the political parties and imposed complete restrictions on political 
activities and the people were deprived of their fundamental human rights. But 
such tactics vvould not work in region like Bengal. Ayub Khan had extreme 
hatred for judiciary and the Martial Law Officers used to come at any tirne in 
the courts sat along with the judges and even ordered the Magistrates and 
judges to act in a particular way contrary to the law of the land. In the name of 
inexpensive and speedy justice, Ayub vvanted to do away with the judicial 
system. Therefore, the Advocates started a very tough opposition against the 
implementation of Ayub Khan's scheme and continued an unabated struggle 
for the freedom of judiciary and the right of expression. It was not a question 
of income of lawyers as suggested and maliciously propagated by the pro-Ayub 
vvrites and sycophants. Unfortunately, Ayub Khan had very conveniently 
forgotten that Pakistan was achieved under the leadership of Mr. Jinnah, the 
most prominent barrister and the universally acknovvledge leader of the Indian 
Muslims and he had valiantly fought ali his life inside and outside the 



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assemblies against erstvvhile British Masters of Ayub Khan for independence, 
justice and human rights. And this was one of the main purposes for vvhich the 
Quaid-e-Azam had vvaged a relentless war against the Britishers and the 
Hindus. In fact Ayub Khan was undoing the purpose of separate Muslim 
homeland. But who has cared for Jinnah's objectives till today? 

AN the sections of people in Bengal turned deadly against him, barring 
few lackeys. Virtually Bengali's dismemberment had taken plače in Ayub's days 
and he too did not want East Pakistan to be part and parcel of Pakistan. The 
allegation against BengaTs secession from Pakistan imputed to Mr. Z. A. Bhutto 
is not only incorrect but false, frivolous and mischievous. The real culprits went 
scot-free and blamed Bhutto for the dismemberment. These facts will be 
exhaustively clarified in a separate chapter about the breaking of Pakistan. 

ALLOTMENT OF LAND 

One of the "outstanding" achievements of Ayub regime, trumpeted 
universally, was to allot the agricultural lands to the army instead of peasantry 
of the country. What were the extraordinary achievements of those officers 
whom the land was given as a revvard, is yet a mystery. Hovvever, these were 
the devious and dubious methods for corrupting the armed forces of Pakistan, 
who were hitherto highly respected by the people of Pakistan. Who were the 
most important vanguards of the frontiers of their homeland. The limits of 
allotment were fixed as under: 

Major General and above 240 acres 

Brig. and Col. 150 acres 

Lt. Col. 124 acres 

Lt's. to Majors. 100 acres 

Junior Commissioned Officers 64 acres 

Non-Commissioned Officers & other ranks. 32 acres 

For gallantry, 2000 acres could be avvarded. 

Thus lacs of acres in Sindh alone were allotted to the army by Gen. Ayub 
Khan treating Pakistan as his Jagir. 

Ayub Khan's generosity did not extend to army officers alone but also to 
the povverful bureaucracy on whom he had depended for his perpetual rule 
over the country. 

In fact the army and the bureaucracy were his "Electoral College" and 
not the common men of Pakistan through vvhose continued struggle, Pakistan 
was attained and he had ascended through the ladder of dictatorship by virtue 
of Armed Forces. Thus the generosity of this dictator had exceeded the 
legendary generosity of Hatim Tai and consequently brought the country on 
the brink of bankruptcy. 



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DEATH OF FATIMA JINNAH 

Miss Fatima Jinnah the most revered lady had contested the presidential 
election against Ayub Khan in January 1965 and Ayub Khan had won the 
elections by condemnable methods. Hovvever, he knew it fully well how 
election was managed and manipulated and he was therefore totally 
demoralized. By this tirne Zulfikar Ali Bhutto had resigned and had also called 
on Miss Jinnah at Karachi in 1968, the year when she died. Miss Jinnah, though 
old in age, thin and lean, was a person of determination and strong will, like 
her Great Brother and was possessing good health. Ayub Khan was afraid that 
in čase both of them united against him, it will not be possible for him to face 
the upsurge of masses. 

AN of a sudden, Miss Fatima Jinnah died, though she was keeping quite 
well. According to Sardar Shaukat Hayat Khan "Late poor Miss Jinnah was 
murdered. I was the first person who vvitnessed the red mark on her throat 
vvhich was obviously made by a handkerchief pulled across her throat follovving 
the technique vvhich thugs practiced during Lord Bentick's days in India. I 
myself arranged to have her neck covered to hide the ugly scar, just to save 
many poor people being killed, as they vvere bound to come out on the streets 
on hearing the nevvs demanding revenge and vvould have been shot dovvn 
similar to killings during the Victory processions led by Ayub's son Gohar Ayub 
vvhen an orgy of shooting and murder took plače/' 

It vvas the most unfortunate tragedy that the founding father of the 
country, the largest Muslim State of the vvorld, vvas treated so callously and 
brutally by his ovvn follovvers vvhom he had taken up from earth to sky and his 
sister vvas so mercilessly butchered by the privileged political gangster of Ayub 
regime. Though the murder of Miss Jinnah vvas not traced out and for obvious 
reason is not expected to be traced out, there vvas a vvave of resentment and 
hatred against Ayub for the merciless murder of this innocent and most 
respectable lady of Pakistan. This is hovv the benefactor of Pakistan vvas 
treated in Ayub regime. But by these deeds, Ayub vvas digging his ovvn grave. 

AYUB ISOLATES HIMSELF 

One of the causes of Ayub's dovvnfall vvas that he did not tolerate better 
intellectuals, popular, independent and strong Ministers and administrators, as 
he vvas scared of them; he simply vvanted puppets and yes men. It is an 
inflexible rule in čase of dictators that they need servile sub-ordinates and 
cringing covvards vvho vvould never say no to them. The glaring example in this 
čase is afforded by making Mr. Bhutto, Lt. Gen. Mohammad Azam and Navvab 
of Kalabagh resign from their high offices of Foreign Ministership, Governorship 
of East Pakistan and Governorship of West Pakistan respectively. Undoubtedly, 
Bhutto vvas the most brilliant of ali and had an extraordinary grip on global 
affairs. He vvas a man of extraordinary qualities gifted vvith unusual political 
insight and orator of high order vvhose speeches are stili echoing in the U.N. 



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General Assembly and Security Council. But he was not tolerated by Ayub 
Khan for his firm and patriotic stand in 1965 war and Tashkent negotiations 
and had to resign as a matter of principle. General Azam Khan though a very 
highly placed Army General after Ayub Khan, belonging to West Pakistan 
proved most popular in East Pakistan. He had completely identified himself 
with the people, stood by them through thick and thin, easily accessible to the 
people of East Pakistan and had done lot of constructive work for Bengalis. 
Thus, he vastly endeared himself to the masses of East Pakistan but Ayub did 
not tolerate him as he was scared of him. The Navvab of Kalabagh was no 
doubt a feudal lord but even his enemies did not allege any act of corruption 
against him. He was not only a strong administrator, bridling the high 
handedness of bureaucracy to a great extent but was loyal to Ayub Khan and 
in fact he was vviser than Ayub Khan in the domestic political affairs. He had no 
personal axe to grind as governor of West Pakistan. 

"But it was the removal of Navvab of Kalabagh from the scene in 
September 1966, vvhich deprived Ayub of his most povverful partner in West 
Pakistan. Kalabagh had kept a firm grip on the province and he knevv hovv to 
deal vvith the politicians. He vvas replaced by General Musa, vvho proved 
singularly inept and ineffective." Azam Khan vvas replaced by Monem Khan, the 
most hated man of East Pakistan. Governor Monem Khan used to say in official 
meetings that he vvould not allovv Sheikh Mujibur Rehman to stay out of prison 
even for a day. "No mother's son", he vvould declare in his colorful style, "can 
have the freedom to abuse my President." 

When Mr. Bhutto had resigned from Ministership and arrived at Lahore 
by train, he vvas given a vvarmest vvelcome by the people of Lahore and he vvas 
invited to lunch by the Navvab of Kalabagh caring little for Ayub Khan's 
annoyance. It is said that during the course of lunch, the Navvab requested Mr. 
Bhutto not to create any agitation in his province so long he vvas the Governor, 
othervvise he vvould be hard upon him. "I am the dog of Ayub Khan and I vvill 
not spare any body if he creates a situation for Ayub Khan/' But vvhat vvas the 
fate of that man vvho called himself "dog" of Ayub Khan! 

Bhutto simply smiled. Hovvever, the Navvab did not approve acts and 
orders of Ayub Khan vvhich vvere detrimental to the later and to the 
administration. The Navvab vvho had never hankered after any office, 
unhesitatingly resigned from his post of Governorship and in his plače Ayub 
Khan appointed Gen. Retd. Mohammad Musa as Governor, Musa vvas a tactless 
Governor, knevv nothing about the civil administration, played a tool in the 
hands of bureaucrats and the corruption multiplied, vvith the result of Ayub 
Khan lost everything in West Pakistan and vvhen Bhutto established his party 
and started agitation against Ayub Khan, it became uncontrollable for the 
administration to face the political onslaught of the People's Party. 

AYUB KHAN: THE MAN UNDER SELF-DECEPTION 



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From his autobiography, it is crystal clear that Ayub Khan was under 
horrible misconception that he was the man who could save Pakistan under the 
so-called Presidential system, in other vvords, his personal dictatorship. The 
Quaid-e-Azam had not struggled for the achievement of the largest Muslim 
State for any opportunist politician, adventurist Generals, greedy bureaucrats 
or any coterie or class of citizens living in Pakistan, but for the down trodden 
masses of the country. He had not spent his blood, svveat and tears and finally 
scarified his life not for any individual or group but for the economic political 
and social vvelfare of the common men irrespective of caste creed or colour and 
for the prestige of Pakistan. It must not be forgotten that this historic 
achievement was through ballot and not bullet. 

Every man has three characters that vvhich he exhibits, that vvhich he 
thinks he has, that vvhich he actually has. General Ayub Khan vvas 
unfortunately suffering from a grave misunderstanding about his ovvn 
character. He thought and considered himself as great as General De Gaulle, 
vvho had Consolidated the unstable France and converted it into an honourable 
and povverful nation in the vvorld. But to be frank, Ayub Khan vvas far behind 
the great personality like General De Gaulle and there could be no comparison 
betvveen the tvvo. Every general cannot be Napoleon or De Gaulle. They are 
quite rare everywhere. 

Neither he vvas as brave a soldier and nor as far-sighted, povverful 
statesman as De Gaulle. Ayub Khan might have been a gentleman but he 
should have restricted himself to his profession. It vvould have been far better 
for him as vvell as for the Nation. He could have saved the country against the 
intrigues of Iskandar Mirza by preserving the constitution of the country as he 
had taken the oath of protecting it. But many Generals are against democracy, 
because they can't unduly prosper in democracy or under a strictly disciplined 
and most professional commander. "Many an army has prospered under bad 
commander" said Macaulay, "but no army has even prospered under a 
debating society." By debating society, he meant democracy. But the greed of 
povver gave him a bad name and finally he vvas removed unceremoniously, 
unsung, unvvept and totally humiliated. AN is vvell that ends vvell. Throughout 
his regime of over a decade, he vvent on committing blunders, on ali sides 
vvhether it vvas internal or external. The so-called lavvs or reforms that he 
imposed on his country, did not reflect the aspirations or vvishes of the people, 
but they vvere hopelessly prepared by the senior influential bureaucrats, some 
Army Generals and Civilian sycophants jointly. 

Ayub Khan might have been a good man, but he had many limitations 
and vveaknesses. If he had restricted himself to the sphere of his profession it 
vvould have been far better for himself as vvell as for the nation. He could have 
saved his country from the evils and intrigues of Iskander Mirza by preserving 
the constitution of the country and ushering in an era of democracy. But it vvas 
very unfortunate day for Pakistan vvhen they became closest friends and later 
on hatched a heinous conspiracy against the people of Pakistan. It is true that 



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Iskander Mirza was removed by the Generals of Army on 27th October 1958 on 
pištol point, sent to Quetta and thereafter despatched to London vvhere he died 
an unknovvn man^ death. But the mischief and damage were complete. 
General Ayub Khan and his junta ruled the country for some years but finally 
he was removed unceremoniously, unsung, unvvept and totally humiliated. 
Ayub Khan had nine Ministers in his cabinet and they were General Azam 
Khan, General K. M. Sheikh and General Burki; three civilian Ministers from 
each wing. Among them, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto was the youngest. Though young 
and inexperienced, he was the most brilliant of ali, a silver lining in the dark 
firmament of Martial Law. In fact, he was very close to General Ayub during his 
5 years regime. But thereafter they had fallen out. Zulfikar Ali could be 
compared with Moses who was politically brought up in the house of Pharaoh 
and later on challenged Ayub, ultimately freed his nation from the clutches of 
Martial Law and led it tovvards the safe destination. But never did he know that 
the day was not very far when he himself vvould be a most tragic victim of 
Martial Law and leave his nation mourning. Everybody can acquit himself 
creditably in his own field, but not by trespassing in other spheres. A brilliant 
bureaucrat can not prove a successful politician as experience has proved the 
point in the politics of Pakistan. Similarly a soldier meddling in politics will 
surely make a mess of it, damage himself and damage the country itself. After 
ali politics is a science and an art of running a country, deciding the destinies 
of millions. It has its own rules and principles to be administrated. Every Tom, 
Dick and Harry cannot perform this delicate and difficult job. But such scruples 
are woefully lacking in the Third VVorld countries, vvhere brute force prevails. 



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CHAPTER 6 

Foundation of PakistarTs 
Foreign Policy 

"TAie Universe is but one great city full of beloved ones, divine 
and human, by nature endured to each other" 

Epictetus 

Mr. Jinnah did not live long after independence, therefore there is not 
much about country's foreign policy during his lifetime. Broadly he stated the 
basic principles of Pakistan's foreign policy as under: 

"Our foreign policy is one of friendliness and goodvvill to ali the nations 
of vvorld. We do not cherish aggressive designs against any country or nation. 
We believe in the principles of honesty and fair play in national and 
international dealings and we are prepared to make our utmost contribution to 
the promotion of peace and prosperity among the nations of the vvorld. 
Pakistan vvill never be lacking in extending national & moral support to the 
oppressed people of the vvorld & upholding the principles of U.N. Charter." 

Thus Mr. Jinnah enumerated the basic principles of his foreign policy 
vvhich included not only fair play, peace and prosperity, goodvvill and honesty 
and dealings vvith ali, but also to help the oppressed Third VVorld countries vvho 
vvere victims of exploitation, slavery and tyranny by the Major Povvers. The 
terminology of "oppressed people" of course includes quite a number of Muslim 
Countries. The deplorable fact vvas that Afghanistan, an immediate Muslim 
neighbour of Pakistan, vvas the constant source of trouble for Pakistan, but 
Jinnah firmly believed in having brotherly relations even vvith Afghanistan. In 
reply to the short speech made by Sardar Najibullah Khan, Special 
Representative of King of Afghanistan, at the tirne of presenting credentials to 
the Quaid-e-Azam, the Governor General of Pakistan, the latter stated his 
stance in reply as under: 

"I desire that the relationship betvveen the tvvo sister nations may be of 
the greatest and most lasting friendship and I hope that the tvvo governments 
vvill be soon able to settle and adjust in a špirit of good vvill for the benefit of 
both, ali those matters vvhich require our immediate attention and I do trust 
that the coming negotiations vvill secure and strengthen the goodvvill and 
friendship betvveen our tvvo countries vvhich already exist." 

This speech extended the vvarm hand of relationship not only in respect 
of Afghanistan but to ali other Muslim Countries. It vvill be relevant to state 
that Afghanistan vvas the constantly instigated by India against Pakistan, on 



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the pretext of Durand line, the International boundary betvveen Pakistan and 
Afghanistan. 

Jinnah was most vvorried about the future of Kashmir and in his opinion 
Pakistan was not complete vvithout Kashmir. But this will be dealt in a separate 
chapter on Kashmir. 

It will be pertinent to clarify that the Quaid-e-Azam believed in very 
close cooperation and undying friendship with the brother Muslim countries. 
After the failure of negotiations with Congress in London in 1946, Jinnah and 
Liaquat flew into Cairo for a few days of Pan-Islamic meetings en route to India 
and gave a very timely, realistic and friendly vvarning to the Arab brothers. "It 
is only when Pakistan is established that Indian and Egyptian Muslims will be 
really free," the Quaid-e-Azam insisted to Egypt's Prime Minister Nokrashy 
Pasha on December 17, "Othervvise there will be the menace of a Hindu 
Imperialist Raj spreading its tentacles right across the Middle East". Jinnah was 
a guest of the Arab League in Cairo and told a press conference on December 
20: "If India will be ruled by Hindu imperialistic povver, it will be as great a 
menace for the future, if not greater, as the British imperialistic povver has 

been the vvhole of the Middle East vvill fall from the frying pan into the fire." 

Asked about his talks vvith Egyptian and Palestinian Arab leaders, Jinnah 
explained: 

"I told them of the danger that a Hindu empire vvould represent for the 
Middle East and assured them that Pakistan vvould tender cooperation to ali 
nations struggling for freedom vvithout consideration of race or colour... If a 
Hindu empire is achieved, it vvill mean the end of Islam in India and even in 
other Muslim countries. There is no doubt that spiritual and religious ties bind 
us inexorably vvith Egypt. If vve vvere drovvned, ali vvill be drovvned." The above 
foreign policy as stated by Mr. Jinnah vvas in fact faithfully rather more 
vigorously follovved by Mr. Zulfikar Ali Bhutto as a Foreign Minister and Prime 
Minister of Pakistan. This policy paid rich dividends to Pakistan. He 
strengthened Pakistan, united the Muslim vvorld, but had to pay heavy cost for 
serving Pakistan Islam and the dovvntrodden humanity. 

INDIAN FOREIGN POLICY 

India's foreign policy has always been directed against neighbours. Its 
origin is very old and vvould be traced from the days of Chandra Gupta, 324 
B.C. just after the conquest of Punjab and Sindh by Alexander the Great. At 
that tirne they had a very competent and cunning expert Chanakay, vvho had 
masterminded the Indian foreign policy vvhich vvas more elaborate and 
dangerous than that of Machaivelli, so he could be safely called the Machaivelli 
of India. 

"There vvas even an elaborate circle (Mandela) theory of Foreign Policy 
that Chankya developed, teaching every Indian Monarch that the king ruling 



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the circle of immediate neighbour was his enemy, vvhile just beyond, his 
"friend"." It will be relevant to point out that India's Hindu rulers have been 
strictly follovving Chanakya policy immediately after attainment of 
independence in 1947. They are treating ali its neighbours as enemies and 
countries beyond as friends. It was in pursuance of this policy that they have 
left no stone unturned in obliterating Pakistan and antagonizing Muslim brother 
country Afghanistan against Pakistan. 

V. P. Menon, Viceroy's Constitutional Advisor and Sardar Vallab Bhai 
Patel's right-hand man vvrote to the latter on lOth May 1947 from Simla, a top- 
secret letter. He stressed that we should not now delay question of partition 
vvhich was in the best interests of India because he was sure that the truncated 
Pakistan, if conceded novv, was bound to come back later. On the other hand, if 
there was delay the uncertainty might lead to renevved agitation on the part of 
Jinnah and consequent deterioration in the political atmosphere. 

I agreed with H.E observation because our slogans should now be, 
"divide in order to unite". 

CHAUDHRY MOHD AMMAD ALI WRITES: 

"Sardar Patel's view that the Indian union will be so povverful that the 
remaining portions will eventually cave in, was shared by ali the leaders." 

Mr. M. A. Khushro, the former Sindh Chief Minister vvrote as under vvhile 
referring to Acharya Kirpalani, President of AN India Congress, in 1947. "He 
emphatically advised ali Hindus and Sikhs to leave Pakistan. His argument vvas 
that Pakistan vvill not last even for one year. We vvill march our armies to 
Pakistan and occupy it. India vvill then be reunited." Mr. Kirpalani originally 
belonged to Hyderabad Sindh. 

Field Marshal Auchinleck Commander-in-Chief of India stated. "I have no 
hesitation vvhat so ever in affirming (he had vvritten to London a month before) 
that the present Indian Cabinet are implacably determined to do ali in their 
povver to prevent the establishment of dominion of Pakistan on a firm basis." 

One can safely imagine as to vvhat vvould have happened to Arabs and 
Iran in čase there had been no Pakistan and Gavvadar had been vvithin in India. 
Gavvadar is a strategically situated port just by the side by Iran, the Persian 
Gulf and Arab States. This entire region, including the Middle East, vvould lay 
prostrate on the feet of India, per political design of India already stated by 
Jinnah at Cairo in 1946. Even the United States policy tovvards India vvould 
have been that of a "most favorable nation" to prepare and equip her fully for 
crushing the Great China. But this keen and enthusiastic desire of India 
remained unfulfilled due to the birth of Pakistan. 



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India is the most cruel and the most unprincipled country in the vvorld. 
Many people complain against the U.S. A. and the Soviet Union for their high 
handedness, but if India had been so povverful militarily and economically, it 
vvould have ruined the vvorld, vvhat to speak of its victimized neighbours. They 
vvould have been more ruthless than Changiz Khan, Halaku Khan and Hitler, 
vvith the only difference that they vvere madly brave, vvhile the Indian generals 
and statesman are more boastful than brave. They understand the language of 
povver and might and never discriminate betvveen fair and foul. 

VVhich neighbour of India had remained in peace and tranquility? VVhich 
neighbour has remained on friendly terms vvith India? Every neighbouring 
country is infested vvith criminal minded agents of India and in every country of 
the vvorld, Indian lobby is vvorking actively and propagates falsely that India is 
the "largest democracy". Even the Indian diplomats have been found busy in 
the spying and resorting to undesirable activities. The demolition of historic 
Babri mosque, desecration and destruction of the Golden temple of Sikhs and 
Nagaland people mercilessly and the demolition of the churches, are events 
that have no parallel in the modern age. 

And they call it their internal affair. It may be remembered that the 
Congress leadership had used the very Sikhs in the cruel carnage of Muslims; 
and then came their ovvn turn. Pundit Javvaharlal Nehru, the so-called greatest 
statesman of India and the greatest peace maker in the vvorld, as they style 
him, vvas wholly responsible for the Sino-Indian War in 1962. The great Chou- 
en-Lai, the Chinese Premier requested him many times for negotiations and 
solution by peaceful means; but the proud Indian Prime Minister refused to 
listen and the first bullet vvas shot by the Indians. What vvas the result? The 
Indians vvere routed, humiliated and condemned irrespective of the vast 
American and British help. They helped India against ali principles of fairness, 
justice and equity. If China could not be safe from the aggression of India, 
vvhich other neighbouring country can remain safe? 

The first and foremost aim of Indian policy has been to destroy Pakistan. 
In 1971, they dismembered it vvith the help of Russian tanks, planeš, heavy 
arms and Russian military experts. Their behavior in Kashmir is shameful, 
atrocious, anti-democratic and inhuman. They have refused to accept 
mediation of any country, though friendly vvith them. The Security Council 
resolution for plebiscite and the international obligations čast upon India have 
been violated vvith temerity and the major povvers of the vvorld are mere 
spectators of such barbaric situation. 

Similarly, they have been immorally and unlawfully interfering in the 
affairs of Sri Lanka, Nepal, Bangladesh and Burma; and they never allovv any 
respite to the people and Governments of those country. At many places blood 
is spilling like vvater vvith the blessings of Indian foreign policy. They despatch 
arms and ammunition and even their fighting forces to make those countries 



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politically, economically, socially and militarily weak day by day, hoping that 
they vvould one day surrender and accept Indian slavery. 

Zulfikar Ali Bhutto the Pakistan Foreign Minister and later Prime Minister 
was the only statesman after Quaid-e-Azam, who was capable of 
understanding Indian foreign policy, reading the minds of their orthodox 
leadership and facing them correctly and courageously. But the Martial Law 
Generals in order to quench their thirst for povver overthrevv him, imprisoned 
him, tortured him and finally obtained a judicial verdict to assassinate him as 
goes the voice of the vvorld, thus India who treated Bhutto as her vvorst 
enemy, was very pleased when he was permanently eliminated from the 
political scene and they heaved a sigh of relief. Now India could conveniently 
deal with Pakistan, Kashmir and her small neighbours. 

RUSSIA 

So far the area of the country is concerned, Russia is the biggest country 
in the vvorld. It is a neighbour of Pakistan and not far away like America. Soviet 
Union has remained one of the most povverful countries of the vvorld, as 
povverful as U.S. A., but its terms vvith Pakistan have not remained cordial as 
vvith India. The question arises vvhether Russia has been responsible for such 
unfortunate relationship vvith Pakistan? It is for the readers to decide. The 
account has been given by the ex- Ambassador Sajjad Hyder: 

"Early in June 1949, a formal invitation arrived in Pakistan from Soviet 
Russia through Pakistan Embassy in Tehran. It vvas accepted vvith alacrity and 
public announcement vvas made on June 8, 1949. The nevvs attracted instant 
notice through out the vvorld. It came as a rude surprise in India, vvhen only a 
month earlier that is on May 7, 1949. Pundit Nehru had announced that he had 
accepted an invitation to visit America in October of that year. The months of 
June and July vvere taken up in urgent consultations betvveen Moscovv and 
Karachi about the dates of the visit. Moscovv proposed the middle of August 
1949 as suitable date for the Prime Minister's visit to the Soviet Union. Liaquat 
Ali Khan offered to come vvithin 2 or 3 days of Pakistan's Independence day 
celebration vvhich takes plače on August 14." 

He also accepted a Soviet offer to travel by Russian plane and conveyed 
his keen desire to study economic planning, industrial and agricultural 
development, as vvell as projects for educational and cultural uplift. He further 
vvished to visit some of the Central Asian Republics. Brisk preparations vvere 
set afoot straight away and a list of Prime Minister's entourage of some twenty 
persons vvas dravvn up. It included not only officials representing various 
ministries of Central Government but also scientists and also other 
academicians, vvho it vvas hoped vvould establish bilateral contacts in their 
respective fields. The Prime Minister and Begum Liaquat Ali Khan's personal 
staff vvas to include a young dashing Lt. Col. Yaqub Khan vvho spoke Russian 
beside other European languages. Little could have been knovvn at the tirne he 



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vvould be chosen to be the Foreign Minister of Pakistan. VVhile exchanges about 
dates were going on, their Minister Ghulam Mohammad arrived in VVashington 
on an official tour at the end of August 1949. Inevitably the question of Liaquat 
Ali Khan's projected visit to the Soviet Union came up in his discussion with 
American officials. The Americans offered the Prime Minister to visit the United 
States as well. Ghulam Mohammad encouraged the idea and conveyed the gist 
of his conversations to Karachi and went as far as to suggest that the invitation 
from VVashington should be given preference over the invitation from Moscovv. 
Ambassador Ispahani and ali the staff in the Embassy felt rather strongly that 
this was the vvrong approach and Prime Minister should go to Moscovv first. 

Ever since the opening of our Mission in VVashington, vve had been 

conscious of the fact that Pakistan vvas being taken for granted yet the US 

also felt that it vvas India vvhich had to be groomed as the leader of Asia and its 

major bulvvark, against communism Nor did vve fail to notice the sudden 

vvarmth in America's attitude tovvards Pakistan and the Mission in VVashington. 
"The invitation from VVashington, "had been received and accepted as 
announced on December 10, 1949 before our Ambassador arrived in 

Moscovv It is a pity that Liaquat Ali Khan could not go to Moscovv in August 

or November of 1949 as he had offered to do despite the American invitation. 
The history of Pakistan Soviet relations might have taken a different course 
had he not been stood up. The missed opportunity hurt the interests of both 
sides albeit more so those of Pakistan than those of its great neighbour. The 
chances of subsequent visit evaporated after Liaquat Ali Khan's visit to the 
United States vvhen a host of considerations, Soviet indifference, the Kashmir 
problem and Pakistan's pressing defence requirements being amongst them, 
left Liaquat Ali Khan vvith no option, but to come dovvn to American side. Thus 
begun, Pakistan Soviet differences vvhich persisted until 1965, vvhen Ayub Khan 
chose as a matter of considered policy to go to Moscovv/' It vvill be profitable 
for the readers to realise that the Russian attitude to India vvas not all-cordial 
in the early days. Vijya Lakshmi, the first Indian Ambassador having been sick 
of such indifferent attitude, had complained to her brother Pundit Nehru. "The 
Russian attitude tovvards India has become progressively one of condemning 
and running dovvn the Government of India Nehru complained to Krishna 
Memon in confidence. He reported that Nan had vvritten repeatedly that she 
could do nothing very useful in Moscovv. Stalin had refused to see her, none of 
his confidents spoke to her and she vvas never permitted to visit any Asian part 
of the Soviet Union. Nan vvrote to say she felt a "moral defeat" in Moscovv 
asking her brother to bring her home or to send her some vvhere else." Liaquat 
Ali Khan lost a golden opportunity and brought Russia and India together by 
his serious diplomatic error. 

Thus the foundation of unfriendly relations vvas laid by Pakistan vvith its 
most povverful neighbour Russia and Liaquat Ali Khan threvv Pakistan in the lap 
of U.S. A. vvhen he visited the U.S. A. in May 1950 and ali the eggs of foreign 
policy vvere put in the American basket. It vvill be pertinent to state that the 
Russian invitation vvas extended to Pakistan's Prime Minister one year before 



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the American invitation vvhile the U.S. A. was ali anxious to win over India as 
the names of "Mahatma Gandhi and Javvahar Lal Nehru were the house-hold 
names in America. " The Indian lobby fully equipped and funded by the Indian 
Prime Minister Javvahar Lal Nehru vvas vvorking very strongly and effectively in 
America. The American Government treated Pakistan vvith scant respect, as 
they did not consider Pakistan's Prime Minister vvell-versed in global affairs. It 
may be noted that the Socialist Government in China drove out India's friend 
Chiang Kai-Shek from China in 1949. China vvas not considered a povver at that 
tirne. 

RELATIONS VVITH USA 

It vvill be relevant to mention that in the Interim Government of United 
India in 1946, Pundit Javvahar Lal Nehru vvas the Foreign Minister and used to 
call himself a socialist. He had appointed his very capable sister Mrs. Vijay 
Lakshmi Pandit as India's first Ambassador to Soviet Russia and she presented 
her credentials on August 13, 1947 to the Soviet President vvith the 
concurrence of Governor Generals of United India. From these facts, it is very 
evident that the Indian leadership vvas very conscious of Russia's importance 
and tried to have very cordial and even friendly relations vvith the dignitaries of 
the major foreign countries even prior to independence through their efficient 
and intelligent emissaries and they had built the edifice of foreign policy 
mentally before August 1947. "Moscovv hovvever had mental reservations, they 
termed the Indian leaders as "lackeys of British Imperialism." The Russian 
attitude vvas presumably based on the clandestine and questionable friendship 
betvveen Nehru and Lord Mountbatten and his vvife Edvvine; and also a very 
partisan role of British Government during partition of India. Stalin had even 
refused to see the Indian Ambassador. 

It vvill be seen in the later pages of these chapters that Mr. Z. A. Bhutto 
gave nevv dimensions to the foreign policy of Pakistan, vvhich vvas in a 
lamentable state before he vvas appointed Foreign Minister of Pakistan in 1963 
and it vvas he vvho vvas grooming Pakistan as a leader of the Muslim VVorld ad 
the Third VVorld countries. The Soviet Russia had not opposed the admission of 
Pakistan to the U.N.O. and had not even vetoed against the plebiscite, the 
resolution passed by the Security Council in 1948. It vvas only Afghanistan that 
had opposed the entry of Pakistan in the U.N.O. As such Pakistan had no 
grievances against Russia. 

The Kashmir delegation comprising Chaudary Zafarullah Khan, Foreign 
Minister, M. A. Ispahani, Ambassador to U.S. A., Chaudary Mohammad Ali, 
Secretary General of Pakistan and Mohammad VVaseem, Attorney General of 
Pakistan, constituted a very povverful delegation and vvas in fact selected 
personally by the Quaid-e-Azam himself. To be frank not only the British 
government vvas against the creation of Pakistan, but America too vvas not in 
favour of dividing India on religious basis though the U.S. A. and the British 
vvere themselves the architects of Israel for a religious Jevvish state, in the 



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heart of Arab countries by uprooting the Arabs. In 1942, when Cripps Mission 
was sent to India for resolving the Indian problems during the VVorld War II, 
President Franklin Roosevelt of America sent his special emissary, former 
Assistant Secretary Col. Johnson, to India for helping Congress and influence 
the viceroy. 

Quaid-e-Azam appointed Mr. Abul-Hassan Ispahani as the first 
Ambassador to U.S. A., as he was a very trusted and talented lieutenant of Mr. 
Jinnah. Undoubtedly America was most povverful country of the vvorld and real 
vvinner of the Second VVorld VVar by throvving atom bombs invented for the first 
tirne in the vvorld on the civilian population of Japan, as the later vvas against 
the allies. Mr. Ispahani had done a vvonderful job in America and pleaded the 
čase of Pakistan very strongly and very impressively, in spite of ali handicaps. 
It vvill be surprising to knovv that the embassy of Pakistan had only tvvo rooms, 
hired in a hotel in VVashington D. C. According to Mr. Sajjad Hyder, his 
subordinate vvho later on became Ambassador of Pakistan, states about Mr. 
Ispahani that Mr. Ispahani did his best for Pakistan, but the vvorld politics is 
always guided by povver politics. America cared much for India, though India 
vvas not equally responsive; Pakistan cared much for America, but America vvas 
not much responsive thanks to the foreign policy formulated by Liaquat Ali 
Khan and his cabinet. 

Pakistan has remained a faithful ally or camp follovver of the U.S. A. but 
the U.S. A. has its ovvn interests and has been vvooing India ali along, as it is 
propagated to be the biggest democracy vvith political stability. Politically, 
Pakistan has been ruled by dictatorship and woefully lacks stability; its 
politicians lack efficiency, political training and statesmanship; and economy of 
Pakistan is in shambles. The success of any country in foreign affairs is 
invariably dependent upon its inherent strength and the formulation of a vvise 
foreign policy. It vvas only during the days of Bhutto that the foreign policy of 
Pakistan achieved nevv dimensions and vvas reckoned as a front line Muslim 
Country. 

MUSLIM COUNTRIES 

Pakistan more or less ignored the Muslim countries, vvhile India left no 
stone in turned in vvinning over the brother Muslim countries of Pakistan. The 
rules of Pakistan vvere anxious to vvin the favour of U.S. because it vvas in 
political and economic command of the vvorld, little realizing that the balance of 
foreign policy lay in a rational and realistic approach to the other countries. 
The Muslim countries vvere not only neighbours of Pakistan but could be more 
sympathetic and become friendly to this newly created largest Muslim country 
in the vvorld. In this respect the approach of Pandit Nehru, the Prime Minister 
of India vvas more sensible and vviser. His effective approach and friendly 
gestures brought the Muslim countries nearer through U.S. to India; vvhile the 
insatiable hunger for poverty alienated them from Pakistan. 



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CHAPTER 7 

Foreign Policy - Bhutto's 

Contribution 

"The tirne h as passed when foreign affairs and domestic affairs 
could be regarded as separate and distinct. The borderline between 
the two has practically ceased to exist." 

Walter Bedeli Smith 

After the sad assassination of Liaquat Ali Khan, Pakistan totally feel into 
the hands of bureaucrats, both civil and military; and the politicians proved 
spineless. Iskandar Mirza, Ayub Khan, Ghulam Mohammad, Chaudary 
Mohammad Ali and Mushtaq Ahmed Gurmani, the unelected and the unpopular 
coterie was now all-powerful with United States as their controlling authority. 
The weak, opportunist and greedy politicians played in their hands and vvithin a 
period of seven years from 17th Oct. 1951 to 7th Oct. 1958, they made and 
unmade seven cabinets in Pakistan, before clamping Martial Law on the 
country. Resultantly, Pakistan lost its political stability, surrendered its defacto 
sovereignty, lamentably reduced its reputation in the brother Muslim Countries 
and was practically isolated. The domestic affairs were also equally in mess. 

On the other hand India was taking big strides, both politically and 
economically under the able leadership of Pandit Javvahar Lal Nehru. He was 
the maker of India's foreign policy. The stability in India during his days was 
indeed remarkable; he continued as Prime Minister of his country for 17 years 
and India came to be reckoned as the largest democracy in the vvorld and 
respected universally throughout the vvorld. Indian politicians vvere 
constructing their country, vvhile the politicians and bureaucrats of Pakistan 
vvere busy in vveakening it. 

MAKING OF FOREIGN POLICY 

Foreign policy of a country is a very sensitive and serious subject as it is 
linked vvith life and death of a country. It is not made by the Prime Minister or 
the Foreign Minister alone; but a vvell defined and vvell thought policy is 
adopted by the entire cabinet, though every minister may not be expert in the 
vvorld affairs. VVithout profound knovvledge of the global affairs, political 
acumen and vision, it is not possible to lay dovvn a correct policy, in the best 
interests of the country. But in Pakistan, the subject vvas not treated seriously 



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and sedately, like true patriots and experts by those who had become its 
masters by usurping the rights of the people. They did not keep national 
interests above every things, rather it was dictated by others. 

The importance of the foreign policy can be judged and realized from the 
two destructive vvorld wars of tvventieth century. The Britishers won the wars 
against their well equipped better organized and povverful army of Germany 
because the main factor in favour of the Britishers was their pragmatic and 
efficient foreign policy and superior diplomacy vvhich won many friends for 
them and Germany was isolated. In Karachi and later on in Islamabad, the 
subject was relegated to secondary status and treated casually, vvhich resulted 
in an irreparable loss to the country. 

ZULFIKAR ALI BHUTTO ENTERS POLITICAL ARENA 

A born politician, a genius, orator young Barrister Zulfikar Ali returned 
from America and Europe, in 1953. He vvas full of zeal and determination to 
serve his motherland, vvhich vvas achieved after profound sacrifices; it vvas novv 
in anguish and languish caused by none other than its rulers. The common 
Pakistani had absolutely no say in the national affairs. 

Iskandar Mirza vvas a friend of Sir Shah Navvaz Bhutto. Mirza's uncle 
namely Mr. Ghulam Mustafa vvas a senior engineer in Sindh (Bombay 
Presidency) and married from Larkana and in those days Sir Bhutto vvas the 
only Minister from Sindh in Bombay Presidency. Zulfikar Ali Bhutto had 
therefore free access to the Governor GeneraTs House in Karachi; and even 
Iskandar Mirza and Ayub Khan had enjoyed the hospitality of Sir Bhutto and 
Zulfikar Ali at Larkana. Mirza had offered the Mayoralty of Karachi to Zulfikar 
Ali, but he courteously declined to accept it. 

In 1957, vvhen Mr. Suhrawardy vvas the Prime Minister, Bhutto became 
acquainted vvith him and former recognized his potentials and invited him to 
join the Avvami League. In September 1957, Bhutto vvas nominated as a 
delegate of Pakistan to the United Nations. Thus he started his career as rising- 
star in politics from the forum of vvorld politics; that is, the United Nations 
Organization, center of the global politics including the foreign affairs, vvhich 
vvas his favourite subject. 

Qudratullah Shahab, Secretary to the President Iskander Mirza, vvrites: 

"On my call, a smart, very vvell dressed, handsome, extremely sharp, 
intelligent and mercurial young man entered my room, Mr. Zulfikar Ali 
possessed extraordinary intelligence and amazing grasp on modern knovvledge 
and different subjects. In a fevv days, he read ali the books in the small library 
of the Presidenfs House". 

He further vvrites: - 



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"It was a common complaint of many ministers and high officials that 
during the last days of his povver, he treated them sternly and roughly and his 
attitude was insulting, but personally I did not experience any such thing. I 

was treated with respect from beginning to the end Now I am on the road 

and you will see that I will occupy the chair of Foreign Minister". 

In short this was the confidence of Mr. Zulfikar Ali Bhutto. The cabinet 
Ministers and the high officials entertained the same grievance against Mr. 
Jinnah. But why this attitude and grouse? In statecraft, there were many 
things common betvveen the two great personalities. They demanded the job to 
be done honestly, efficiently with speed and they will not brook any negligence, 
procrastination and lethargy, therefore as the most povverful rulers of the 
State, they might have been sometimes harsh and castigatory with such office 
holders, because vvelfare of the State was after ali above individuals; and a 
backvvard State like Pakistan demanded energetic, speedy and honest 
performance. 

Mr. Feroz Khan Noon as Foreign Minister was leading the delegation of 
Pakistan. Generally the officers in the Permanent Mission of a country prepare 
speeches for their delegates who are read by them in the U.N. and its 
Committees. But Bhutto had his own way, he prepared the speeches himself 
vvhich differed in language, style and force from the ordinary routine speeches. 
In his very first appearance, he acquitted so well that the vvorld diplomats 
thought and thought correctly that one day he vvould raise high in the 
international politics. Speaking forcefully, logically and mostly different from 
others, he spoke as under on 23 rd Oct. 1957: 

"If man's ingenuity is limitless and if his resources and capabilities know 
no frontiers, then he is and indeed must be ingenious enough not only to 
define aggression, but also to circumvent, subvert and abuse it. A definition 
under these circumstances, vvould literally mean the presentation of our 
civilization on a uranium platter to vvould be aggressor, to a tvventieth century 
Changiz Khan or Attila, a vvould be vvorld dictator vvho vvould most certainly find 
the means to distort and mutilate the definition for his ovvn vvicked and 
gruesome ambitions." 

It is an excerpt from his elaborate speech against the aggression by 
povverful States. His maiden speech from the United Nations platform 
adequately proved his merit as a brilliant speaker and a very knovvledgeable 
politician about global affairs from the Third VVorld. 

His very first speech proved that he vvas crusader against tyranny and a 
valuable asset to Pakistan. Thus U.N. platform vvas his launching pad in 
politics. But he had to return soon from Nevv York as his father Sir Bhutto 
expired on 11 November 1957 at Larkana. 



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BHUTTCS ROLE IN MARTIAL LAW 

Bhutto was given the portfolio of Fuel, Povver and Natural Resources in 
the Martial Law Cabinet, vvhile Lahore's eminent lawyer Manzoor Qadir a very 
prominent Barrister, but raw in politics was entrusted the portfolio of Foreign 
Affairs. Bhutto's outlook was international, his subject in the University studies 
were history and political science and had done his law from Southampton 
University England in International Law; as such being fully qualified he was 
intensely interested in the subject of Foreign Affairs. Even as Minister of 
Commerce, he had his eye on vvorld affairs and had not confined himself to the 
duty politics of "Basic Democracy" vvhich was introduced by Ayub Khan in 
consultation with his Foreign Minister Manzoor Qadir, who had no political 
ambitions and his scope of activities was limited to the Supreme Court and 
High Court vvhere he earned huge amounts. But Bhutto was a real politician, an 
ardent advocate of his nation, unlike the pettifogging politicians and 
bureaucrats of Pakistan. 

In September 1959, Bhutto was again selected to represent Pakistan - 
now as leader of the delegation. On his way to New York, he visited Tehran, 
Ankara, Pariš, England and Toronto to meet politicians of different shades and 
acquaint himself with their vievvs. 

At orchestra, Našim Ahmed, the chief correspondent of Dawn hosted a 
lunch in Mr. Bhutto's honour; and it was attended by a big gathering of 
overseas Pakistani's mostly students. The young Bhutto loved to address the 
people and especially the younger generation, vvhich forms the real nucleus of 
any nations. The gathering vvas overvvhelmed vvith joy to hear the eloquent and 
patriotic young Minister speaking about his country and international situation. 
Martial Lavv vvas bad, is bad and vvill be treated as such in the future and it 
must be deprecated, it is cruel depredation on the rights of citizen. But Bhutto 
vvas a silver lining in the dark clouds of Martial Lavv, he vvas a cover for the 
ugliness of Martial Lavv. Mr. Bhutto vvas so pleased vvith Našim Ahmed that 
vvhen he becomes Prime Minister, he appointed the former as Information 
Secretary and thereafter Ambassador to the United Nations. 

VVhile addressing the 2nd Committee of the U.N. he profoundly stressed 
on the reduction of armaments and improvement of the economy of the 
developing countries, vvhich instead of spending on the vvelfare of the people, 
spent on purchasing arms and ammunitions from Super Povvers due to the fear 
of domination by the povverful neighbours. 

He emphasized very rightly: 

"A reduction of armaments is the only hope vvhich these countries have 
of economic viability, especially those among vvhich are under-developed. They 
can not reduce their armaments unless corresponding reductions are made in 
the military strengths of our neighbours. They do not possess nuclear 
vveapons. For them, therefore, meaningful disarmament connotes a general 



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and universal reduction of conventional armaments of as to release enough of 
their own economic and financial resources for the purpose of attaining a rate 
of grovvth vvhich will carry them forvvard from their present stage of low 
productivity to that of "take off" when economic development tends to become 
self generating." 

Though he did not name any country his speech, he must have indirectly 
referred to the Indian collection of heavy and sophisticated vveapons, large 
army and nuclear vveapons. Even at that tirne, there vvas continuous flovv of 
arms to India, by the povvers that dominated the United Nations and the VVorld. 

He returned to Pakistan after about a month and visited almost ali the 
capital cities of the far eastern countries, met the journalists, industrialists and 
big business magnets everywhere for promoting investment in Pakistan. Bhutto 
by novv transcended the limits of local and national politics and his talents vvere 
in the process of recognition ali the vvorld over. 

Mr. Bhutto vvas novv providing indispensable for Pakistan in global affairs 
and his marvelous knovvledge and presentation could not be equaled by any 
other politician or bureaucrat in Pakistan. Therefore he vvas deputed as leader 
of Pakistan delegation to the U.N.O. in 1960 also. He had his ovvn circle of 
friends and acquaintances in this global organization of the highest 
importance; vvhich even the ruling Junta, the senior politicians and bureaucrats 
did not have. 

VVhile addressing the first committee of the United Nations that deals 
vvith the non-proliferation of nuclear vveapons, he said in his speech of October 
19, 1960: 

"The survival of mankind is a race betvveen disarmament and 
catastrophe - the race is heading tovvards a dangerous and accelerating crisis. 
We face the avvesome possibility of nuclear vvar. Should it break out, 
civilization vvill be in shambles. Ideologies and social systems vvill be svvept 
away in common ruin". 

VVarning the members about dangerous situation, he stated: 

"We have read vvith great concern, a report in the Nevv York Times of 
October 12, 1960 of the refinement in Germany and Netherlands of techniques 
of the separation of enriched uranium vvhich vvould make it feasible for any 
technologically advanced nation to produce atomic vveapons vvithout large 
financial expenditure. This knovvledge vvhich is bound to spread, vvill in a fevv 
years enable many nations to become nuclear povvers. If agreements to 
prohibit, under international control, the test explosions of nuclear vveapons 
and also the prevention of vvider dissemination of nuclear vveapons are not 
reached vvithout delay, the inevitable advance in science and technology are 
bound to inject complicating nevv factors into the problems of atomic arms 



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control.... Mr. Chairman these facts underscore more forcefully and eloquently 
than vvords, the dangers of vvasting tirne vvhich only serve to compound the 
political and technical difficulties of the disarmament problems as to make 
them well-high insoluble. Time is the essence, yes Sir, of the essence of the 
quest if general and complete disarmament is not to prove a will-o the wisp". 

Mr. Bhutto made a long, logical and forceful speech for the prevention of 
proliferation of chemical and nuclear vveapons but it proved of no avail. The 
United Nations could pass the resolutions, but vvhere was the povver of 
execution and implementation. The vvorld had shockingly vvitnessed the 
horroring holocaust of Japanese in the Second VVorld War, but the so-called 
statesman felt no mercy and no repentance of any kind. Now the countries 
with ailing economy also decided to make nuclear vveapons by spending huge 
amounts at the cost of their vast population living in extreme penury poverty 
and misery, even vvithout tvvo meals a day! 

The politicians proclaimed that modem age has brought a message of 
peace, progress and prosperity, to the mankind, but I think that claim is 
spurious and hippocratic; perhaps the early ages vvere more humane and 
civilized than the present "shovv off" of the present day culture vvhen the great 
Ashoka, renovvned and noble emperor of India, ruling from 69 B.C to 232 B.C 
fought a bloody vvar, though ending in victory killed innumerable lives. His 
conscience vvoke up and he renounced to spili blood of the poor and innocent 
any further as against the policies of his grand father, Chandra Gupta and his 
Foreign Minister Chanakya. "That vvar proved so costly in human life causing 
the slaughter of hundreds of thousands, the Emperor Ashoka decided after 
vvinning it, to follovv the path of vvar no more. He turned instead to the 
Buddha's Lavv of Righteousness (Dharma) advocating love and non-violence 
(ahinsa) as the ideals for empires as vvell as monastic orders." 

BHUTTCS FRIENDSHIP WITH CHINA 

Bhutto's friendship vvith China, world's biggest country and next door 
neighbour, vvas a must and inevitable in the best interests of Pakistan. But 
hitherto at the instance of the U.S. A, Pakistan vvas voting against the 
admission of China as a member of the U.N.O. After ali, President Ayub Khan 
vvas the nominee of America and had enjoyed full support in imposing Martial 
Lavv and halting the process of democracy, vvhich ultimately resulted in the 
dismemberment of Pakistan. Bhutto refrained from voting against China in 
October 1960, totally against the American instructions. Pakistan's Foreign 
Office vvas informed about attitude of Bhutto and situation thus created by 
Pakistan's Foreign Minister. Mr. Manzoor Qadir vvired to Z. A. Bhutto for 
retracting his "discretionary povvers" on future U.N. votes. Bhutto's irrevocable 
decision vvas purely in his country's interests, therefore he refused to comply 
vvith the instruction of Foreign Minister vvho in fact vvas a megaphone of the 
President himself. Matter of such a vital importance affecting the very basis of 
Pakistan's foreign policy must have been brought to the notice of Ayub Khan 



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for his decision. In fact this was the starting point of differences betvveen 
President Ayub and Bhutto, vvhich involved nothing personal, but a matter of 
supreme national importance and interest. And that unexpected initiative made 
China the most reliable friend of Pakistan. 

After the return from New York, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, the youngest 
politician ever appointed as Federal Minister, vigorously pursued his point of 
view for a radical change in the foreign policy of Pakistan. 

On November 18, 1960, he pleaded strongly for the recognition of 
Socialist China by Pakistan in 1952 and presentation of credentials by the 
Pakistan delegate, gave on automatic and logical rise to the conclusion that 
Pakistan must vote in its favour to represent China and they must have their 
friendly relations with Russia. It was opposed vehemently by the Foreign 
Minister Manzoor Qadir, other Ministers and even by the Pakistan's Foreign 
Office but Bhutto astonishingly succeeded in changing and correcting the 
foreign policy of Pakistan on correct lines. It was for the first tirne in the history 
of Pakistan that a drastic change in the foreign policy was brought about in 
spite of tough opposition from ali interested and influential quarters vvithin and 
outside Pakistan. In 1961, Pakistan voted in favour of the Socialist China to 
represent the country and Chiang-Kai-Shek, the old friend of AN Indian 
Congress leadership, was ousted 'lock stock and barrel' from China's politics. 
Thus the healthy change occurred to the complete chagrin of U.S. A. for vvhich 
none else but Bhutto alone vvas responsible and it vvas natural for America to 
be displeased vvith him and take notice for the future. 

CHINA, INDIA AND AYUB 

The Socialist China came into existence in 1949 by trouncing and driving 
General Chiang-Kai-Shek from the soil of China under the leadership of giant 
vvorld political leader, Chairman Mao-Tse-Tung much against the vvill of U.S. A. 
India had seemingly cordial relations vvith the Socialist China, because Pandit 
Nehru had envisaged a status of Asia's leader for India. In the initial years 
there vvere slogans of "Hindi-Cheenee Bhai Bhai", but they did not last long for 
lack of sincerity and soon a serious dispute arose betvveen the tvvo countries 
over demarcation of boundary line betvveen the tvvo countries. Nehru vvas not 
prepared to listen to Chou-En-Lai, a very graceful and remarkable Prime 
Minister of China. It must be borne in mind that the Chinese leaders vvere 
revolutionary in true sense as they had struggled for years, defied the U.S. A. 
and fought their way to victory; vvhile the AN India Congress vvas a political 
body, communist in its outlook and supported by the capitalists, industrialists 
and business magnets of India. 

The proud Nehru did not listen to the repeated appeals of Chou-En-Lai 
for a just solution of dispute. His final judgement about Nehru vvas: 



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"I have met Khrushchev, I have met Chiang-Kai-Shek, I have met 
American generals, but I have never met a more arrogant man than Nehru, I 
am sorry but this is true". 

The self-conceited Nehru considered himself a super intellectual 
personality and the top most politician of Asia; but the myth exploded in 
Bundung Conference: 

"Nehru discovered at Bundung Conference, the first ever get-together of 
Afro-Asian leaders in 1955, that Chou-En-Lai, whom he regarded as protegee, 
was in fact a formidable rival. It was Chou-En-Lai, soldier, poet and scholar 
who outshone ali the other luminaries and came to dominate the conference. 
Nehru, the great Pundit, who was seen as a shining symbol of anti imperialism 
was completely eclipsed." 

After the shift of the foreign policy of Pakistan, through the vvisdom and 
vision of Z. A. Bhutto, there started and existed a great and lasting friendship 
betvveen Chou-En-Lai and Bhutto. His considered opinion about the Chinese 
leader was: 

"Frost asked Bhutto, vvhich vvorld leader had most impressed him and he 
picked Chou-En-Lai, saying perhaps as much about how he vvould like to be 
seen by others as about Chou's personality in explaining why, like Napoleon, 
who was a complete man Chou-En-Lai is a complete man. He knovvs about 
music, he knovvs about history, he knovvs about military science, he knovvs 
about vvhat is happening in the vvorld. He vvill be able to analyze the hippy 

problem He takes čare of everything he looks into everything, he looks 

into everything minutely". 

The vvorld produces such man as Chou very rarely and man like 
Z. A. Bhutto vvould pay such a glovving tribute only to those vvho deserve. They 
made China a great povver, a povver to be reckoned vvith even by a superpovver 
like America and Soviet Russia. Hovv could Pakistan afford to ignore such 
friend, especially vvhen India, the eternal and inveterate enemy of Pakistan 
vvas bent upon effecting it. Border dispute betvveen China and India had 
erupted in 1959 over Ladakh and Nehru vvas adamant and adopted an 
obstinate vievv against their neighbour. Looking to the exceptional abilities and 
performance of Chou-En-Lai, he vvas thoroughly convinced in the Bandung 
Conference that the leadership of the Afro-Asian countries had slipped from his 
hands; and his dream of his 'greatness' had been hopelessly shattered. Novv he 
vvanted to teach a lesson to China militarily, vvhich might redeem his status as 
Asia's most povverful leader. 

DISPUTE OVER LADAKH 



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President Ayub had completely misunderstood the Chinese leadership 
and their objective and had his leanings tovvards India, that could never be 
Pakistan's friend. 

"In 1958, Pakistan's relations with China were under great strain. They 
deteriorated further in the follovving year. President Ayub Khan who later 
claimed to be the architect of friendship with China, had no qualms in 
criticizing both China and the Soviet Union and dvvelling again and again on 
'the danger from the North'. In 1959, he formulated a scheme for a joint 
defence with India obviously against China and the Soviet Union. On 19 
January 1960, he declared, 'I foresee China moving south through Burma and 
Russia through Afghanistan and Iran, if there is no clash betvveen two of 
them...". 

Further he told a news conference at the Presidenfs House that "the 
position could be defended if both Pakistan and Bharat resolved their 
differences and ceased to face each other with loaded rifles, Pakistan he said, 
vvould very much like to defend Bharat in such an event". 

What a misfortunate of a Pakistan! It fell into such unsafe hands that the 
dictator was prepared to surrender before India and fight for them; When right 
from the days of Quaid-e-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah to Feroz Khan Noon, 
every Head of State and the Prime Minister had expressed their serious 
apprehensions against Indian acts of aggression and designs. He was certainly 
living in fooTs paradise vvorking as megaphone of a Super Povver that never 
proved Pakistan's friend indeed. He went to the extent of offering "Joint 
Defence Pact" to Javvahar Lal Nehru, vvhich was ridiculed and rebuffed by the 
latter by stating in Lok Sabha on 4th May 1959": 

"We do not prefer to have a military alliance with any country, come 
what may. I am ali for settling troubles with Pakistan and living normal, 
friendly and neighbourly lives, but we do not want to have common defence 
policy vvhich is almost some kind of a military alliance. I do not understand 
against vvhom people talk about common defence policies. Are vve to become 
members of Baghdad Pact or SEATO or somebody else?" 12 Blood of Kashmiris 
vvas spilling and Ayub Khan vvas talking of joint defence vvith the killer. 

Ayub Khan in his Press intervievvs expressed his anxiety against the 
activities of China: 

"According to Reuters report from Tehran on 9th November published in 
various Papers, President Mohammad Ayub Khan of Pakistan vvas today 
reported to have said in an intervievv that Chinese occupation of Tibet and 
road-building activities in Afghanistan posed a serious threat from the north". 



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Asked to comment on the latest Chinese incursion in Ladakh, he said "it 
was India's problem and he was not in position to say anything as there were 
note enough details available". 

Ayub Khan perhaps could not understand the implications of his 
unvvarranted statement. Pakistan was deeply involved and could not afford to 
remain a silent spectator and was playing right into the hands of adversary 
India that had done incalculable harm to Pakistan. Even his Foreign Minister 
Manzoor Qadir, the eminent lawyer of Lahore proved that he was only a lawyer 
and nothing more and he was helpless in understanding the politics played by 
his neighbours. The ever agile minded Bhutto who had full understanding of 
foreign affairs was compelled to address a detailed letter and it vvould be 
profitable to reproduce excerpts of the letter for the benefit of the readers. 

Dear Mr. President, 

For the past several vveeks, I have been anxiously concerned with the 
India-China situation in Ladakh and the impact it can have on our position 
regarding Kashmir. I noticed in the press that, during an airport intervievv, you 
were asked a question regarding this situation and you replied to the effect 
that it was India's problem. I do not know what exactly was the vvording of 
your statement and vvhether it was accurately reported in the press 

The dangers that lie in our attitude as so far shovvn, can be spelled out 
as follovvs: 

(a)We can be taken to have tacitly recognized India's authority over that 
part of Kashmir vvhich she controis at present. After ali, it is by virtue of 
the present partition of Kashmir that India controis Ladakh and is in a 
position to declare that China's encroachment on Ladakh is an 
encroachment on India itself. 

(b)The present situation can be cited by India as justifying any 
augmentation of forces that she might affect in Jammu and Kashmir, 
the contrary provisions of the UNCIP resolution not with standing. This 
augmentation of forces will include any tightening over Kashmir, any 
building or roads and airports and, in fact, any other measures that she 
might undertake. 

(c) We can be deemed to be stopped from saying in future that the 
responsibility for the preservation of the territory of Jammu and 
Kashmir is not that of India, but of the Security Council. We have so far 
always taken the stand that Jammu and Kashmir is not Indian territory 
and, therefore, the question of its external defence is a matter for the 
Security Council and the Council alone, to consider. We can now be 
taken to have virtually abandoned that stand. 



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In my humble but emphatic opinion, it seems to me that we must make 
some kind of an authoritative pronouncement, vvhich vvould effectively 
safeguard us against these dangers. A draft letter to the Security Council, if 
that is going to be the means of making this pronouncement, is under 
preparation in the Mission here and will be soon submitted to you. 

I can assure you that, in making this suggestion, I am not at ali 
unmindful of the complexity of the present situation and the delicacy of our 
relationship with China. With as much anxious and careful thought as I am able 
to give to the matter, I feel that a statement, vvhich clearly declares our stake 
in Kashmir, vvill not necessarily embroil us vvith China. On the contrary it may 
even be that China vvill not react adversely to statement from Pakistan 
questioning the very basis of the stand taken by India regarding Ladakh. 

As far as the effect of a statement of this kind on India is concerned, vve 
cannot ignore the fact that, in spite of ali trends and to the contrary, the Indian 
government persists in vvriting letters to the Security Council about Kashmir 
vvhich consist of the same pseudo - arguments and fulminations that Krishna 
Menon has been spouting during the last several years. Regarding the effect on 
Canal VVaters negotiations, vve have, of course, carefully to consider the matter 
but vve cannot let India damage our entire position on Kashmir during the tirne 
these negotiations remain pending 

I am taking the liberty of making these suggestions to you because, in 
my consultations here, I have found a great anxiety lest the present India- 
China situation allovvs the impression to settle that Pakistan no longer feels 
itself concerned vvith Jammu and Kashmir.... 

Yours Respectfully, 
Zulfikar Ali Bhutto 

I have legitimately called Bhutto, the Falcon of Pakistan because he 
could see the things from the high skies of politics. What he envisaged and 
predicted vvas fully supported later on by Richard Nixon, a former U.S. 
President, statesman, intellectual and vvriter: 

"China has not only become a key political player but also a major global 
economic povver in the coming decades... China is a voice of the vvorld that 
cannot be isolated. Exactly twenty years ago vve opened the door to China. In 
the next twenty years, vve must keep the door open as China secures its plače 
in and integrates itself into the vvorld affairs. 

China's emergence as a global heavy vveight, is inevitable vvith a 
significant nuclear capability and largest conventional army in the vvorld. it 
could become a military Super Povver vvithin decade." 

The experienced British leader Margaret Thatcher, former Prime Minister 
of U.K. vvho had resigned in 1990, said: 



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"As the Asian Pacific region attained a bigger global role, China's 
emerging military and economic might was probably the most important 
development at the end of this century and for beginning of the next". 

In fact China is going to be much more povverful than what it is today. 
Mrs. Thatcher said "there is no need to be alarmed over China's intentions, 
vvhile it has been protective of its national borders. She has not historically 
been an expansionist povver." 

But it seems that vvhile admitting that China vvas never aggressive and 
expansionist, some kind of fear seemed to be lurking in her mind; therefore in 
her address on March 24, 1996 at Islamabad, she vvarned in the follovving 
vvords against China: 

"Mrs. Thatcher rang alarm bells against Chinese Military strength, vvhich 
she said must always be vievved vvith greatest suspicion by other regional 
povvers." 

Hong Kong, a very important trade center in the vvorld is part and parcel 
of China, but it vvas on lease for a long period vvith the Britishers. The Chinese 
socialista government could have easily taken possession by force, but they 
honoured the agreement, though determined to safe guard their economic, 
defence and social interest. This fact vvas admitted by Mrs. Thatcher that the 
socialist China had never resorted to the policy of expansionism, but the 
greedy British politician started playing hanky panky in the matter of handing 
Hong Kong, to vvhich the Chinese government took strong exception. 

Who could be the better friend of Pakistan than China, her immediate 
neighbour, grovving povverful day by day, having no evil designs of expansions. 
India the vvorst enemy of Pakistan, vvas also highly belligerent against China 
but enjoying a strong support from the West. China vvas strong enough to 
defend herself against India, but Pakistan stood isolated; it needed a friend 
indeed. As such, it vvas in mutual interests of both the countries and more in 
Pakistan's interests to vvin over China, vvhom the visionless Ayub Khan had 
been treating, declaring and criticizing as Pakistan's enemy. But Bhutto proved 
mature, vviser and far-sighted than any other supporter of Ayub Khan. The 
nations perish due to lack of vision in their leaders. 



CHINA'S ATTITUDE AND OPINION 

The giant vvas avvake in 1949, the West and the U.S. A. vvanted to 'nip it 
the bud'. The revolutionary and adroit Chinese leadership vvas vvell avvare of 
such moves and manipulations on international level. Their impression about 
Pakistan though adverse vvas completely correct and unquestionable. 



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"In China's vievv, Pakistan had pursued an unfriendly policy tovvards 
herself throughout 1950; follovving the American lead in the United Nations but 
voting against the discussion of the question of China's representation and 
although it had established diplomatic relations with Peking in 1951, 
maintaining unofficial but offensive contacts with Chiang-Kai-Shek. Pakistan 
was a member of SEATO and CENTO and Chinese had felt that the Ayub 
Governments policy is one of the increasing dependence upon the United 
States, with Ayub's joint defence offer sovving discards in her relations betvveen 
China and India. The Pakistan ruling clique had been playing a vicious role and 
adopting an extremely unfriendly attitude tovvards China, a commentator in the 
People's Diary vvrote in mid 1959/' 

"Nehru had in the Chinese vievv, practically throvvn away the banner of 
opposition to imperialism and colonialism and suited himself to the needs of 
U.S. imperialism. " 

Bhutto had fully surveyed and realized this situation. The United States 
vvanted to install Pundit Nehru as a policeman of South East Asia for them in 
plače of Chiang-Kai-Shek and vvanted Pakistan to play a subordinate and 
humiliating role by accepting India's hegemony and assist India 
unconditionally. 

Bhutto could unhesitatingly and immediately perceive that the damaging 
policy if continued vvould prove suicidal for Pakistan. He novv stood for 
improved relationships leading to unbreakable friendship vvith China. 

"China had been vary in responding to Pakistan's proposal that boundary 
should be delimited. This vvas made in November 1959. Delegation to the 
United Nations convinced through his Burmese contacts there, that Peking vvas 
prepared to reach reasonable boundary settlements vvith any of her neighbours 
vvho sought them. But more than tvvo years passed before China responded to 
Pakistan's proposal/' 

BHUTTO BECOMES FOREIGN MINISTER 

After the death of Mohammad Ali Bogra, vvho had been to Delhi 
embracing Nehru and calling him "Big Brother", Z. A. Bhutto vvas made Foreign 
Minister. He did not suffer from any inferiority complex like his predecessors. 
He vvas in fact over flovving vvith self confidence like Mr. Jinnah and always firm 
like a ročk in his stand. His first historic success vvas settlement of boundary 
betvveen Pakistan and China, vvhich came as shock to India and annoyed 
America. Thus Zulfikar Ali Bhutto started giving nevv directions to Pakistan's 
foreign policy: 

"The boundary vvas described as being betvveen Sinkiang and contiguous 
areas, the defence of vvhich is under the actual control of Pakistan and it vvas 
stated that the agreement reached vvould be provisional, to be recognized if 



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necessary after India and Pakistan settled the Kashmir dispute. Thus the 
signatories avoided committing themselves on the question of sovereignty in 
Kashmir. But the Indian position is that ali of the former Maharajas of 
Kashmir's domains are on the part of India and that there is no Kashmir 
dispute/' 

The boundary settlement reached through Z. A. Bhutto was a states 
manly step on his part and it was done after his continuous endeavors for more 
than two years. The entire country applauded Bhutto's service as Foreign 
Minister. 

"Zulfikar Ali Bhutto who was later in initiate close ties with Peaking as 
Foreign Minister from anti-China assumptions of the alliance as early as 1962, 
when he told the National Assembly that Pakistan's friendship with Peking was 
an independent factor and that even if Kashmir dispute is settled amicable, we 
will not join India against China. The VVestern objectives of joint defence for 
Indian Sub-Continent presumed a hostile China, he said but it might be that 
the ansvver for both Pakistan and India lies in finding some sort of equation 
betvveen ourselves vvithout jeopardizing our friendship with China/' 

The Sino-Pakistan Border Agreement on March 26, 1963 was opposed by 
India through a protest letter to the Security Council. On 26th March, 1963 Mr. 
Bhutto repelled the allegation: 

"Pakistan has not ceded even one square inch of territory to China. It 
has gained 750 square miles of territory vvhich had been in China's occupation 
and control." 

China was not at ali to be blamed for her strained relations with 
Pakistan. M. A. H Ispahani, a loyal lieutenant of the Quaid-e-Azam, a competent, 
tali, handsome and impressive leader and diplomat, who was appointed as 
Pakistan's first ambassador to the United States dravving no salary, had 
observed: 

"With her (China) too, our relations have not been what they should 

be we have not been fair in the matter of her admission in the United 

Nations when the vvorld body, by a majority votes agrees to receive her in its 
midst". What an unscrupulous and annoying attitude it was. 

In the wars of 1965, 1971 or in any other regional or global matter of 
catastrophe, China has always supported and sympathized with Pakistan as a 
povverful, permanent and reliable friend. 

Akram Zaki, a former ambassador, now a Muslim league Senator had 
stated in his intervievv on Pakistan Television in 1997 that China supplied 
vveapons and armaments to Pakistan free of cost from 1965 to 1978. The 
foundations of such foreign policy firmly and sincerely led by Bhutto, who was 



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a great personal friend of Mao-Tse-Tung, the torch bearer of Socialist 
Revolution in China. 

On September 9, 1976, when news of Mao's death reached him, Zulfikar 
knew he had lost his strongest supporter in the Third VVorld "Men like Mao-Tse- 
Tung come once in a century", Bhutto emoted "perhaps one in millennium. 
They capture the stage and vvrite the pages of history with divine inspiration.... 

Chairman Mao was a giant among giants." What a friendship in National 

interests! They are no more in the vvorld, but China continues to be on the path 
of tremendous progress and prosperity with the passage of tirne and is wisely 
mending fences with its erstvvhile adversaries Russia and Japan. 

INDIAN POLICY REMAINS UNCHALLENGED 

Internal as well as external policies of India have remained unchanged 
from the day of Independence, that is 15th August 1947. The inescapable 
conclusion is that it had not and shall not be friendly to Pakistan, so long its 
present thinking of intolerance and expansion continues. Since China is a 
supportive friend of Pakistan from 1959, India's foreign policy is that of 
inelegance against her great and povverful neighbour. It has to be admitted 
that the Indian leadership since the inception of independence, has been 
building India and also preparing for war instead of peace and conciliation. 
They are neither prepared for meaningful negotiations nor accept any 
mediation for resolving the Kashmir dispute. Thus the attitude is further 
developed by India as she has been encouraged and spoiled by the vvorld 
povvers especially by Soviet Russia, United Kingdom and the United States; 
vvhich is partly due to the unvvise foreign policy and the inherent vveaknesses, 
political inability and economic ailment of Pakistan. Z .A. Bhutto rightly 
observed: 

"Unfortunately India is the spoilt child of the vvorld. India gets away vvith 
ali its machinations by irrational explanations, vvhich the vvorld too readily 
svvallovvs. The misfortune of this region is that the povvers vvhich are not 
familiar vvith India's mentality and do not understand India's approach to 
International problems are only too eager to accept India's policies at their face 
value. That makes possible for India to continue the menace the peace of the 

region and the vvorld Up till then, India had committed aggression, no 

fevver than five times; in Kashmir, Junagadh, Hyderabad, Goa and China. In 
contrast to Pakistan's good relations vvith neighbours like Nepal, Ceylon (Sri 
Lanka), Indonesia, Burma and Afghanistan. India's regional posture vvas one of 
"arrogance and intransigence" yet India vvas a peace loving state." 
Yet Brutus is an honourable man! 

RELATIONS VVITH RUSSIA 

It is already stated hovv Liaquat Ali Khan had spoiled relations vvith 
superpovver Russia by rejecting the self-sought invitation of the great 



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neighbour and accepted later invitation of 10 December 1949 extended by the 
United States. Stalin had not even received Pandit Nehru's illustrious sister, 
prominent diplomat and ambassador, Mrs. Vijay Lakshmi, branding the Indian 
leadership as "lackeys of the British Imperialism." 

In 1947, U.S. A. and the Russia were undeniably the vvorld superpovvers. 
After the 2nd VVorld War, vvhich ended in 1945, several colonies of the French 
and the Britishers had now become independent. The two vvorld povvers started 
vvooing the other countries to join their camp. Pakistan though smaller in 
comparison to India, enjoyed a very strategic position and Russia vvould have 
been happy to vvelcome her; but instead Pakistan preferred to remain in the 
grip of U.S. povver block thereby invited the displeasure of Russia. 

India had wisely chosen to remain neutral and succeeded in obtaining 
aid and loan from both the povvers to strengthen herself, but Pakistan through 
American partisan, did not get that much economic and military aid as India 
did, though India's neutrality vvas also an eye-wash. Pakistan joined the 
SEATO, (South East Asian Organization) vvhich vvas established in order to 
check the expansion of Communism. The formation of this front, through vveak 
and ineffective in nature, vvas highly provocative to the Soviet Russia and 
China. 

Not only that, Pakistan further allovved American military bases on its 
soil against the vvill of the people and the Russian annoyance. On 5th May 
1960 Russian Premier Nikita Khrushev announced that the Soviet Union had 
shot dovvn a spying U-2 aircraft over Sverdlovsk. They suspected that the 
aircraft must have been flovvn either from Pakistan or Iran or from Turkey. 
They gave rise to a serious scandal against Ayub Government. 

From 1956 until the end of 1969, the U.S. air force operated a huge 
base near Peshavvar in Pakistan vvhich vvas primarily an intelligence facility. For 
several years before Gary Power's abortive flight over the Soviet Union, in 
1960, the C.I.A's U-2 planeš used Peshavvar as principal take off point for 
reconnaissance flight over the Soviet Union. 

"VVhile vvarning the three countries Khrushev said that the countries 
vvhere American aircraft vvere based did not knovv vvhat vvas being done by 
Americans. But they ought to knovv for their ovvn good that they might be the 
suffers of the Americans playing vvith fire." 

The early strained relations betvveen Pakistan and China vvere already 
causing vvorried to Bhutto. He vvas neither President nor Foreign Minister vvhose 
primary function vvas to create and maintain cordial relations vvith their 
povverful neighbours and not to multiply unnecessary problems for their 
motherland; India's enmity vvas more than enough. But as a patriot endovved 
vvith deep insight he realized the dangers ahead, he must muster up ali 
courage and act vvithout halt or hesitation. 



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By 1960, Z. A. Bhutto had his political roots deeper than anyone else 
including the President and members of the Martial Law regime. During the 
same year, he led the Pakistan delegation to the United Nations and this 
session was also attended by Premier Khrushchev of Soviet Russia. Taking 
advantage of the presence of the Russian Premier, he boldly approached the 
most influential Russian leader for Ruso-Pakistan joint ventures for oil 
exploration in Baluchistan. Khrushchev was indeed taken by surprise that the 
younger man had such courage and initiatives to speak on such an important 
subject with him, when Pakistan was a blind follovver and supporter of America. 
The Russian leader felt happy over this unexpected but a vvelcome change in 
attitude and promised to send his team for inspection to Pakistan. The Soviet 
team was accordingly sent to Pakistan in September 1960. They examined the 
position and recommended a long term loan for the purposes of oil exploration. 

Bhutto placed the entire čase before the Cabinet on October 18, 1960 
pertaining to Pakistan's economy that is promotion in collaboration with Soviet 
Russia. Mr. Manzoor Qadir who was already upset in the matter of 
normalization of relationship with China vetoed it; but ultimately Manzoor 
Qadir was vetoed by Z. A. Bhutto's political vision and correct decision. 

"There was no direct flight to the Soviet Union from Pakistan, so Zulfikar 
obliged first to fly to New Delhi on 13 December 1960, vvhere he and his 
delegation had to wait for three nights at the Pakistan Embassy, before a plane 

took off to Tashkent on 16 December. Bad vveather forced landing at 

Samarkand, birthplace of Babar the founder of South Asia's Great Mughal 
Empire." 

"The grandeur of Islamic architecture and culture so richly visible in this 

citadel of great Timor and his descendents made one feel proud to be part 

of its history, race and religion", Zulfi vvrote, feeling renevved pride in his 
Islamic heritage. "They drove next day from Samarkand to Tashkent vvhere the 

delegation vvas warmly vvelcomed for final oil contract negotiations The first 

Soviet-Pakistan agreement released 120 million roubles of credit to Pakistan 
over a twelve-year period. A team of Soviet explorers, engineers and scientists 
soon arrived to search the sands of Baluchistan and Sindh, vvhere they found a 
rich field of gas but no oil." 

Why vvas Bhutto so very exhilarated to vvitness the grandeur of Islamic 
architecture, culture and rich Muslim heritage a dream of grandeur a most 
prestigious civilization and the glittering memories from the golden history of 
Islam? Bhutto actually vvanted return of that greatness glory, prosperity and 
povver of Pakistan; and the Muslim VVorld. His faith in Islamic revival and 
renaissance vvas further strengthened and he started thinking in terms of past 
glory and greatness of Muslims. 



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He must have recollected his speech that he had made at the age of 
twenty years before mostly Christian audience in America, about the 
unprecedented culture, conquests, knovvledge and light that was imparted by 
Islam to Europe. 

"I am not here to preach Islam to you or threaten you with its dormant 
povvers. I only want to teli you of the Islam that was a burning light of 
yesterday, the ember that is today and the celestial flame of tomorrovv, for 
that is how I envisage the future of Islam.... I must also teli you that I am not 

a devout Muslim religiously speaking I am a poor Muslim. Hovvever my 

interest is soaked in the political, economic and cultural heritage of Islam/' 

"But soon these lizard-eating and moribund people of the desert were to 
be aroused by a vigorous force, a venerable and potent force that was to 
transform their lives. The founder of this dynamic force, vvhose religion was to 
embrace ali the three knovvn continents with lightning speed, was Mohammad, 
his religion was Islam, vvhich means submission to God". 

"In a hundred and fifty years, the march of Islam covered vast areas. On 
the west, the nineteen-year old Tariq shattered the bulvvark of Spain and with 

it, captured the strategic ročk vvhich is named after him In the eastern 

theatre, the follovvers of Mohammad the Prophet reached the banks of the 
Indus and the Ganges. From the palaces of Vienna and France on the one side 
to the Great Wall of China; from the steppes of Russia and the fortresses of 
Venice to the plans of Iran and jungles of Indonesia and Malaya; from the 
romantic Danube to ever-vvinding Yangtze - Vast territories came under the 
influence and control of the people vvho vvere derelict until the Prophet of Islam 
created in his follovver the špirit to spread a doctrine of equality to the vvorld." 

"Today I am as hopeful of an Islamic confederation as I vvas of the 
creation of Pakistan before the division of India. Pakistan had taken its rightful 
plače in the family of nations; tomorrovv a confederation of the Islamic nations 
vvill be a reality. Those vvho mocked the foundation of the largest Muslim nation 
are novv retreating from their previous stands." 

"Destiny demands an Islamic association, political reality justifies it, 
posterity avvaits it and by God vve vvill have it. Courage is in our blood; vve are 
the children of a rich heritage. We shall succeed." 

These are the excerpts from his long and spirited speech vvhen he vvas 
stili a college študent. It vvas a voice that comes from the inner most recess of 
his head and heart and before a foreign audience in a super, foreign country, 
professing different faith. He vvanted to construct Pakistan, build Islamic VVorld 
and serve the Third VVorld in a manner and method that he foresavv, planned 
and professed in his speech. It seems that the flame of love for Islam and 
humanity had created an inextinguishable and everlasting light in his heart; 
that is why the people call him "Shaheed", and even refused to accept the 
verdict of the Superior courts. 



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His quest, his search was now for the friends of Pakistan. He was 
restless for making Pakistan a citadel of Islam. When he saw the past grandeur 
of Islam in Samarkand and Tashkent, it was as if a noble and suspicious dream 
vvhich he vvanted to realize and regain for the Islamic VVorld. Before Pakistan 
was achieved the opponents used to taunt that it was a mad man's dream, but 
the dream had attained reality, now Bhutto vvanted to embark upon a task, 
more different than the achievement of Pakistan. 

AYUB'S VISIT TO SOVIET RUSSIA 

Though the Indian lobby in Moscovv vvas extremely effective and active 
for years together and Russia vvould not like to displease India, but their 
attitude tovvards Pakistan after the visit of Z. A. Bhutto had been very softened. 
Ayub Khan vvas therefore in position to visit Moscovv, of course after taking 
Bhutto vvith himself; and he spent one vveek in Soviet Russia from April 3 to 9 
1965 and had talks vvith Brezhnev the person in povver. The Russian Premier 
made it clear to him that his interference in Kashmir affairs against India vvas 
out of question but he generously extended substantial financial assistance to 
Pakistan. 

The Soviet Union advanced a loan of $30,000,000 and a credit of 
$11,000,000 for the purpose of machinery. Though Ayub Khan's men vvould 
call it his success; but the real man behind it vvas Bhutto. When on 6 April 
1965, Ayub called on Acting Chairman Mikoye to thank him, the latter vvas so 
impressed by Bhutto that "he congratulated Ayub on selecting such a capable 
and vigorous person as his Foreign Minister. He is a very able man. Very 
insistent on upholding his country's point of vievv." 

These Russian, American or even other leaders of the major and 
developed countries are very trained, capable and proud of their povver and 
they are slovv to pay such rich compliments to the politicians of under 
developed countries unless they rightly deserve. 

It may be recalled that the Russian leaders fully knevv that Ayub Khan 
vvas a man of American bloc, therefore hardly reliable from their point of vievv. 
When he vvas appointed Commander-in-Chief of Pakistan, he vvas instrumental 
in foisting Ravvalpindi Conspiracy čase against Major General Akbar Khan, his 
vvife, Lahore-based most popular poet and socialist Faiz Ahmed Faiz and 
several other military officers and prominent civilians in 1951, charging them 
vvith conspiracy to overthrovv the pro-American Liaquat Government and install 
a pro-Russian military Government. Was it forgettable? But it vvas novv the 
miraculous diplomacy of Bhutto, that everything vvas pushed aside, Ayub Khan 
vvas treated vvith due honour and he promised vvith Russian leadership that he 
vvould extricate Pakistan out of SEATO and CENTO. The sad but undeniable fact 
vvas that in Pakistan, there vvere no elections, thus from its very inception in 
1947 to 1971, there vvas no elected representation. The rulers had occupied 



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the chair either by intrigue and conspiracy or through the Armed forces. As 
such they were not the recognized representatives of the people and they did 
not have any mandate from the people. Pakistan was achieved by democratic 
means, but was ruled by dictatorship. The people of Pakistan were politically 
conscious. There were intellectuals, there was no dearth of patriots but their 
opinion through election was never sought and determined. The alliances and 
pacts, seriously affecting the national interests were entered into by the 
dravving room rulers who did not truly represent the thoughts, vievvs and 
aspiration of the people. They naturally did not enjoy confidence of the people 
and the alliances thus entered were strongly opposed by the people. For the 
Martial Law Government and especially for Ayub, Bhutto was the most valuable 
asset, who vehemently advocated the national cause at the international 
forums, rationalized the foreign policy and made his presence felt vvherever he 
went. He was Moses in the house of Pharaoh. 

The Russian attitude tovvards Pakistan in 1971 become hostile, mainly 
because of Yahya Khan's curt and undiplomatic conduct. In a letter to Yahya 
Khan on 2nd April, President Podogorny advised: 

"In these days of trial for Pakistani people, we can not but say, vvords, 
coming from true friends. We have been and remain convinced that the 
complex problems that have arisen in Pakistan of late can and must be solved 
politically vvithout use of force." 

Yahya Khan's reply was: 

"Pakistan was determined not to allovv any country to interfere in its 
internal affairs." The reply was obviously very annoying and crude tovvards 
major povver like Soviet Russia, that vvas already pro-India. 

He never consulted Zulfikar Ali Bhutto. "President did not meet him 
again till the end of the month. Betvveen 2 and 27 April, the Government did 
not consult him on international issue nor on East Pakistan". 

Yahya Khan caused further annoyance to Soviet Russia by vvorking as 
American emissary for rapprochement vvith China. On 15 July, 1971, Henry 
Kissinger, Assistant to President Richard Nixon, visited Peking secretly in order 
to pave way for Presidenfs visit to China. Though they vvanted to keep it 
strictly guarded secret, it vvas not possible. Soviet Russia, India and in fact 
everyone vvho mattered came to knovv about the visit and its purpose. Russia 
vvas deeply angered against Pakistan, as the journey undertaken to Peking by 
Henry Kissinger vvas through the soil of Pakistan and the good offices of Yahya 
Khan. 

The super povvers are always sensitive and that too especially against 
the smaller countries. U.S. A. and the Soviet Russia vvere old rivals and 
Pakistan vvas a mere camp follovver of America vvhich had already irritated 
Russia. China, the biggest countries in the vvorld and adjoining Russia vvere in 



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conflict with each other and there were border clashes betvveen Soviet Russia 
and the China in 1969. China had refused to acknovvledge the supremacy of 
the Soviet Russia. Now the meeting of its two adversaries for rapprochement 
through Pakistan became terribly unbearable. It is true that China was not as 
povverful as U.S. and Soviet Russia, but it was gradually and firmly developing 
to pose a serious challenge to Soviet Russia. Therefore the latter now thought 
it opportune to hit Pakistan - a task that could conveniently be accomplished 
and also teach a stern lesson to China as far as possible. But Chinese 
leadership was astute enough to understand this sinister game. Hovvever, the 
Martial Law riddled leadership was quite oblivious and indifferent to the 
volcanic situation in the country and the international political intricacies that 
were brevving up. 

It was under these circumstances that after the visit of Henry Kissinger 
to China the clandestine of mutual friendship was signed by both Russia and 
India to wipe out Pakistan permanently, China, vvanted its survival to čope up 
with her adversaries at an appropriate hour and not prematurely, therefore she 
had to restrain herself from jumping into the fire. How true and prophetic 
vvrote Nixon: 

"The Chinese are a great people, with an incredibly rich heritage. When 
Europe was mired in Dark Ages, China was the most advanced nation in the 
vvorld. In the eighteenth century Voltaire called it "the finest, the most ancient, 
the most extensive, the most popular and well regulated Kingdom on earth". 

Almost two centuries ago, Napoleon observed "China? There lies a 
sleeping giant. Let him sleep. For when he is avvake, he will move the vvorld/' 

The giant is avvake! What a vvonderful and vvise prophecy. 

BHUTTCS POLICY 

The job for formulating foreign policy of country, especially that of 
Pakistan, had remained quite enigmatic. Yahya Khan and his ruler General did 
knovv the ABC of foreign affairs but conceited junta thought that they could 
vanquish any force. Bhutto vvanted to befriend China and neutralize Soviet 
Russia though the task seemed rather difficult as these povvers vvere mutually 
antagonistic. He vvas the only diplomat of such stature vvho could raise equal to 
the occasion. But he vvas helpless, he vvas out of povver and Yahya did not 
realise the nature of those critical times. Hovvever, he did vvhatever he felt 
favourable in the national interest. 

The vvorld famous diplomat Henry Kissinger depicts him as under: 

"We stopped in Islamabad in friendly Pakistan. Its volatile leader Zulfikar 
Ali Bhutto also came to a tragic end. It does not alter my evaluation of him, as 
a man of extraordinary abilities vvhose ruthlessness is matched by his 



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brilliance Bhutto had been variously accused of softness now tovvards the 

Soviet Union, now tovvard China. And I never doubt that he was capable of 
dravving close to any country that served his perception of Pakistan's national 
interests. The fact was that after 1970, Pakistan's interests were best served 
by cultivating the two great povvers. It helped to bring together the United 
States and the People's Republic of China/' 

Z. A. Bhutto was the ablest diplomat of the Indo-Pak Subcontinent. In 
that capacity he served the best national interests of his motherland from 
October 1958 to 4th July 1977. He was a charming and sharp personality, a 
forceful speaker, well conversant with the vvorld history, global affairs and 
political science. 

The subject of the foreign relations was his favorite subject. Friendship 
with China and the Muslim VVorld was the cornerstone of his policy; he vvould 
not alienate and antagonize the major povvers like Soviet Union, U.S. A. and 
other important countries, rather he liked to develop friendly links vvith ali of 
them. He firmly stood for the unity of the Afro-Asian countries and that policy 
paid rich dividends and vvon an honourable plače for his country. But the only 
country that vvent against him and his policies, vvas India, a big neighbour, vvho 
had refused to recognize the very existence of Pakistan from its very inception 
and created every possible obstruction in his way; and even to vvean away the 
other brother Muslim countries from Pakistan. 

"Since India's leadership has yet to fully accept the legitimacy of 
Pakistan's existence and since Nevv Delhi dismembered East and West Pakistan 
in 1971 vvar, Islamabad concluded that they had no choice but to acquire its 
nuclear deterrent." 

India vvould not tolerate even the smallest supply of arms and 
equipment to Pakistan. On the other hand she vvas collecting massive quantity 
of ali types of arms on the pretext that she vvas preparing to face the danger 
posed by China. It vvill be relevant to quote U.S. President Nixon's vievvs 
revealing India's intentions, vvhich vvas boastful of having the largest 
democracy in the vvorld. 

"Instead of focusing on dire needs of its people, vvhose percapita income 
reached only $340 in 1990, India's political leadership squandered vast 
resources trying to elevate their country to the status of a regional Super 
Povver 

Even the rivalry of Pakistan-over vvhich India easily prevailed in 1948, 
1965 and 1971 - does not represent on external threat sufficient to justify 

astronomic military spending military levels Moreover, Nevv Delhi's Military, 

the fourth largest in the vvorld, fields tvvice as many combat aircraft and tanks 
and seven times more artillery than Islamabad." 



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Z. A. Bhutto tried his level best to bring normalcy to Indo-Pak relations, 
but he did not succeed, Indian hostilities continued to aggravate everyday. 

BHUTTO GOVERNMEIMT'S FOREIGN POLICY 

Z. A. Bhutto vvorked incessantly when he took over as President. He 
again visited Moscovv in March 1972 in spite of the fact that Soviet Russian was 
instrumental in dismemberment of Pakistan. Such was the proverbial force in 
his arguments that he vvould even convince a vulture to restrain from eating a 
dead body. He spoke to the Russian leadership about trade and economic 
relationship to vvhich they were found agreeable. India and Afghanistan were 
Russia's friends and had remained in close relationship with her. Bhutto did not 
want his country to be sandvviched again by the hostile elements. He did not 
want to be equated with either of the Generals - Yahya Khan or Ayub Khan; 
but he had also to see at the same tirne that the United States was not turned 
hostile to Pakistan. Militarily, morally and economically Pakistan being at the 
lovvest ebb vvould not pursue a policy vvhich might cause even the slightest 
harm to Pakistan. His visit to India did not go in vain. In his talks vvith Indira 
Gandhi at Simla, Russia had desired India to come to reasonable 
understanding and decision through negotiations. The visit vvas productive 
yielding positive and beneficial results. 

He vvas fully conscious of the fact that Pakistani Provinces of Frontier 
and Baluchistan, vvere adjoining Afghanistan and his support in those provinces 
vvere not so strong as in Sindh and Punjab. There vvere some influential 
elements in the adjoining provinces that vvere not in favour of Pakistan's 
creation and had their links vvith the rulers of Afghanistan. 

Bhutto, being apprehensive of such delicate situation found it necessary 
to improve Pakistan's relations vvith Russia. In fact, for a country like Pakistan 
and for astute statesman like Bhutto, it vvas like a tight rope-vvalking 
diplomacy. He did succeed in melting the Russian opposition by his visit, thus it 
proved fruitful and salutary for the existence of his tottering country, over 
vvhich he vvas novv presiding. Bhutto's cause vvas vveak and responsibilities 
vvere tremendous; he had to take out his small, humiliated and degraded 
country out of the deepest abyss vvhere it vvas throvvn by the military junta 
after a dictatorial misrule of thirteen years; and he vvas empty vvithout any 
cards in his favour. 

It is indeed miraculously amazing that he got the most needed, long 
avvaited, a heaviest project of Steel Mili accomplished through Russia, Before 
October 1958, there vvas a plan to construct a Steel Mili in Pakistan, because 
Pakistan had virtually none, vvhile India had number of steel mills catering to 
its economic, defence and construction needs - But for long tirne in the Martial 
Lavv days, the scheme vvas abandoned as needless and luxuries because they 
depended on begging, borrovving and stealing form America. They had always 
a begging bovvl in their hand stretched before the major povvers especially the 



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U.S. A. for the fulfillment of their needs. They had thus made Pakistan a beggar 
state in the vvorld. Now Z. A. Bhutto made up his mind to have a big Steel Mili 
in Karachi, because it was must for Pakistan. 

After prolonged and persuasive talks with Soviet Russia, he made them 
agree for the construction of the Mili in October 1974, vvhich vvould entail huge 
cost. The financial arrangements were finalized on December 30, 1974. It was 
indeed a landmark in the history of Pakistan and Zulfikar Ali Bhutto must have 
been the happiest man in Pakistan on December 30, 1974 and thereafter the 
work started rapidly. To be frank it goes to his šole credit vvithout any 
substantial contribution from any other quarter. 

"On 12 March 1976, the Chief Minister of Sindh, who had accompanied 
us, vvrote to the Prime Minister that the Sindh Government proposed to name 
the site 'Zulfikarabad', despite ZAB's earlier instructions, not to name anything 

after him vvhile head of government after inspecting the Steel Mili on 

30th of December 1975, I said to you and Rafi Raza, that I was so impressed 

that if ever I was tempted to break the rule vvhich I have imposed the šole 

exception could be in čase of the Steel Mili/' 

Russia vvas convinced only vvhen it realized that Bhutto had made his 
country politically potential and economically sound. It had by the end of 1974 
attained a respectable plače in the family of Nation of VVorld and more 
especially in the Muslim VVorld and Third VVorld. From the above quoted 
passage it is abundantly clear that Bhutto vvas very jubilant for vvhich he had 
every reason to be. The vvhole nation felt proud of it. But it vvas a great 
tragedy that the Mili vvhich had been a monumental vvork in the history of the 
country, vvas never properly and honestly looked after by the Government; the 
enormous earnings from the Mili vvere misappropriated for ali the tirne and ali 
love's labour vvas lost! VVhat a shame! 

PAKISTAN AND U.S.A 

After making ali preparations to visit Soviet Russia vvith its selected 
entourage in a Russian plane, ali of sudden, vvithout legitimate reason and 
rhyme, Pakistan's Prime Minister rejected the much earlier invitation of 
neighbouring Super Povver Russia in 1949, as offered by Russia and proceed to 
U.S.A in May 1950 vvho had ali along been taking Pakistan for granted. It 
vvould be noted that U.S.A had not been in favour of Pakistan's creation and 
the American President Roosevelt had openly taken side of the AN India 
Congress by sending his emissary Colonel Johnson in Easter 1942 to impress 
upon the British Viceroy of the United India to comply vvith the demands of Mr. 
Gandhi and Pandit Javvahar Lal Nehru; vvhile the communist bloc vvas in favour 
of the right of self-determination and they had not opposed the creation of 
Pakistan. Thus the very first foundation brick of Pakistan's foreign policy vvas 
laid by committing a grievous blunder and thereafter the entire edifice of 
Pakistan's foreign policy vvas constructed on the faulty foundation. They vvent 



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on committing blunder after blunder. The U.S. A was not only fifteen thousand 
miles away from Pakistan, but they never cared much for Pakistan and India 
was their'blue eyed boy/ 

Sajjad Hyder, a former ambassador of Pakistan, who at the relevant 
tirne was an officer in the Pakistan Embassy at VVashington, vvrote: 

"The American choice fell upon India as Mahatma Gandhi and Javvahar 
Lal Nehru were house hold names in America ". 

He further speaks about the U.S. attitude "Even since the opening of our 
Mission in VVashington, we had been conscious of the fact that Pakistan was 

being taken for granted Yet the U.S also felt that it was India that had to 

be groomed as the leader of Asia and its major bulvvark against Communism." 

Even the Pakistan Ambassador Ispahani felt like that: 

"Ambassador Ispahani and ali of us in the Embassy felt, rather strongly, that 
this was the vvrong approach and that the Prime Minister should go to Moscovv 
first." 

Mr. Ispahani, who was a closest associate of Mr. Jinnah, the founding 
father of Pakistan, must have rightly realized that the guide lines for 
independent and beneficial foreign policy as laid down by the Quaid-e-Azam 
were discarded and Liaquat Ali Khan had made himself 'prisoner' of his own 
diplomatic policy with the U.S. A. The consequences of his policy were definitely 
determined to harm Pakistan. In the vvords of Sajjad Hyder: 

"It is a pity that Liaquat Ali Khan could not go to Moscovv in August or 
November of 1949 as he had offered to do despite the American invitation. The 
history of Pakistan-Soviet relations might have taken different course, had he 
not been stood up. This missed opportunity hurt the interests of both sides, 
albeit more so those of Pakistan than those of great neighbour. 

The chance of a subsequent visit evaporated after Liaquat Ali Khan's visit to 
the United States vvhen a host of considerations, Soviet indifferences, the 
Kashmir problem and Pakistan's pressing defence requirements being amongst 
them, left Liaquat Ali Khan vvith no option, but to come dovvn on the American 
side." This is the story hovv the Prime Minister of Pakistan vvas trapped. 
Thereafter Russian attitude tovvards Pakistan became quite stiff and that vvas 
not vvithout justification. They vvent on vetoing the implementing of Plebiscite 
resolution passed by the Security Council. The U.S. A vvas novv successful in her 
diplomacy and realized the vveakness and helplessness of Pakistan, vvhich vvas 
ally only in name but a U.S. satellite in reality. 

A SUICIDAL POLICY 



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PakistarVs foreign policy was now being prepared in VVashington, vvhich 
sponsored SEATO and CENTO. The SEATO was mainly aimed against the 
socialistic bloc to prevent its expansion and aggression. India that was being 
aided more than Pakistan, widely refrained from signing such treaties and 
declared herself to be neutral. In thin, the tiny Pakistan placed herself in a very 
precarious situation, surrounded by three giants, that is, Soviet Russia, China 
and her inveterate enemy India; Afghanistan was already against Pakistan. 
Apart from this the U.S. secured a big military base in Peshavvar for spying 
against Russia and China during the regime of Ayub Khan, as if Pakistan was 
the colony of the United States and the former was exposed to a grave danger 
from socialist countries, India and Afghanistan. China was naturally irritated 
and issued a stern vvarning to Pakistan: 

"Since the Ayub Government came to povver last year, the 
Pakistani government has been follovving a policy of increasing dependence on 
the U.S. In March this year, Pakistan signed a bilateral agreement with the 
U.S. under vvhich the United States is allovved to use armed forces and military 
bases in Pakistan, thus taking a step further in turning Pakistan into a U.S. 
springboard to South East Asia. This agreement seriously threatens the 
security of the Soviet Union, China, India, Afghanistan and other Asian 
countries and strengths U.S. control over Pakistan. This policy of the Pakistan 
ruling clique as diametrically opposed to the interests of peace in Asia and is 
also opposed to the national interests of Pakistan/' 

Pakistan vvas novv in such a pathetic position that its sovereignty vvas a 
matter of a doubt, as an American agent vvas presiding over the destinies of 
Pakistan. The regimes before Martial Lavv of 1958 vvere also pro-U.S, but novv 
Ayub Khan had made it totally dependent on the U.S. In 1956, vvhen H. S. 
Suhrawardy vvas the Prime Minister, he did not go to such an extreme though 
he ovved much to the U.S. for the premiership of Pakistan. But on December 24 
1956, a joint statement vvas issued by the Chinese Premier Chou-En-Lai and 
H. S. Suhrawardy Prime Minister of Pakistan, on the occasion of former's visit to 
Pakistan vvhich shovved a much better relationship betvveen the countries. 

"The Prime Ministers are of the vievv that the difference betvveen the 
political systems of China and Pakistan and the divergence of vievvs on many 
problems vvould not prevent the strengthening of friendship betvveen their tvvo 

countries They are happy to plače on record that there is no real conflict of 

interests betvveen the tvvo countries. " 

Such a statement could not be palatable to the U.S. and ultimately 
Suhrawardy vvas forced to resign. He vvas replaced by Malik Feroz Khan Noon, 
but he too proved unacceptable to U.S. vvhen he made a statement in the 
National Assembly on March 8, 1958, in vvhich he declared that "faced vvith the 
threat from India, Pakistan vvould delink itself from alliance vvith the 
Americans. Our people if they find their freedom threatened by Bharat vvill 
break ali the pacts and shake hands vvith people vvhom vve have made enemies 
because of others, let there be no mistake about it." 



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This strong, realistic and patriotic statement was not only applauded by 
the members of the Parliament but was also hailed throughout Pakistan. How 
could Noon stili remain in office, after making such a bold statement? 

The person in whom vested the political and military povver of Pakistan 
were Iskander Mirza and Ayub Khan. Of the two, Ayub Khan was certainly 
more povverful and he was the decisive factor in Pakistan so far the internal 
affairs were concerned. 

After being blessed by the United States, Martial Law was imposed on 
Pakistan and the process of democracy and integrity of Pakistan was buried 
once for ali on 7th October 1958. Ayub Khan the puppet President of Pakistan 
was now the dictator of Pakistan. He made young Zulfikar Ali Bhutto Minister 
from Sindh, but I think he must have repented for selecting such a person who 
thought only in terms of Pakistan and the Muslim VVorld, he could see the 
global games of politics against Pakistan and clearly read each vvound of his 
motherland. 

The first cabinet meeting in Martial Law regime was held under the 
Presidentship of Ayub Khan, vvhere Z. A. Bhutto raised his Ione voice 
questioning the rationale of Pakistan's foreign policy. 

"The Commerce Minister Z. A. Bhutto started that 'the summary' created 
an impression that our foreign policy had been determined by our acceptance 

of U.S. aid and the course (of the foreign policy) had already been set The 

two vital problems for us, Bhutto said were the problems of Kashmir and the 
Canal VVaters. We had to determine how our foreign policy had helped us to 
achieve the solution of these problems. It seemed quite certain (including U.S. 
policy and the language of the pacts) that in čase of war with India, the U.S. 
was not going to help. We should not, he added, unnecessarily extend the 
principle of attachment to the United States/' 

Later on, speaking about the subservient foreign policy dictated by the 
U.S, Mr. Bhutto vvhile deprecating it courageously said: 

"What was the foreign policy (of Pakistan) prior to my becoming (in 
March 1963) the Foreign Minister? The vvhole vvorld laughs at it. Our foreign 
policy did not carry any vveight. It only represented the vvishes of great povver. 
Our government carried out the orders of America, despite the fact that they 
vvere against the interests of Pakistan. America used to dictate our decisions in 
the Security Council." 

"Pakistan's foreign policy had chained the people. We had no free vvill to 
go anywhere, vve had to obey vvhat the U.S. ordered us to do. The U.S. 
Ambassador could keep Pakistan's policy in line vvith VVashington." 

WARS OF 1962 AND 1965 



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In October 1962, war broke out betvveen China and India over 
demarcation of boundary line betvveen the tvvo countries. Pandit Nehru insisted 
that the line dravvn by the Britishers vvas the last vvord in the matter of 
boundary betvveen China and India. VVhile the stand taken by the Chinese 
Premier Chou-En-Lai vvas that the Britishers, taking advantage of China's 
vveakness had dravvn the Mac Mohan line arbitrarily to the determinant of 
China - a fact vvhich had been admitted by Nehru himself in his book "Glimpses 
of World History", therefore it needed to be solved through negotiations and 
peaceful means. But Nehru remained adamant and rejected the proposal of his 
counterpart Chou-En-Lai. This led to vvar betvveen the tvvo countries. 

In the beginning, India's relations vvith China appeared cordial and it vvas 
the second country in the vvorld that had recognized the Peoples Republic of 
China in December 1949. And in mid fifties the slogan of "Hindi-Chinee Bhai 
Bhai" vvas quite popular in India. But the farsighted Chinese leadership soon 
discovered them in their true colours. 

"Nehru had, in the Chinese vievv, practically throvvn away the banner of 
opposition to Imperialism and Colonialism and suited himself to the needs of 
U.S. Imperialism/' 

Pandit Nehru had an exaggerated and unrealistic assessment of the 
Indian Armed forces. He ordered the Commander-in-Chief to drive out the 
Chinese; so the vvar started. Resultantly, the Chinese completely trounced the 
Indians easily. It vvas a shameful and humiliating defeat for Nehru personally 
and he appealed to the United States and the British Government for arms and 
come to his rescue. There vvas a rush of arms and equipment of every kind 
that India needed. 

The supply of arms vvas against the agreement vvith Pakistan, under 
vvhich the U.S. vvas bound the consult vvith Pakistan before supplying military 
equipment to India. Pakistan's Ambassador in the States, Mr. Aziz Ahmed a 
capable and a courageous diplomat, vvho later on became Pakistan's Foreign 
Minister in the days of Mr. Bhutto's Prime Ministership, took a very strong and 
principled stand against the immoral violation of the agreement by America: 

"Aziz Ahmed, Pakistan Ambassador in VVashington, vvas summoned by 
Phillip Talbot, U.S. Assistant Secretary of state informing him that the U.S. had 
decided to give military assistance to India. Talbot did not give any details of 
arms vvhich the Indians had asked for, but mentioned that Nehru had seen 
Galbraith and had asked for U.S. arms aid against the Chinese. Galbraith on 
the authority of the U.S. Government, had informed Nehru that U.S. vvould 

give arms aid to India and it vvas up to Nehru to ask for vvhat he vvanted 

Galbraith noted vvith satisfaction. He assigned tvvo colonels to dravv up a 
movement table for elementary vveapons for the Indian Army. "I vvant to knovv 



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how quickly and from whom can we get such basic requirements or automatic 
rifles mortars and shells " 

"Aziz Ahmed told Phillip Talbot that the U.S. had offered military aid to 
India vvithout fulfilling the "assurance of prior consultation" personally given by 
Kennedy to Ayub when they met in VVashington in July 1961. Aziz Ahmed 
recalled that Ayub had told that joint session of the Congress of the United 
States on 12 July 1961. "The only people who will stand by you are the people 
of Pakistan, provided you are prepared to stand by them." So I vvould like you 
to remember that, vvhatever may be the dictates of your commitment, you will 
not take any steps that might aggravate our problems, or in any fashion 
jeopardize our security. And as long you remember that, our friendship will 
grow in strength." 

"Talbot explained that events had moved too rapidly and Kennedy had 
vvanted to act vvithout vvasting any tirne, the U.S. had been too preoccupied 
vvith crisis in Cuba and Ambassador McConnaughy had found it difficult to 
reach Ayub Khan. Aziz Ahmed said that Ayub's temporary absence for 
Ravvalpindi, should not have prevented the U.S. government from consulting 
the Pakistan Government. Talbot grumbled about Ayub's inaccessibility and 
Aziz Ahmed maintained that simply informing Pakistan of arms aid to India, did 
not amount to consultation " 

"Mr. Altaf Gauhar vvrites about Ayub Khan that "He vvas vvorried that the 
large amount of military equipment vvhich vvas being rushed to India by the 
U.S. and the U.K. vvould eventually be used against Pakistan/' 

The dictator Ayub Khan vvas simply helpless in preventing the grave 
injustice being perpetrated against Pakistan, against ali norms of bilateral 
agreement and understanding but got annoyed vvith Ambassador Aziz Ahmed 
for having demanded solution of the old and serious problem of Kashmir 
lingering on for the past fifteen year. Ayub remarked "The man gets excessive 
at times. Some one should teli him to get off the line/' 

This is hovv a patriot vvas being threatened and revvarded by Ayub Khan. 
In fact the cabinet of Ayub Khan vvas divided house, his Finance Minister 
Shoaib, an American agent, vvanted Ayub to toe his line completely vvith the 
U.S. therefore talking about Kashmir vvas a serious crime on the part of Aziz 
Ahmed, vvho vvas rebuked by Ayub Khan for it. In fact the perception of Ayub 
and Bhutto widely differed on this issue and many others, but the later could 
not afford to speak out publicly against Ayub's vveak and fallacious perceptions, 
so long he vvas in the Government, but he vvas trying to express himself in 
innuendoes against Ayub's vveak and meaningless policy and openly against 
India, vvhen he spoke at length in the National Assembly on November 27, 
1962; But no other Minister could have the courage to speak that much. 
Criticizing their conduct he said: 



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"Napoleon Bonaparte called the British a nation of shop keepers. Today 
its shops have become part of a European Market and Britannia cannot tilt the 
scales of povver one way or the other. We have no rancour against Britain, but 
if it influences the United States to upset the povver of balance in this region, it 
vvill be committing a hostile act against Pakistan. We shall be forced to take 
notice of that act and shall not be responsible for its consequences". 

Proceeding further he spoke of Military Missions sent to India: 
"It is believed that Military Missions from the United States and Great 
Britain have visited the NEFA front and have novv become the brain trust of the 
General Head Quarters of Indian Army. Their presence and their advice have 
been vvelcomed in India and they are said to have given a sense of security of 
that country." If Bhutto had been in plače of Ayub, he vvould not have missed 
the opportunity to solve the problems of Kashmir forever. He vvould not have 
allovved India to spili the blood of Kashmiris and continue their shameful act of 
horror and dishonour. But both America and Britain vvere loath to listen to 
Pakistan and continued their massive aid and technical assistance unabated; 
for vvhich there vvere tvvo reasons according to him. A country's honour and 
status is determined by its inherent strength and people's vvillingness to suffer 
and sacrifice for the country and build their nation. Referring to Germany he 
said: 

"Germany defeated and divided destroyed and decimated by the 
combined might of the Allied povvers, vvas debris. But only a decade ago, by 
skillful utilization of foreign aid and the determination to be free of it, Germany 
has burgeoned into a military povver. Today its economy is as vital as that of 
the country, vvhich not very long ago gave it economic aid." 

Lamenting on the leadership at the top, he said: 

"What is tragic is the vvillingness to succumb easily to pressure." It must 
be remember that Jinnah and Bhutto vvere fully equipped vvith their logical 
arguments, coupled vvith courage and unshakable determination, vvere always 
emphatically insistent upon getting their entire package or scheme accepted 
and for that reason they largely succeeded. But Ayub Khan vvas no way near 
such giants. Ayub himself, apprehensive of American invasion, vvas hardly 
expected to pursue a policy of courage, independence and determination: 

"He understood better than any one else in his government that any 
adventurous move in Kashmir vvould invite a massive retaliation from the 
Americans vvhich Pakistan could iN afford." 

Ayub Khan vvas strong enough to strike against his ovvn people, but vvas 
frail-minded so far Pakistan's foes vvere concerned. Foreign affairs and foreign 
policy vvere never his subjects in his vvhole life and he did not knovv anything 
about it. Z .A. Bhutto vvas the only Minister vvho vvas fully conversant vvith 
global affairs and had improved the Foreign Policy; and his ability vvas 



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acknovvledged universally. Ayub Khan's headache subsided on November 21, 
1962, when Chinese after achieving their objective, announced ceasefire vvithin 
twenty-four hours. Bhutto was getting more and more popular everyday. As 
Foreign Minister also, he exercised and asserted more control on external 
policies of his country vvhich were far from being tasty to Americans; he had 
his strong leanings tovvards Muslims vvorld and socialist countries especially 
China, whom he considered a very reliable friend of Pakistan. He entertained 
no malice or rivalry tovvards Ayub Khan but he vvas convinced that Ayub Khan 
vvas not the man to realise the dreams of Muslim renaissance, nor could he 
fight for the liberty of oppressed 'Kashmiris'. He vvas also fully cognizant of the 
situation that India vvas getting stronger everyday; she had several ordnance 
factories of her ovvn. Soviet Union vvas supplying ali kinds of vveapons to India 
almost free of cost. In 1962, there vvere massive rush of military equipment to 
India by U.S. and the U.K.; hovv vvould it be possible to face India and stay 
independent? Ayub Khan's dictatorship vvas gradually eroding the foundation of 
Pakistan. Therefore Ayub and his Government vvere getting more and more 
popular, his timidly in facing the enemies had become proverbial. 

In April 1965, Pakistan had to face vvar from India directly vvhen 
their forces tried to occupy the kutch area of Pakistan. Some details of vvar 
have been given in an other Chapter. But for escalating the vvar, most of the 
advisers of Ayub Khan held Bhutto responsible for it. Pakistan army vvas 
successful in beating the Indian aggression; and through the good offices of 
Great Britain a patch up vvas brought about in Rann of Kutch. 

The students of history must have observed that vvhenever 
Pakistan gained upper hand against India, the United States and Great Britain 
always came to the rescue of their friend India and tied Pakistan's hands. But 
Pakistan though a loyally of U.S. vvas always taken for granted and every 
attempt vvas made to pacify and satisfy India even at the cost of Pakistan's 
security. 

It is true that America did provide some economic and military aid 
to Pakistan on the condition that it vvould not use the U.S. vveapon against 
India, but that did not make any sense and the partly aid vvas not 
commensurate vvith the requirements of Pakistan, keeping in vievv the 
enormous Indian animosity and threats. By this tirne the policy of United 
States, vvas not that as had been enunciated by its former Secretary of State, 
namely John Foster Dulles, a strong and frank gentleman, vvho had given a 
firm foreign policy to the United States, on vvhich the allies could rely, In the 
vvords of Z. A. Bhutto: 

"In the United States of America, John Foster Dulles, the astute 
architect of contemporary American diplomacy, termed neutralism as 
'imrnoral'. In the United States also it is but recently that the Harvard 
intellectuals, the Kissingers and Schlesingers, have deviated from the 



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traditional path to lionize neutralism, much to the detriment of America's long- 
term vital interests". 

Thus the new policy adopted by the American Government was 
based on hypocrisy and vvavering behavior and she lost her real friend. Dulles 
was very appreciative of Bhutto when he made a very sparking and 
illuminating speech in Geneva in 1958 as a Pakistan Delegate; "His ringing 
reaffirmation of freedom of the seas elicited praise from secretary of State 
John Foster Dulles and though most of his audience in Geneva may never have 
been heard of Moen-Jo-Daro before, they now knew at least that Pakistan's 
antiquity rivaled that of Pompeii." A speaker of such stature is rare. Thus Z. A. 
Bhutto was the representative of Pakistan to have introduced to the West that 
Pakistan was a highly civilized and cultured country in the vvorld. 

In the war of 1965, America imposed arms embargo on Pakistan 
as well as India, but the friendly Russian Government did not impose any such 
restrictions on India. The people, especially the intellectuals flayed Ayub Khan 
for such pacts and alliances that proved so abortive against the Country. 

"Arms embargo fell hardest on Pakistan vvhich was completely 

dependent on the United States supplies moreover India was already 

recipient at Soviet Arms supplies and Moscovv did not opt for neutrality in the 
conflict". 

Though the war remained indecisive and there was cease-fire by 
both the countries but the hostilities continued with greater rigour as the basic 
problems remained unsolved; the loss of lives and the colossal damage caused 
by the war went inconsequential. The nation was now divided, the people 
started blaming rather hating Ayub Khan; the cleavage betvveen Ayub and 
Bhutto was appeared openly; it was a starting point of their differences that 
ultimately culminated into a political disaster for Ayub Khan. 

WAR OF 1971 AND AMERICA 

The total absence of democracy, justice and equity, vvhich vvere 
the fruits of Martial Lavv, had divided the nation; the people of East Pakistan 
vvho had major share in the achievement of independence had every 
justification to revolt, as they vvere the most oppressed people and the Martial 
Lavv authorities never attempted to right the vvrong; on the contrary they 
aggravated the situation. The East Pakistani had genuine grievances that they 
vvere politically and economically destroyed by the vested interests and 
capitalists of Punjab. India took full advantage of such sharp differences, vvhich 
culminated in dismemberment of Pakistan vvith full support of Russia. 

In this vvar, the attitude of the United States vvas not adverse and 
inimical; President Nixon vvanted political solution in such critical tirne, he 
might have even helped Pakistan, but the public opinion of the people of U.S. 



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was deadly against Pakistan for the inhuman atrocities and brutalities alleged 
to have been committed by the Pakistan Army in East Pakistan. Nixon's 
approach tovvards the Sub Continent problems was different from other U.S. 
Presidents i.e. Kennedy and Johnson. 

"The public briefings were commented by Kissinger's private efforts to 
minimize dissent inside bureaucracy. At a meeting of the VVashington special 
Action Group on December 3, a summary vvhich was made public later on by 
Jack Anderson, Kissinger was recorded as saying. 

"I am getting hell every half an hour from the President that we are not 
being tough enough on India He vvants to tilt in favour of Pakistan/' 

No doubt American President is most povverful Head of the State in the 
vvorld, but he too cannot flout the public opinion. Nixon was therefore vvorking 
under limitations. Throughout the vvorld, there vvere most horrible reports of 
brutality. 

"On March 25, 1971, President Yahya Khan of Pakistan, vvho had been 
so useful in Washington's secret negotiations vvith Peking, had ordered his 
army to begin a vvar against secessionist forces in East Pakistan. It vvas a vvar 
that many in South Asia considered inevitable, but the violence of West 
Pakistan attack shocked the vvorld. Yahya Khan's troops vvent on rampage 
inside East Pakistan to eliminate the opposition systematically by genocide. 

With days ali foreign correspondents vvere expelled from Dacca, East 
Pakistan's capital and Communications to the outside vvorld vvere cut-off. Over 
the next vveeks and months, the West Pakistan army expended its march of 
horror, slaughtering Avvami League supporters, students and intellectuals on a 

scale, not seen since the Third Reich Estimates of the killing ranged 

form 500,000 to three millions vvithin days, despite attempts vvith regard to 
censorships reports began appearing, many of them in London Nevvspapers. 
There vvere accounts of mass graves, the murder of college students in their 
dorm and repeated description of random assassinations. The brutality vvas 
appalling, vvomen vvere raped or had their breasts cut-off specially fashioned 
knives." 

The influential generals of Pakistan had not only become the high 
ranking politicians and rulers of their unfortunate land by the force of their 
svvord, but a number of generals also assumed the role of vvriters and 
intellectuals. They had asserted in their vvritings that the foreign media being 
hostile to Pakistan had highly exaggerated and fabricated false stories against 
the army action; only that much force vvas used vvhich vvas necessary for the 
maintenance of lavv and order and to curb the secessionists. But there is a 
reliable version supporting the reports of the foreign press coming as it does 
from no less than a reputed scholar, erudite vvriter, avovved opponent of 



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secessionist movement like G.W. Choudhury, East Pakistan Minister in Yahya 
Khan's cabinet. One has to prefer his version: 

"I went to Dacca and it was the vvorst experience of my life. Every vvhere 
I vvent, I heard the same story; One person has lost a son; another a husband; 
many villages were burnt. People who did agree with Mujib's secession plan, 
told how they had been victims of indiscriminate and stupid acts by the Army. 
Many people including my close relatives and friends could hardly express 
themselves vvithout tears in their eyes. They urged me to teli Yahya to come 
Dacca and to see for himself the damage his Army had done. They repeatedly 

asked me: "Is there any way for our survival?" My next meeting with 

Yahya took plače in Ravvalpindi Yahya's first question was what I had seen 

in Dacca. My prompt reply was that no single, foreign nevvspaper had 
exaggerated. On the contrary, the people's agony, sufferings and humiliation 
had not been fully exposed. I also told him that it was not the number of 
deaths, but the manner in vvhich the innocent persons had been killed and 
vvomen raped that had destroyed our cherished homeland for vvhich the 
Muslims of the subcontinent had scarified so many thousands of lives in 1947/' 

Mr. Z. A. Bhutto held Yahya Khan responsible for the tragedy. In his 
intervievv he stated: 

"There is only one man, really responsible for those events Yahya Khan. 
Both he and his advisers vvere so drunk vvith povver and corruption, they'd even 
forgotten the honour of the army. They thought of nothing but acquiring 
beautiful cars, building beautiful houses, making friends vvith bankers and 
sending money abroad. Yahya Khan wasn't interested in the government of the 
country, he vvas interested in povver for its ovvn sake and nothing else. What 
can you say of leader vvho starts drinking as soon as he vvakes up and doesn't 
stop until he goes to bed? You have no idea hovv painful it vvas to deal vvith 
him/' 

But the caution vvas throvvn to vvinds by the irresponsible elements and 
countless people vvere killed and humiliated. The public opinion of the citizens 
of the United States vvas adverse Most of its bureaucrats and politicians 
adopted a hostile policy tovvards Pakistan. 

"The United States Congress vvould not approve military assistance to 
Pakistan or the transfer of American supplied military equipment from Iran. 
China did not have the industrial base to provide substantial military supply." 

Thus the President Nixon in spite of his soft corner for Yahya, could not 
save East Pakistan; hovvever West Pakistan remained in tact, for vvhich 
President Nixon claims that he saved it and did not allovv Indira Gandhi to 
destroy or damage it: 



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"Amid ali the blustering by the men at the top of the American 
Government, the C. I. A received a report-from inside Delhi Cabinet that was full 
of tough talk from the Prime Minister Gandhi. The source as described by 
Kissinger, could only have been Morarji Desai". A report reached us from a 
source vvhose reliability we have had never any reason to doubt and vvhich I do 
not question to day to the effect the Prime Minister Gandhi was determined to 
reduce West Pakistan to impotence, Kissinger said that the intelligence report 
shovved that Gandhi vvould proceed with the "liberation" of the Southern part of 
the Pakistan Province of Kashmir, long an era of dispute betvveen Pakistan and 
India and continue fighting until the Pakistan Army and Air Force were vviped 
out." 

In his intervievv to David Frost, he explained: 

"Richard Nixon vvould rationalized the "tilt" tovvard West Pakistan 
as being an act of morality telling David Frost during one the intervievvs in 

1977, that basically vve saved Pakistan because it vvas right vve had to do 

some thing to keep India from gobbling up Pakistan " There vvas another 

reason he conceded, "What vve did in saving West Pakistan built up a lot of 
credibility vvith China." This is the version of America about saving of West 
Pakistan from the savagery of Indira Gandhi. 

What vvas the policy of major povvers, developed countries, 
Muslim countries and the Third VVorld countries during the regime of Mr. Bhutto 
and hovv he shaped Pakistan's Foreign Policy for his country and hovv far he 
succeed, is an important subject vvhich vvould be discussed at same length in 
later pages of the book. 



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CHAPTER 8 



The Foresaken Kashmir 

"Pakistan vvithout Kashmir is a body without a head and it is a 
very beautiful head. " 

Z.A. Bhutto 

ife is indeed precious. But more than that, country's life, honour and dignity 
L are dearer to a patriot. Kashmir is the lifeline of Pakistan and it is the 
fundamental issue to the very existence of Pakistan. They are so inextricably 
linked with each other; geographically, historically, culturally, religiously, 
socially, politically and economically, the Kashmir is part and parcel of 
Pakistan. Its situation is such that any country that is in possession of Kashmir, 
can easily invade and annex Pakistan with its territory. Besides, Kashmir is at 
the commanding heights of Pakistan and the rivers that irrigate the fertile 
lands of Pakistan, emanate and flow from Kashmir to Pakistan. For Z.A. Bhutto, 
it was therefore unthinkable that even an inch of Kashmir be made part of 
India. Therefore ali his life he was intensely struggling for the emancipation of 
Kashmir from India. India had absolutely no justification, neither moral nor 
legal, to annex even the smallest part of its territory. His zeal and struggle for 
Kashmir are vvithout any precedence in the history of Pakistan. 

Bhutto, though a politician of very high stature, vvas after ali a human 
being and no human being is infallible. But even his honest adversary vvill have 
to admit that he cherished unbounded love for his motherland. His speeches 
vvhether in parliament, in public meetings, in the most important international 
forums bear unrebutable testimony to it. VVhile defending Pakistan against the 
criticism of a National Assembly Member of Pakistan on March 16, 1966, he 
stated on the floor of the Assembly: 

"Pakistan is a great deal. A man of this house said that Pakistan is a 
man-made country. Pakistan is not just a man made country. It is a God-made 

country It is a beautiful thought. It is a creation of excellence. That is 

vvhat Pakistan is not just the sandy desert of Sindh or the rugged nobility of 

Baluchistan or the enchanting lushness of Bengal or the inspiring plains of 

Punjab or the ravv range of the land of Pathans Indeed ali these things 

go to make Pakistan. But there is some thing much more to Pakistan. It is the 
blessing of Allah. Pakistan is the product of earth-shaking idea. It is a 
revolution out of the heart of history. Pakistan is a live revolution." 



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When he spoke about Pakistan, his speech was flovving from romance, 
svveetness and honey and even more tasty and more exhilarating than that. He 
conveyed the same message of patriotic passion to Ayub Khan. 

"Pakistan is a mystical idea Pakistan is the heart-throb of people. 

Pakistan is the cultivation of the aspiration of the Islamic Order." To Zulfikar Ali 
Bhiutto, Pakistan was incomplete vvithout Kashmir. 

TERRITORY OF TERROR AND HORROR 

Kashmir is God's gift to mankind. It abounds in rivers, streams, lakes, 
greenery beauty and there is no lack of human excellence also in the area. It 
can be favourably compared with any beautiful area of the vvorld. But the 
Indian atrocities are also vvithout any parallel. 

A Persian poet has very aptly said: 

If there is any paradise on earth, It is this and it is this and it is this. 

But the history has recorded that the people of this area have mostly 
been the victims of tyranny and atrocity, except for the rule of the Great 
Moghuls, vvhom nature had endovved vvith sense of culture, architecture and 
aesthetics. Especially, Emperors Jehangir and Shah Jahan used to visit Kashmir 
very frequently. They gave delightful gardens, peace, prosperity and happiness 
to the valley of oppressed Kashmiris. 

But thereafter started reign of terror and torture in the territory and the 
people continued to live in anguish and languish. In 1846, Kashmir, vvhich vvas 
in occupation of Britishers, vvas sold to one Gulab Singh Dograh, a courtier of 
Raja Ranjit Singh of Punjab and the Dogra rule continued up to 1947. The 
population of Muslims in the Kashmir State vvas 78 Percent and territorially 
Kashmir, vvith an area of 84400 sq. miles, vvas the biggest state in India. But 
vvith the advent of Dogra regime, Kashmir vvas converted into a hell for 
Muslims; from frying pan, they vvere throvvn into fire; and the British 
Government remained wholly indifferent to the plight of Muslims. 

The repression and oppression of the Dogra regime, vvhich vvas more 
cruelly directed against the Muslims, gave birth to the Muslim conference by 
1930 under the leadership of Shaikh Abdullah and Chaudary Ghulam Abbas. It 
may be noted that the lavvs against the Muslims vvere most severe and savage; 
any Muslim vvho slaughtered a covv or cut a tree vvas punishable vvith death 
sentence. Hovvever, the liberation movement proved fruitful and the rigorous 
lavvs vvere softened. But in 1939 Nationalist Conference vvas launched by 
Shaikh Abdullah under the influence of his friend Pundit Javvahar Lal Nehru and 
the AN India Congress. 

In August 1947 India attained independence and the Subcontinent vvas 
divided on the basis of right of self determination, that is Hindu majority and 



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Muslim majority. The Muslims of Kashmir were very optimistic that the Kashmir 
State vvould thereafter form part of Pakistan, thus vvould be relieved from the 
slavery of Hindu domination. It was surrounded by Muslim Majority areas. 

FRAUD AND VIOLENCE DEPRIVES KASHMIRIS 

A very heinous fraud was perpetrated through the conspiracy hatched by 
Lord Mountbatten, the last British Governor General of the United India and 
Pundit Javvahar Lal Nehru, the First Prime Minister of India after partition. 
There was clandestine and questionable friendship betvveen Pundit Nehru and 
Edvvin, the wife of Mountbatten. The Radcliff Avvard under vvhich India was 
partitioned, gave away Gurdaspur the contiguous Muslim majority District to 
India under the influence of Mountbatten. Bhutto had emphatically resented 
the remarks of Edvvard Heath British Prime Minister on Kashmir, in a big public 
meeting at Peshavvar and termed it a conspiracy: "Mr. Bhutto took exception to 
the reported remarks on Kashmir, made by the British Prime Minister during 

his visit to Pakistan that there was no quarrel betvveen India and Kashmir 

Mr. Bhutto maintained that had there been no Radcliff Avvard, there vvould 
have been no Kashmir dispute. He accused Lord Mountbatten of partiality that 
Gurdaspur vvent to India, vvhich enabled her to usurp Kashmir. " With the 
result, that Kashmir vvhich vvas previously not accessible to India, became 
accessible. On 27th October 1947, Indian Forces in one hundred airplanes vvere 
sent to Srinager under the direct supervision and control of Mountbatten on the 
pretext that the Hindu Maharaja of Kashmir had signed the instrument of 
accession vvith India. The Indian forces thus occupied Kashmir. Hovvever, the 
Muslims of Poonch and Muzafferabad Districts, vvho vvere former soldier of the 
VVorld War II, fought against Indians and succeeded. The Azad Kashmir 
Government came into existence as an armed conflict of Kashmiris against the 
Indian forces. 

PAKISTAINTS STRUGGLE FOR FREEDOM OF KASHMIRIS 

It vvas a čase of naked aggression against the Kashmiris and gross 
violation of the principles of partition. The Kashmiris vvere again subjected to 
slavery of vvorst kind, as if the Dogra regime continued in a vvorst form vvith 
different name. 

On October 31, 1947, Pundit Nehru, pledged in his telegram "Our 
assurance that vve shall vvith-dravv our troops from Kashmir, as soon as peace 
and order are restored and leave the decision regarding the future of the 
people of the state, is not merely a promise to your government, but also to 
the people of Kashmir and to the vvorld." This vvas in fact an eyewash. No 
promise made by the Hindu leadership vvas ever honoured. 

Due to very strained relations and perilous circumstances, Mr. Jinnah 
came to Lahore vvith Liaquat Ali in October and stayed there for about a month. 



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"On October 27, as soon as Governor General Jinnah learned of the 
Indian airlifts of Srinager, he ordered his acting British Commander-in-Chief to 

move two Brigades of the Pak-army into Kashmir One from Ravvalpindi, 

another from Sialkot. The Sialkot army was to march Jammu to make the 
Maharaja a prisoner. The Ravvalpindi column vvas to advance to Srinager and 
capture the city. Such strategic action vvould have secured Kashmir for 
Pakistan vvhile saving Srinager from "tribal anarchy". 

General Gracey refused, hovvever to accept those orders from the 

Governor General vvithout the approval of Supreme Commander [Field 

Marshall Auchinleck]." Gracey also emphasized on military vveakness of 
Pakistan. 

The brave ailing Jinnah vvas prepared to go to any length. He vvas even 
prepared to sacrifice his life. On October 30, 1947, addressing a huge rally in 
the university stadium, he exhorted the masses: 

"We are in the midst of unparalleled difficulties and untold sufferings. 
We have been through dark days of apprehension and anguish. The systematic 
days of massacre of defence less and innocent people, puts to shame even the 
most heinous atrocities committed by the vvorst tyrants knovvn to history. We 
have been the victims. A deeply laid and vvell planned conspiracy executed vvith 
utter disregard of the elementary principles of honesty, chivalry and 

honour Do not be afraid of death. Our religion teaches us to be always 

prepared for death. We should face it bravely to save the honour of Pakistan 
and Islam. There is no better salvation for a Muslim than the death of a Martyr 
for a righteous čase/' 

Such a speech could only be made by a Muslim, vvho keeps his country 
and Islam above every things else. He vvas almost on deathbed at that tirne. 

ARRIVAL OF MOUNTBATTEN AND ISMAY 

"Mountbatten and Ismay vvent of directly to lunch vvith Jinnah and 

31/2 hours of the most arduous conversation, of vvhich Kashmir formed the 
main theme.... Continuing he said that the accession vvas not a bonafide one, 
since it rested on fraud and violence and vvould never be accepted by 
Pakistan/' 

"Jinnah told Mountbatten and Ismay that he had lost interest in vvhat the 
vvorld thought of him since the British Commonvvealth let him dovvn vvhen he 
asked them to come to the rescue of Pakistan. "At the end Mr. Jinnah became 
extremely pessimistic and said that it vvas quite clear that the Dominion of 
India vvas out to throttle and choke the dominion of Pakistan at birth and that if 
they continued vvith the oppression, there vvould be nothing for it, but to face 

the consequences he vvas not afraid, for the situation vvas already so bad 

that there vvas little that could happen to make it vvorse " 



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"In the meeting with Mountbatten on November 1, the Quaid-e-Azam 
put forvvard the follovving proposals to settle the Kashmir dispute: 

1. A proclamation should be made by the two Governor Generals, giving 
forty eight hours notice to the opposing forces to cease fire and vvarning 
the tribesman that, if they did not comply, the forces of both the 
countries vvould wage war on them. 

2. Simultaneous withdrawal from Kashmir of the Indian troops and the 
tribesman should be effected. 

3. The two Governors should be vested with full povvers to restore peace, 
undertake the administration of the state and arrange for a plebiscite, 
under their joint control and supervision." 

It may be noted that Javvahar Lal Nehru had also to come along with 
Mountbatten, but the latter gave fake excuse that Nehru was iN. Later on it 
transpired that he was quite ali right. 

Lord Mountbatten expressed his in inability to accept the proposals 
directly by himself but referred them to the Indian Cabinet. Nehru was not with 
cleans and the pledge of plebiscite that he had made was also hypocrisy, 
therefore the proposals remained unaccepted. 

SECURITY COUNCIL AND PLEBISCITE 

The ailing hero of hundred wars stili retained the farsightedness, sharp 
intellect, invincible determination and courage to fight his enemy and India 
was seared of him and decided to take the matters to the Security Council on 
1-1-1948. India filed her complaint making several allegations against Pakistan 
and the latter lodged counter complain with concrete examples of aggression 
and violence of the principles of self-determination under vvhich the 
subcontinent was divided. Pakistan insisted with ali vehemence that India must 
honour its pledge of plebiscite in Kashmir. 

The Quaid himself selected Pakistan delegation for the Security Council 
with Sir Zafarullah Khan, Foreign Minister, as leader, M. H. Ispahani, United 
States Ambassador, Muhammad VVaseem, Attorney General and Chaudary 
Muhammad Ali as its members. If Mr. Jinnah had not been in a very poor 
health, he vvould have pleaded the Kashmir himself. But the fact of Sir 
Zafarullah^ masterly and brilliant exposition of Pakistan's čase vvas admitted 
universally including Lord Mountbatten. On the other hand, Sheikh Abdullah 
member of the Indian delegation, in the povverful burst of his eloquence further 
vveakened the vveak Indian čase, vvhich vvas poorly pleaded by Rama Svvarni 
Aiyangar, the leader of Indian Delegation. Sheikh Abdullah said: 



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"When Sheikh Abdullah addressed the Security Council, he did so with 
vehemence and with indignation, vvhich pervaded the vvhole of his speech. He 
said, "You talk of impartiality, you talk of bringing about such conditions in 
Kashmir, vvhere the plebiscite vvould be fair and impartial, nobody on earth can 
do anything. Even if God could descend from Heaven, he could not make it 
impartial." 

The impact of this in famous speech proved very adverse and damaging. 
The Indian Prime Minister did a very povverful lobbying through Mr. Atlee, the 
British Prime Minister, but finally the resolution of holding plebiscite in Kashmir 
was passed by the Council. 

RENEWED INDIAN AGGRESSION 

General Gracey, the man who had flouted the orders of Mr. Jinnah to 
send troops against India, now vvarned the Pakistan Government on April 20, 
1948, against the Indian aggression, designed to liquidate Pakistan itself: 

"If India is not to be allovved to sit on the doorsteps of Pakistan to the 
rear and on the flank at liberty to enter at its will and pleasure; if the civilian 
and military morale is not to be affected to a dangerous extent and the 
subversive political forces are not to be encouraged and let loose vvithin 
Pakistan itself, it is imperative that the Indian Army is not allovved to advance 
beyond the general line of Uri-Ponch-Naoshera." 

General Gracey had disgracefully refused to carry out the orders of Mr. 
Jinnah. Had he not done so, the strategy proposed by Jinnah vvould have 
succeeded and the situation in Kashmir vvould not have assumed such 
dangerous proportions that threatened the very existence of Pakistan. The 
Quaid had novv no other option left but the order "limited army action" to 
preserve Pakistan and the remainder of Kashmir against the naked and 
shameful Indian aggression against ali their solemn pledges. 

In vievv of his dvvindling health, Mr. Jinnah vvas advised by doctors, vvell 
vvishers and Miss Fatima Jinnah for taking rest in Quetta and Ziarat. Jinnah 
proceeded to Baluchistan. But there too, he did not stop vvorking. The problem 
of Kashmir and preservation of Pakistan vvere upper most in his mind and he 
never felt at ease. On June 14, 1948, he addressed the Staff College officers at 
Quetta and exhorted them as under: 

"You along vvith the other forces of Pakistan are the custodians of the 
life, property and honour of the people of Pakistan. The defence forces are the 
most vital of ali Pakistan services and correspondingly a very heavy 

responsibility and burden lies on your shoulders the špirit of army is 

splendid, the morale is very high and vvhat is very encouraging is that every 
officer and soldier, no matter, vvhat the race and the community to vvhich they 
belong, is vvorking as a true Pakistani." 



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Mr. Jinnah was fatally iN at Quetta, his health had deeply gone 
dovvn, yet he had not forgotten Kashmir and constitution; though his 
successors forgot everything that he struggled for and achieved gloriously. His 
sister Fatima Jinnah who consistently took her brother's ali čare, even on his 
death bed, vvrites: "His eyes closed and I stayed by his bed side. I could hear 
his thoughts ramble in the realm of his consciousness. He vvhispered in his 

sleep. "Kashmir give them the right to decide constitution I will 

complete it soon " But after his death who cared for Kashmir and the 

constitution/' 

ARMED FORCES IN KASHMIR CONDEMNED 

The high spirited brave army of Pakistan fought in Kashmir in 1948, 
when the Indian forces started advancing. They were not only repelled but 
were badly beaten; and as usual India complained to the Security Council 
vvhich ordered cease-fire. Pakistani Prime Minister ordered the Pak forces for 
cease-fire on 1-1-1949, when the Indian forces were on the point on being 
completely routed and Kashmir vvould have been won by the Pak army vvhich 
qualitatively vvas much superior to the outnumbered Indian Army. Chaudary 
Mohammad Ali, vvho vvas the Secretary General of Pakistan at that tirne and 
subsequently the Prime Minister and constitution-maker of Pakistan, vvrites: 

"The decision for a cease fire has often been severely criticized in 
Pakistan as unvvise. 

The Pakistan army, vvhich had proved itself to be superior to the Indian 
Army in the contest in Kashmir, could, it is argued, have vvon Kashmir before 
India could do much damage to Pakistan. Pakistan knevv that India vvas 
determined to block a plebiscite and maintain her military occupation of 
Kashmir. By placing a wholly trust in the ability of the United Nations to 
arrange a plebiscite, committed a serious mistake of judgement." 

If Z. A. Bhutto had been there as Prime Minister or even as foreign 
minister of Pakistan, he vvould never have ordered for "cease-fire" vvhich 
proved most suicidal for the oppressed Kashmiris. The matter did not stop 
here; the crusaders in Kashmiris vvere duly punished for expressing their 
resentment over the cease-fire orders. According to the versions of Major 
Ishaq Mohammad, vvho vvas one of the accused in the Ravvalpindi conspiracy 
čase 1951" vve had broken through the Indian defences vvhen a sudden halt 
vvas ordered. They army units and experience. Everybody felt miserable, 
Indian Army formations in Kashmir got stuck in the mountains vvithout reliable 
logistic support and vve got right on the top of them. Then suddenly, cease-fire 
vvas announced effective from January 1, 1949." 

After about tvvo years, Liaquat Ali Khan and Ayub Khan implicated Major 
General Akbar Khan, his vvife, several army officers; and civilians i.e. Faiz 



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Ahmed Faiz, Sajjad Zaheer and Mohammad Hussain Atta in a conspiracy case- 
conspiracy to over throvv the legally constituted government by force, in a 
specially constituted court. Akbar Khan was sentenced to 12 years 
imprisonment and others were convicted for the offence of attempting to 
liberate the oppressed Kashmiris from the Indian slavery. Thus it was the first 
golden opportunity to liberate the Kashmiris, but unwisely allovved to slip. 
Surprisingly enough, there was no provision of appeal or revievv against the 
decision of the tribunal against ali norms of justice and jurisprudence. 

HOW KASHMIR PROBLEM WOULD BE SOLVED? 

Will this issue be solved by the Security Council through plebiscite, 
negotiation or mediation. The Pakistani Rulers either greedy, or nervous or 
incompetent or unvvise or weak have been constantly trying to befool the 
Pakistanis through their hypocritical behaviour, their purchase agents and their 
media of sycophancy that this all-important problem vvhich is the life line of 
Pakistan vvould be solved today or tomorrovv. India had openly declared that 
Kashmir is integral part of India and vvould go to the extent of annexing rest of 
the Kashmir, that is "Azad Kashmir" by force. Only tvvo heads, Mohammad Ali 
Jinnah and Z. A. Bhutto fought in their right earnest for the cause of Kashmir 
and they understood it vvell that the Indians never believed in honesty, reason 
and honouring their solemn pledges in resolving the Kashmir and it could be 
decided only by arms and iron. Who vvould deny that it vvas Mr. Bhutto vvho 
gave atomic povver to the Muslim VVorld for its defence, protection and fighting 
for its legitimate rights against their avovved enemies; though it vvas also 
meant for economic progress and prosperity of the people of the Muslim VVorld 
also. It is morally incumbent for an honourable nation to fight a vvar for a 
righteous cause and Mr. Bhutto vvas prepared to fight vvar of Kashmir for a 
thousand years to liberate the enslaved people. The Muslim history provided a 
glaring example of the glorious vvar of crusades that had continued for nearly 
tvvo hundred years and the Christians had spilled knee-deep blood of Muslims 
in the streets of Jerusalem as described by Pundit Javvahar Lal Nehru in the 
"Glimpses of VVorld History". But no massacre and no genocide could prevent 
the Muslims from continuing the vvar in spite of this savagery. Bhutto belonged 
to that race and vvas never intimidated by India or her povverful supporters. 

KASHMIR CAUSE AND THE VVAR OF 1962 

VVithout naming anyone, Air Marshal (Retd) Asghar Khan had to admit: 
"Except for the first year or tvvo, vvhen Pakistan vvas prepared to risk a military 
adventure vvith her povverful neighbour over this issue, no government since 
has been serious about doing anything more than paying lip service to the 
cause of Kashmir/' Seemingly the reference can be only to Mr. Jinnah vvho vvas 
prepared for an armed conflict over Kashmir. Army morale vvas high, but that 
vvas crushed in the "Ravvalpindi conspiracy čase/' Thereafter, the rulers of 
Pakistan fed the people on false hopes and it vvas only after Z. A. Bhutto's entry 
in politics that the Kashmir čase vvas revived in the Security Council and the 



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battle grounds by him. The two Martial Law heads, Ayub Khan and Yahya Khan 
never believed in hard life and sacrifices vvhich alone could bring victory to 
Pakistan. During the Martial Law Regime of Ayub Khan, his minister Khavvaja 
Shahabuddin met President Bin Bella of Algeria and tried to convince the latter 
about the legitimacy of the Kashmir čase by his well prepared long and logical 
arguments; Bin Bella replied: "VVords will get you no vvhere and speeches and 

talking will not get you Kashmir This Cemetery, he said, is the most 

beautiful sight in Algeria. Here lie buried the martyrs of Algeria's fight for 
independence from French rule. They fought and died so that Algeria could be 
freed. Go back and build a cemetery like this in Pakistan and I promise you, 
Kashmir will be face." Out of total population of about eight millions, one 
million Algerians had sacrificed themselves at the alter of independence. 

Bhutto was a born politician, fully conversant with Muslim history and 
traditions and imbued with Islamic špirit from top to toe. He had seen the 2nd 
VVorld War with his own eyes. He had read the moving and thrilling speeches of 
VVinston Churchill who challenged his povverful adversaries "we shall go on to 
the end, we shall fight in France, we shall fight on the seas and oceans, we 
shall fight with grovving confidence and grovving strength in the air, we shall 
defend our Island, vvhatever the cost may be, we shall fight on the beaches, 
we shall fight on land grounds, we shall fight in the fields and in the streets, we 
shall fight in the hills, we shall never surrender." Bhutto could never forget 
these vvords and their under lying špirit. He was friend of the revolutionaries 
like giant Mau Tse-Tung and Chou-En-Lai and had meetings with them lasting 
for hours; he had learnt a lot from them. But poor Ayub Khan was denuded of 
ali these advantages and gifts; he only knew how to rule Pakistan with the rod 
of dictatorship, how to get votes from the coterie of "Basic Democrats" through 
bureaucrats, how to built fine houses for himself and his coherts and amass 
vvealth. The ardent admirer of Napoleon could not be weak like Ayub Khan. 

During the Sino-Indian conflict in 1962, India had moved ali its forces 
from Kashmir, in order to fight the Chinese, but ultimately China trounced and 
humiliated to proud and self conceited India. Ayub was advised to take 
advantage of the situation, invade Kashmir and solve the problem once for ali. 
But he refused, saying that he vvould not 'štab' India in the back, implying 
thereby the that India was either a friend of Pakistan or he vvould appropriately 
deal vvith India vvhen she vvas free from the conflict. AN this vvas done on the 
directions of the United States and he lacked ali courage to displease them, 
vvhatever be the fate of Kashmir. Z. A. Bhutto vvas alone in the cabinet and had 
no voice in the matter of Kashmir: But the callousness and covvardice of Ayub 
constituted a sad commentary on the head of the largest Muslim State in the 
vvorld. When contacted by the B.B.C. correspondent, Mr. Bhutto expressed: 

"An impose peace vvill simply not vvork. This situation has changed 
radically. In those days, vve had certain opportunities and our Government 
missed that. Novv India of course had an opportunity and did not miss it. 



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For instance in 1962, during the Sino-Indian conflict, when India had 
vacated most of its forces from Kashmir, our army could have vvalked into 
Kashmir. But Ayub thought, as he was told by others that ali the vvorld will say 

to this 'a štab in the back'. Now what has India done to Pakistan But the 

vvorld tends vvith the passing tirne, forget the issue. So in 1962, this vvas the 
opportunity. In 1965 I think if the vvar had continued, there vvould have been a 
better settlement, but Pakistan missed ali opportunities." 

It vvas a very correct comment of the situation and the vvorld by Z. A. 
Bhutto. Who cared for the League of Nations? And vvho cared for the United 
Nations and the Security Council? India and Israel openly refused to honour 
their resolutions, but stili they are being supported by the super povvers. Ayub 
Khan vvas holidaying in Hunza, vvhile Kashmir vvas on fire; Rome vvas burning 
and Nero vvas fiddling. That vvas exactly the position in Pakistan. It vvas rightly 
pointed out by Zulfikar Ali Bhutto. Referring to Ayub Khan, tauntingly, the 
falcon of Pakistan expressed: "Our Shah Savvar vvas sitting in Hunza at the 
tirne of Sino-Indian conflict. He said the Himalayas vvere shaken but our Shah 
Savvar vvas shovvn in nevvs papers as taking a ride on yak." 

The opportunity in 1948-49 vvas not availed and on the contrary the 
heroes vvere jailed: novv once again in 1962, another opportunity vvas provided 
by history, but that vvas also missed. 

History vvould not afford such occasions every tirne. Victory vvill kiss the 
feet of those and those alone vvho are prepared to die and not love to live in 
luxury. The vievv of Zulfikar Ali vvas shared almost by ali. "The clash of arms 
vvas betvveen China and India in late 1962, provided Pakistan, in fact, vvith an 
admirable opportunity to force a Kashmir settlement. This vvas the tirne for 
Pakistan to attack the Indian army of occupation in Kashmir, Indian forces 
defending the Assam border had suffered a disaster compared to the British 
retreat from Kabul in 1842. The Indian line in northern Ladakh vvas under 
severe Chinese pressure. There vvere good grounds for supposing that a 
Pakistan move at this juncture vvould have brought on an Indian debacle of the 
first magnitude." 

VVhile deploring the apathy and vveakness of the previous Governments 
of Pakistan, regarding Kashmir, Bhutto said: "Let me say, hovvever that the 
Kashmir problem is not one of our creation. We inherited it from previous 
Governments of Pakistan. Who vvas responsible for stopping the fighting in 
Kashmir? Who vvas responsible for entering the cease-fire agreement vvith 
India? The truth is that the previous Governments vvere responsible for 
mishandling the Kashmir problem". Nobody can dispute this fact that the 
Governments after the Quaid-e-Azam had so lamentably fumbled that Kashmir 
had slipped out of Pakistan's hand, in spite of heroic performance by the army. 

In 1959, Pundit Javvahar Lal Nehru had contemptuously rejected 
the offer of Ayub Khan for "Joint-defence." But in 1963, the newly appointed 



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foreign Minister Z. A. Bhutto turned down Nehru's offer of "No War Pact" in a 
more emphatic manner. He stated "India has offered Pakistan a No War Pact. 
We do not see the hand of friendship in this offer. It is in fact a sinister offer. 
VVhile Kashmir dispute exists, it is inconceivable that we should accept India's 
offer of a No War Pact. If we accept, we shall in fact accept the cease-fire line 
as the final boundary betvveen India and Pakistan in Kashmir. In other vvords, 
we shall be agreeing to the settlement of Kashmir question through partition 
on the basis of status quo as India desires. Thus a No-War Pact under the 
present circumstances vvould mean settlement of the Kashmir problem on the 
basis of status quo vvithout reference to its people." Indian leaders were 
playing their traditional game of cunning politics; if Pakistan had signed such a 
damaging pact, its impact vvould have been vvhat Z. A. Bhutto has stated in his 
speech. But he vvas shrevvder than the Indian diplomats. 

BHUTTO RENEVVS QUAID'S STRUGGLE 

Zulfikar Ali Bhutto the Quaid-e-Awam (People's Leader) of 
Pakistan renevved the abandoned struggle of Quaid-e-Azam Mohammad Ali 
Jinnah vvith greater vigour and he had been the only leader to do it till today. 
He vvould never allovv India to implement her long-cherished designs to destroy 
Pakistan and even to grab Kashmir, the life line of Pakistan. Therefore, it vvill 
be no exaggeration to say that he had stepped in the shoes of his leader 
Mohammad Ali Jinnah, though he vvas suffering from insurmountable 
limitations imposed by Ayub regime. The young Pakistani leader proposed to 
restore the struggle for Kashmir liberation to the Pre-Liaquat period, vvhen 
Jinnah in spite of his serious ailment vvas crossing svvord for the sake of 
Kashmir, against Indian "expansionism." VVhile replying to Pundit Nehru and 
Menon, Bhutto very effectively asserted the importance of Kashmir for 
Pakistan, on July 14, 1963 at Lahore: "Let it be knovvn beyond ali doubt that 
Kashmir is to Pakistan, vvhat Berlin is to VVest and that vvithout a fair and 
proper settlement of this issue the people of Pakistan vvill not consider the 
crusade for Pakistan as complete. There can be no tvvo questions about 
Kashmir being an issue, vvhich threatens the peace and security of the vvorld." 

Kashmir is an issue, vvhich hangs heavily on the conscience of 
mankind. "Giving a sarcastic rebuff to these gentlemen, vvho looked dovvn upon 
Pakistan, Bhutto added "Pundit Nehru dare challenge the dictum of the Prime 
Minister of India? A grovving and insatiable appetite, capable of devouring a 
Junagadh, Hyderabad and Kashmir, vvith ambition to establish hegemony over 
other peoples in India's clear criterion of social and political progress." 

WAR OF 1965 AND ISSUE OF KASHMIR 

India has always been in search of some or the other pretexts for 
continuing aggression against Pakistan and effaces it for ali times. She has 
been attacking Pakistan from the inception of independence. VVhenever India 
found herself on the verge of humiliation, she sought protection of 



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superpovvers in the United Nations Security Council. They came to her rescue 
and ordered for cease-fire. But when Pakistan was being dismembered in 
1971, the vvorld povvers did not čare to admonish India and save Pakistan from 
disintegration, rather they encouraged the aggression positively and 
practically. 

In early 1965, India attacked Pakistan in the Rann of Kutch but 
the Pakistan Army defeated the Indians; and ultimately the matter was 
referred to the British arbitration. The British Government settled the dispute 
and peace was temporarily restored betvveen the two countries. It may be 
noted that in these years, Major General Akhtar Hussain Malik rose to great 
heights of popularity for his military acumen, strategy, personal qualities of 
head and heart, and bravery and he was the hero of Rann Kutch war and the 
subsequent conflicts betvveen Pakistan and India. In August 1965, armed 
conflict erupted betvveen Pakistan and India, vvhere according to the sources 
favourable to India, a Pakistani force of only 7,000 soldiers vvas sent to 
Kashmir by Pakistan. Ayub Khan instead of remaining in the Army Head 
Quarters at Ravvalpindi and issuing necessary directions for guiding the 
Pakistani Generals, proceeded to Svvat for taking rest as usual. Major General 
Akhtar Hussain vvho marched 22 miles inside India, vvas about to capture 
Akhnoor, cutting India's line of communication from Kashmir and achieving the 
most vital victory over India, vvas relieved from the charge and vvas replaced 
by General Yahya Khan to give a decent burial to the Kashmir cause, as 
ordered by the Field Marshal Ayub Khan, the President of Pakistan. It is said 
that Ayub Khan had ordered the replacement due to nervousness caused by 
the fear of the Indian attacks. The hopes of emancipating Kashmir of the 
misery and slavery perpetrated by the Indian government vvere ali shattered to 
pieces. Yahya Khan vvas a great friend of Ayub Khan and enjoyed the 
distinction of notorious fondness for vvine and vvoman. Novv he vvas about to be 
promoted as Commander-in-Chief of Pakistan by Ayub Khan. It vvould not be 
very vvrong to say that both of them vvere squarely responsible for debacle of 
1965 in Kashmir and dismemberment of Pakistan in 1971. 

It vvould be quite relevant to reproduce the independent vievv of 
Pak army's inroads and achievements in the occupied Kashmir. "What Pakistan 
planned to do, became clear on 1 September vvith the opening of a major 
attack of Azad Kashmir troops, supported by Pakistani regular units including 
armour. The scene vvas the Chhanb District, right at the end of the cease-fire 
line, vvhere Jammu touches on West Punjab. The intention vvas to cut main 
Indian line of Communications along the road from Pathankot through Jammu 
to Srinager by way of the Banihal pass. By 5 September, the Pakistani forces 
had captured Jurian and vvere almost in Akhnoor vvhich controlled Indian 
Communications vvith Uri and Ponch. They vvere less than twenty miles from 
Jammu itself." 

On September 6, vvithout any declaration of vvar India launched a full- 
fledged vvar against Pakistan. Their attacks vvere directed for capturing Lahore, 



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Sialkot and Hyderabad. The attack though surreptitious and made with full 
preparations was met by the Pak army most spirited and they bravely repulsed 
the Indian army after a fierce battle. The war continued for seventeen days 
only but the Pakistani forces conclusively proved their superiority over the 
overvvhelming numbers of heavily equipped Indian Forces. It must not go 
unnoted that Ayub Khan and the Commander-in-Chief General Musa were 
never guiding force and inspiring source of the Pakistan Army vvhich fought so 
heartlessly against India. 

At this critical stage, Z. A. Bhutto was the moving špirit of the 
army as well as public and he completely over shadovved Ayub Khan in these 
historic events. The removal of General Akhtar Malik who was very friendly 
with Bhutto, proved quite costly for Ayub. "The prevailing view in GHQ was 
that Ayub had lost his nerve. Just when the Pakistani forces were poised to 
capture Akhnoor and inflict a crushing defeat on India, Ayub decided to call off 
the operation because he did not want to provoke a general war with India/' 

Bhutto was an extraordinary intellectual and a statesman; even 
his father Sir Shahnavvaz Khan was a farsighted high-ranking politician. He was 
always brimming with courage and confidence. Ayub Khan was neither a 
successful soldier nor could he become a popular politician and be seemed to 
have suffered from inferiority complex. Bhutto tried his utmost to bring Ayub 
Khan high up at the level of a hero; but he failed to climb to the top. "Bhutto 
used to meet General Akhtar Malik and some other army officers at his house 
quite regularly to impress upon them" the indispensability of launching raids 
(in Kashmir) as soon as possible". These meetings were a relaxed affair vvhere 
army officers vvould pour out their hearts in response to Bhutto's eloquence to 
and passion. Musa vvould late complained to Ayub that Bhutto used these 
meetings to "brain vvash" his officers/' Thus Musa succeeded in creating a rift 
betvveen Ayub and Bhutto, that could never be mended. Later on, Ayub, 
appointed Musa as Governor of West Pakistan, in plače of Navvab of Kalabagh. 
It is said that the decline of Ayub Khan ovves much to the unvvise 
administration and political mishandling of Governor Musa. 

Ultimately as it vvas expected, the United States, Soviet Russia 
and the United Kingdom intervened and cease fire that vvas decided by the 
Security Council vvas accepted and implemented on September 23, after 17 
days of vvar. 

THE RUSSIAN MEDIATION 

Both Pakistan and India accepted Russian mediation; and the 
Tashkent Conference that initiated on January 3, 1966 continued for a vveek 
and it ended in signing of declaration by both the parties on January 10, 1966. 
the Kashmir issue vvhich vvas the fundamental issue, vvas not resolved in the 
Conference, nor any modalities to solve this problem vvhich vvas the cause of 
discard and permanent conflict betvveen the tvvo countries vvere settled. Under 



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the circumstances there could be no cessation of hostilities. Mr. Bhutto had 
already addressed the conference on this basic issue, "Pakistani Foreign 
Minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto persisted that Kashmir was the root-cause of ali the 
trouble betvveen the two countries, therefore we must address ourselves 
finalizing a solution of Kashmir problem." Ayub Khan expressed his satisfaction 
over the declaration, but Bhutto was not at ali happy over this arrangement 
and asserted to resolve the dispute in any čase. "The U.N. Chapter in Article 51 
recognized the ultimate right of a nation to wage struggle for freedom. It is 
precisely in this context that in the Tashkent Declaration, we have affirmed on 
obligation under the Charter. The fact that we were unable immediately to 
come to a settlement at Tashkent, does not detract an iota from our resolve to 
secure a just settlement under this very charter even outside its frame work." 
The statement is enough to indicate Bhutto's future plans and determination in 
respect of Kashmir's freedom. Perhaps it was an article of faith with him that 
Kashmir be vvrested out of usurper's hands. 

PARTING OF WAYS 

China, the most sincere friend of Pakistan was highly displeased with 
Pakistan's surrender to Russia, the arch enemy of China. The news of the 
agreement in Tashkent, shocked the Pakistanis, who had expected something 
quite different. Virtually every one believed that the talks vvould fail and 
preparations were under way to vvelcome Ayub back as a hero of the people. 
But when the news was relayed over Radio Pakistan, there was only surprise 

and dismay one theme explained everything vvrote an observer "The 

President had sold Kashmir to the Hindu Babu and war lords." 

The fact of the matter is that Ayub Khan returned as an insolvent 
gambler who had lost everything in Tashkent and came back empty-handed, 
shorn of ali political honour, to Pakistan. The assessment of his political 
performance was made as under: 

"But in fact he had lost political legitimacy as a leader in the eyes of 
masses. For example, one vvriter contrasted the image of Chou-En-Lai and 
Ayub in Pakistan in the follovving vvords, "VVhenever Chou-En-Lai appeared on 
news reels in local cinema, there was a loud and prolonged applause; on the 
other hand when Ayub's face was seen there were cat calls and volleys of 
down-to- earth Punjabi abuse." 

An artificial, a temporary and a meaningless peace was restored in the 
subcontinent, the hostilities had never ceased, on the contrary they had 
multiplied. Russia had to prove its supremacy in Asian affairs against Chinese 
and they did it, but nothing substantial beyond that could be achieved. 

KASHMIR QUESTION AND PARTING OF WAYS 



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Zulfikar Ali Bhutto remained in the cabinet for about eight years and that 
was more than enough. They differed from each other in ali respects; their 
ways of thinking, their political vievvs and their economic principles widely 
differed from each other. Bhutto tried to adjust himself with Ayub as far as 
possible, but there is always a limit. Bhutto had a very broad outlook, his 
education was much superior. He believed in the brotherhood of mankind and 
was a man of dignity honour and action. He made Kashmir a point of national 
prestige and Pakistan vvithout Kashmir was unthinkable. There could be no 
peace vvithout definite settlement. The cease fire imposed every tirne by the 
superpovvers vvas no remedy of the problems for vvhich Pakistan had been 
fighting ali along against the Indian aggression. Moe-Tse-Tung a great 
revolutionary leader of China once put a very apt, appropriate and meaning full 
question about the American idea of peace to the American President Richard 
Nixon: "In my meeting vvith Mao-Tse-Tung in 1976, at the tirne, I vvanted to 
see him, he asked a profound question" Is peace America's only goal." I 
responded that goal vvas peace but a peace that vvas more than absence of 
vvar- a piece vvith justice." Today vve need to ask ourselves a similar profound 
question. "I stability our only goal? Our goal should be more than a vvorld 
order. Order can keep the peace, but peace is not the ultimate end and peace 
should be the means to a higher end a nevv vvorld in vvhich ali people can enjoy 
the blessings of freedom, justice and progress." This vvas exactly the real 
purpose of peace that Zulfikar Bhutto vvanted in Kashmir, he vvanted to make 
Kashmir a heavenly area on the surface of the earth, vvhich had been made a 
hell by perpetrating ali posts of atrocities and oppression during the dark 
decades of its rule; novv he vvanted to change its destiny altogether. Even the 
Kashmiri Leaders fully realized and recognized Mr. Bhutto's principled attitude 
and his determination for solving the issue, "Kashmiri Leaders have reiterated 
that the victory of the people's party vvas necessary for the solution of Kashmir 
issue because the Quaid-e-Awam could alone had the vision and political 
understanding to solve this intricate issue vvhich involved the destiny of seven 
million of Kashmir people. The opposition that had opposed the very creation 
of Pakistan, could not be trusted vvith the destiny of Pakistan or Kashmir, they 
declared. The Kashmiri Leaders Sardar Mohammad Ibreheem Khan, Abdul 
Hamid Khan and Pir Ali Jan Shah vvere addressing a large meeting of Kashmiri 
refugees in Farooq Ganj Lahore." 

The falcon of Pakistan vvas preparing for final and decisive vvar for 
Kashmir vvhen his government vvas throvvn, he vvas caged, prosecuted, 
convicted and executed. 



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CHAPTER 9 



The War of 1965 

"TAie great questions of the day are not decided by speeches and 
major ity of votes but by blood and iron" 

Bismarck 

RANN OF KUTCH 

Mr. Zulfikar Ali Bhutto was not only the most brilliant Minister in the 
Cabinet of General Ayub Khan but was a very brave patriot, fully acquainted 
with the mind and mentality of the Indian rulers and vvould not allovv even an 
inch of land to be usurped by India whom he considered enemy number one of 
Pakistan. He had been fighting for his country against the naked aggression 
and tyrannies of India in Kashmir at every International forum, including the 
United Nation's General Assembly and its Security Council. He had fully 
exposed the atrocious, aggressive and fascist designs of India against Pakistan. 
No other Foreign Minister or the Prime Minister had ever been so effective and 
impressive in facing the vvell-trained and highly efficient Indian diplomats and 
their Foreign Ministers. In 1965, war broke out betvveen India and Pakistan due 
to the aggression of India. Ayub Khan, though styling himself as sage of the 
ages and the first and last Field Marshal of Pakistan vvithout fighting any war or 
suffering any scratch, was essentially such a "peace loving" man that he was 
never prepared to fight India even for the honour and existence of Pakistan. 
On the other hand, by this tirne Mr. Zulfikar Ali Bhutto had not only achieved 
tremendous popularity in West Pakistan but was also popular amongst the 
Army and its officers. The year 1965 in fact was a turning point of Ayub's 
decline and young Bhutto's rising popularity. 

On 4th of April 1965, the Indian Army as a matter of aggression 
occupied a Pakistani post in the Rann of Kutch on the pretext that it was a part 
of India. The forces of Pakistan moved to the area called Chad Bet and Veir Bet 
for the protection of its land. It will be relevant to state that the Rann of Kutch 
measures about 8400 sq. miles and Pakistan was claiming 3500 sq. miles of 
the northern area. The Indians had started the aggression obstructing the 
movement of Pakistani patrol in the south of Kanjarkot. In spite of protests 
from Pakistan, the Indians did not listen and continued their offensive activities 
of obstruction and they dug trenches for the preparation of war. On 7th April, 
1965 the povver intoxicated Home Minister of India announced that the 
Pakistanis will be ousted by force from the Rann of Kutch. As a result of Indian 
behaviour, attacks and counter attacks started in the area. Kanjarkot was 
attacked on llth April against vvhich the Pakistan Foreign Office protested but 



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it went in vain. On 15th April 1965 Mr. Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, the Foreign Minister 
of Pakistan issued a spirited statement vvarning India of the grave 
consequences of their aggression. He said: "The Rann of Kutch situation is the 
latest example of Indian chauvinism" and also vvarned India that it alone vvould 
be "responsible for the consequences vvhich must follovv." This statement was 
made in reply to the threat issued by the Indian Prime Minister Lal Bahadur 
Shastri in Lok Sabha against Pakistan. Though the Rann of Kutch is a desolate 
area but no country vvould be prepared to surrender even an inch of land 
though there might be serious threats issued by the enemy to destroy or 
occupy it. The socialist leader Manohar Lohia vvent to the extent of threatening 
that the East Pakistan could be run over by India in an matter of days. 
Hovvever, the Indian forces vvere thoroughly defeated and degraded by the 
Pakistani soldiers. 

The British Prime Minister Herald VVilson intervened and finally 
there vvas an agreement on 29th of June vvhich provided for cease fire lst July 
and the vvithdravval of troops of both parties vvithin seven days and that the 
restoration of status quo according to the position that existed on lst January, 
1965. The British Prime Minister had intervened in order to save the Indian 
Army and the political leadership of India from total humiliation and 
degradation. The political events have proved that vvhenever India commits 
aggression against any country she falls into its ovvn trap, the US and the 
British governments have invariably come to the rescue of India; and Pakistan 
vvas simply taken for granted by them because of the vveakness of its 
leadership. But vvhenever victorious, they posed to remain impartial and Bhutto 
vvell understood their tactics. 

STRUGGLE IN KASHMIR 

The morale of Pakistan Army after defeating the fully-equipped 
Indians vvas indeed at its climax and the people of Pakistan at this crucial 
juncture demonstrated their vvonderful unity. The Kashmiris had ali along been 
struggling for their rights of self-determination on the basis of the resolution 
passed by the Security Council for plebiscite. The Indian Army vvas not so vvell- 
equipped and trained, nor vvas its morale so high. Novv it vvas very appropriate 
occasion for General Ayub Khan to take initiative for the emancipation of its 
oppressed brethren in Kashmir and save their honour and he vvould have been 
vvell vvithin the four corners of the International Lavv, but it has been observed 
that he exercised abundant caution in such matters vvhich involved risk of life 
and death. It is not possible to save Pakistan if Kashmir continues to remain in 
the clutches of Indian usurper; but it vvas quite unfortunate that the abundant 
cautions exercised by Ayub Khan vvere bordering on covvardice. Though 
Pakistan virtually did not have any factories manufacturing arms and 
ammunition and India on the other hand had some such factories and there 
had been a flovv of arms from USA, Britain and other VVestern countries, yet 
Pakistan Army vvas thought to be the strong enough to defeat India in Kashmir 
if organized and planned properly, wisely and bravely. China, Indonesia, Iran, 



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Turkey and some other Muslim countries were the strong supporters of the 
cause of Kashmir. General Gul Hassan, who was then the Director of Military 
Operations vvrites, "Though the Indians had developed their indigenous 
production of war materials, they had not the capability of fighting a prolonged 
war. Each side vvould aim at achieving gains as quickly as possible, to forestall 
International, pressure to bring hostilities to an end" Lt. General Gul Hassan 
has further vvritten in his memoirs: "The set back in Kutch immeasurably 
disconcerting to the Indian Army. As a result, the Government of India was in 
a quandary. On the other hand ours was in a state of euphoria. The High 
Command of our Army was intoxicated by our shovving and our morale could 
not possibly have been higher. We were ready for any task that may be 
assigned to us and vvithout any question." 

In senior army circles and in the Foreign Office. Ayub Khan came 
under criticism for letting the Indians off the hook. There was great 
disappointment in GHQ that when the Indians were vvithdravving, their retreat 
could have been easily cut off, but unfortunately Ayub Khan did not allovv it. 

Undoubtedly the Indians were defeated in the war of Rann of 
Kutch. As such, they were proposing to avenge against Pakistan. Shastri, the 
Indian Prime Minister, announced that India vvould choose a plače of its ovvn to 
attack Pakistan. There are many a moments in the history of a Nation vvhen its 
leadership either proves capable and courageous or covvard and vveak. On this 
historic occasion, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto proved that he vvas the real leader of the 
nation, prepared to lay dovvn even his life for the honour and existence of his 
motherland, he had novv become the hero of the Army Officers, specially the 
younger ones. So far the Army vvas concerned the brave General Akhtar Malik 
proved his merit beyond any doubt and dispute. Bhutto's opponent and Ayub 
Khan's favorite bureaucrat and vvriter of his biography says, "Bhutto used to 
meet General Akhtar Malik and some other Army Officers at his house quite 
regularly to impress upon them: "The indefensibility of launching raids (in 
Kashmir) as soon as possible/' These meetings vvere a relaxed affair vvhere 
Army Officers vvould pour out their hearts in response to Bhutto's eloquence 
and passion. Musa vvould later complain to Ayub that Bhutto used these 
meetings to "brainvvash" his officers. The job that Aziz Ahmed used to perform 
as Chairman of the Kashmir Celi vvas novv taken over by Bhutto. But by novv, 
senior army Officers, under the Rann of Kutch euphoria vvere rearing to go and 
find a vvonderful ally in the Foreign Minister. Bhutto's major concern vvas to 
assure Ayub that the risk of India unleashing a vvar of Pakistan, in retaliation of 
Pakistani raids in Kashmir, vvas negligible and could certainly be contained by 
Pakistan's diplomatic skill and military superiority." 

General Akhtar Malik vvas the most popular, competent and 
charismatic personality in the Pakistan Army. About him, General Gul Hassan 
vvrites: "Before I proceed further, I must admit this narrative vvould be 
incomplete vvithout bringing into the center of the stage, the General Officer 
Commanding 12 Division, Major General Akhtar Hussain Malik. His contribution 



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to the training and launching of Gibraltar force was vvholesome. He also 
formulated plan for operation Grand Slam and had commanded it admirably in 
the opening phase. General Malik was a charismatic and gifted personality and 
has a hold on the imagination of the younger officers and men. He was a 
serious minded soldier with a brain." 

Procrastination is the thief of tirne and as Mr. Jinnah had put it to Lord 
Mountbatten: "Time is a essence of contract," similarly in this čase Ayub Khan 
had a weak and vvavering mind, he was in a fix of "to do or not to do" thus he 
was guilty of procrastination. He took a long tirne to examine and half- 
heartedly gave consent for action in spite of the insistence of Zulfikar Ali 
Bhutto, the Foreign Minister; and due to this delay the Indian Army had ali the 
tirne to fully organize itself and prepare their secret plans for invading 
Pakistan. In this connection, Mr. Altaf Gauhar vvrites: "Ayub want to Murree on 
13 May, 1965, six vveeks before the cease-fire in the Rann of Kutch became 
effective, to examine the plan that had been prepared by General Akhtar Malik, 
General Officer Commending of 12 Division, to launch guerrilla operation in 
Kashmir. General Malik, a tali handsome officer, highly respected by his 
colleagues and popular among his men, explained the details of "Operation 
Gibraltar" on a sand-table." 

It was unfortunate for Pakistan that Ayub Khan woefully lacked 
povver of decision in vital matters. Though the plan of "Operation Gibraltar" 
was with Ayub Khan on 13th May, 1965 and had examined it in presence of 
Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, General Musa and other senior Army officials, he took the 
decision by the end of July, 1965 and this delay was quite detrimental to the 
cause that Bhutto and Major General Akhtar Malik were eager to take up at the 
earliest. Napoleon Bonaparte had rightly said, "I can afford to lose battles but 
not minutes." As such delay in the present čase was far vvisdom and it created 
ali complications, alerted India and ultimately proved fatal. 

For Pakistan there were two alternatives: (1) "to reach now boldly 
and courageously in self defence or (2) allovv the initiative move irrevocably to 
India, who vvould then proceed to launch her final attack for the liquidation of 
Pakistan, subsequently at a plače and tirne of her own choosing. Bhutto 
strongly urged to opt for the first alternative as "This is our hour of decision 
and may God guide us on the right path." 

The name assigned to this action was "Operation Gibraltar" 
named after the famous General Tariq who was the conqueror of Spain in 
Europe. The operation was started on 28th July and the cease-fire was crossed 
by them in the territory of Kashmir held by Indian forces illegally, immorally 
and against ali principles of International Law and the decision of the Security 
Council of the United Nations. The Indian Forces had committed countless 
atrocities upon the Muslims of Kashmir and the Kashmiris were anxious to see 
that Pakistan vvould emancipate them from the tyrannical and most 
undemocratic rule of India. This operation in fact demanded that Ayub Khan as 



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Field Marshal and as President of Pakistan should have concentrated ali his 
energies on this most important action of the Operation Gibraltar, but Ayub 
Khan was holidaying in Swat and shovved his total lack of interest in the 
operation. It was indeed unpardonable; even his biographer Mr. Altaf Gauhar 
vvrites: "For some inexplicable reason, Ayub left for Swat immediately after the 
Gibraltar was launched. Bhutto flew to Swat and returned with the directives 
given by Ayub on 29th August, 1965/' 

The facts revealed by Gibraltar Operation clearly point out that 
Ayub Khan did not have much interest in the operation "Gibraltar/' The delay 
caused by him in launching the operation alerted India and they made suitable 
military arrangements for facing and crushing operation "Gibraltar/' Why was 
this delay caused by Ayub Khan, can be explained only in two ways. Firstly, he 
had no real sympathy for the oppressed Kashmiris and it was merely a show 
on his part secondly he did not like to incur the displeasure of the povverful and 
tyrant India. Thus, Kashmir was burning and Ayub Khan was hunting and 
basking in the beautiful valley of Swat. His Commander-in-Chief General Musa 
had also no interest in the operation. He did not play any conspicuous part in 
the operation nor was he competent for the purpose. Even necessary 
equipment and army were not supplied by him in the occupied Kashmir for 
vindicating the national honour. Ayub Khan and General Musa were both 
blaming Zulfikar Ali Bhutto and Foreign Secretary Aziz Ahmed for initiating the 
war in Kashmir and the brunt was to be borne by Bhutto. 

It must be remembered that the second action, vvhich was the 
most important one, was that of "Grand Slam" and General Malik was directly 
incharge of it. This Operation by General Malik was most vital in this respect 
that by conquering Akhnoor he vvould isolated India from Kashmir and the 
supply line of the Indian troops vvould totally cease to function. But it vvas most 
unfortunate that in this respect, the role of Ayub Khan vvas unpardonable. As 
has been stated above, tirne vvas the essence of the operation, but the Field 
Marshal Ayub Khan vvas guilty of criminal dilly-dally. His biographer, Mr. Altaf 
Gauhar vvrites "He (General Musa) had been to Murree to discuss the situation 
vvith General Malik, vvho vvas in dire straits and vvas desperately insisting that 
Grand Slam must be launched immediately othervvise everything vvould be lost. 
The problem vvas that Grand Slam vvould require the Pakistani forces to move 
across a small section of the International frontier betvveen Sialkot and Jammu. 
The Information Secretary vvas present at this meeting. General Musa vvas 
urging Bhutto to obtain Ayub's approval to launch Grand Slam/' 

Who vvar vvas being fought? Was it for the existence of Pakistan 
or for Bhutto's personal estate! General Akhtar Malik had not burnt his boats 
for any personal gain. Could there be a greater tragedy than apathy of Ayub 
and Musa! 

Ayub Khan has vvritten his autobiography, "Friends Not Masters." 
It is surprising that he has vvritten practically nothing about these most 



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important events in the history of Pakistan and there is no mention about 
Bhutto and his important role, or any other vital incidents of national character 
with vvhich Bhutto was concerned. Mr. Qudratullah Shahab who had remained 
Secretary to General Iskander Mirza and subsequently to General Ayub Khan, 
vvrites: "Once I attempted to know about the war from Navvab of Kalabagh, his 
reply was 'brother Shahab' it was not the war of Pakistan, in fact this war was 
initiated by Akhtar Malik, M. M. Ahmed, Bhutto, Aziz Ahmed and Nazir Ahmed". 
Cat was now out of the bag, the Navvab vvas the voice of Ayub Khan. 

General Akhtar Malik had burnt his boats like Tariq and had fought 
very fearlessly though General Ayub and General Musa had rendered most 
inadequate help against the heavy odds. 

General Gul Hassan's version is: "The next day the Chief visited 
General Malik. He came to the Operations room late in the afternoon and told 
me that he had effected change of command; General Yahya Khan, vvho had 
his HQ nearby, vvas to relieve General Malik, vvho vvas to return to Murree. I 
vvas stunned by this disclosure because the latter had told me that he vvould be 
handing over after Akhnoor had been captured and vve vvere stili far from that. 
There had been some delay in the advance; vve vvere not engaged in a sand- 
table exercise, vvhere the enemy acts in accordance vvith the vvishes of the 
director. Above ali, the delay might have been made up but only by General 
Malik, since he had conceived Operation Grand slam as one vvhole and he alone 
vvas the appropriate person to accelerate the pace. Knovving him as I and many 
others did, he must have fought the battle numerous times in his mind and 
appreciated the likely enemy actions and vvorked out umpteen variations to 
čope vvith them. He had assured me that it vvould take him no longer than 
seventy-two hours to seize Akhnoor. Considering the force at his disposal and 
the knovvn enemy opposition vvhen his plan vvas formulated, I considered that 
it could have been done/' 

Mr. Qudratullah Shahab also supports General Gul Hassan: "General 
Akhtar Malik started the proceedings according to his plan and he vvas about to 
conquer Akhnoor vvhen General Musa and many others vvere plunged in anxiety 
that in čase Akhtar Malik succeeds in his mission he vvill emerge as a hero. 
President Ayub and several other army and civil officers in povver did not like 
Major General Akhtar Malik to be the hero of this vvar and thus be entitled to 
the office of future Commander-in-Chief. President Ayub had already reserved 
this office for General Yahya Khan, vvith a result that vvhen Major General 
Akhtar Hussain Malik vvas moving fast in Chhamb Akhnoor Sector, he vvas ali of 
a sudden removed from the command and in his plače General Yahya Khan 
vvas appointed, so that he should keep away the Pakistan Army from 
conquering Akhnoor". He performed this duty wonderfully vvell. The version 
about Kashmir tragedy vvas further supported by Sardar Shaukat Hayat Khan 
in his autobiography. "On the other front, Chhamb and Jurian, the commander 
vvas an able General Akhtar Malik, vvho vvas changed in the middle of the battle 
and in his plače General Yahya Khan vvas appointed. My brother Brig. Azmat 



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Hayat went forvvard during the night march and captured Chhamb, taking the 
Indians by surprise and also captured forvvard tanks. He asked for further 
instructions but Yahya had only reconnoitered by flying over the sea. The 
British High Commissioner Sir Morrice James vvrites "He ordered the General in 
charge of the Akhnoor attack to be replaced. The nevv commander vvas told not 
to continue the advance." As a matter of such patriotic performance. "Ayub 
Khan gave him Pakistan's highest military decoration after the 1965 vvar vvith 
India..." the grand handsome dictator namely Ayub Khan vvith his shaky and 
shady policies and his shivering heart behind his broad chest, vvas the in 
charge of the biggest Muslim country in the vvorld treated as bastion of Islam. 
What an irony of fate! In a nutshell it can be safely stated that ali the efforts 
and sacrifice made by the Army and General Malik specially, vvent in vain and 
Bhutto vvas blamed by Ayub Khan and his sycophants for 'Operation Gibraltar' 
and 'Grand Slam'. The amazing aspect of this story is that Zulfikar Ali Bhutto 
vvas being blamed by Ayub Khan, General Musa and their sycophants for their 
failure of the Operation 'Gibraltar' and 'Grand Slam', due to their ovvn follies 
and frailties. Thus the solemn pledge given by the strong vvilled Mr. Jinnah to 
free the people of Kashmir against the most cruel and undemocratic rule of 
India, vvas blatantly broken by General Ayub Khan, though Zulfikar Ali Bhutto 
did his best to vindicate the honour of the Kashmiris as promised by his 
political mentor, Mr. Jinnah. 

INDIA INVADES PAKISTAN 

The Indian Prime Minister Mr. Lal Bahadur Shastri had already 
vvarned Pakistan that she vvould open front of vvar at any plače against 
Pakistan. On 3rd September, 1965 the Indian Prime Minister had given clue to 
his intention that he vvould attack Pakistan and the people of India should be 
prepared for any sacrifice and everything. The Pakistan High Commissioner in 
Nevv Delhi had also sent the message to the effect that India vvould attack 
Pakistan on 6th of September, 1965. Under these circumstances it vvas the 
bounden duty of General Ayub Khan to keep himself abreast vvith such serious 
and crucial situation and keep his Army prepared for facing Indian invasion. 
Ayub Khan for ali purpose vvas a dictator of the country and ali povvers vvere 
vested in his hands. Ministers vvere merely Advisors and the Legislative 
Assemblies existed only in name; Ayub Khan had conferred the title of Field 
Marshal on himself and a Field Marshal is supposed to be the most competent 
person in the Army to knovv the intricacies, strategies, tactics and hardships of 
vvar and guide his Army efficiently in order to face the enemy's Army according 
to the situation. But Ayub Khan vvas totally unavvare of his responsibilities and 
this situation, he had not fought any vvar, he took no part in guiding his forces 
and participating in any clash. He vvas almost devoid of political 
foresightedness and vvas merely spectator of such a serious situation vvhich 
involved the question of life and death for Pakistan. 

On the right betvveen 5th and 6th of September, 1965, Indian 
forces vvith full preparation crossed the International Borders near Lahore but 



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the Generals of Pakistan Incharge of the forces stationed at Lahore were 
unavvare of it: "An officer of Intelligence Bureau had personally stated to me 
that his agent was preceding with some secret mission tovvards the boundary 
betvveen India and Pakistan, when ali of a sudden he found sharp flashes 
approaching. After some inquiry he came to know that the tanks of Indian 
forces had crossed the International boundary for invading Lahore. He came 
back running to me and also informed a police officer who in turn phoned an 
army officer; thus the army officer informed the GOC of Lahore who too 
hesitated to believe this information. He further states: "I cannot 
authoritatively state as to what was the real position but the high command of 
our army had not made any effective display of their courage, skill and 
efficiency. The entire credit goes to our Air Force and young officers for 
repulsing and routing the Indian forces by sacrificing their lives and fighting 
with the enemy wonderfully well and some of them were martyred vvhile 
defending their beloved homeland." Mr. Shahab further says that the Foreign 
Minister in his presence spoke on phone to New York and gave very clear 
instructions to the representative of Holland in the United Nations." At that 
tirne Mr. Shahab was Pakistan's Ambassador in Holland. 

Full scale war was raging on the entire border of Pakistan and 
India and cease-fire line of Kashmir betvveen the armies of the tvvo countries. 
The Indian army comprised more than 650,000 troops, three times more than 
the Pakistani soldiers vvith 1,600 planeš and 1500 tanks, India possessed 50% 
more heavy armour than Pakistan. The Indian General J. N. Chaudary 
commanded his army vvith full-fledged plans taking the negligent higher-ups of 
Pakistan by surprise; General Chaudary boastfully claimed that they vvould 
take their lunch at Lahore. It vvas even announced falsely on B.B.C and the 
Indian Radios that Lahore had been conquered by three pronged attacks on the 
city, and on 7th September they directed their attack on Sialkot vvhich is very 
important Border City of Pakistan. The Indian Generals and officers had very 
sensibly planned their attack against Pakistan vvith the result that the attention 
of the Pakistan forces vvas novv entirely vvithdravvn from Kashmir to Punjab. It 
vvould have been the vvorst type of tragedy if Lahore the heartbeat of Pakistan 
and Sialkot the important industrial city had been captured by India. When 
Ayub vvas avvakened at night tirne and informed about the massive Indian 
attack he got furious: "Ayub Khan gave hell to Brig. Riaz Hussain, Director 

General of Inter Service Intelligence (ISI) The Armored Division of India 

vvas not a needle in a hay stake vvith a quivering voice Brig. Riaz Hussain 

replied, Sir from June 1964, Military Intelligence has been given political 
assignment on elections and post-elections repercussions." This vvas not only 
an act of criminal negligence on the part of a dictator head of the state but also 
clear proof of rigging in presidential elections and hounding the politicians of 
Pakistan vvho had vvorked against him. The Pakistan Army though much 
smaller in size, poorly equipped, disorganized and vvithout any efficient 
leadership, fought fearlessly vvith unbelievable bravery against the heaviest 
possible odds of India. The Indians had planned to conquer Chevvinda and 
further proceed to Sialkot - VVazirabad road in order to achieve their ultimate 



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object to cut off the road betvveen Lahore and Ravvalpindi and thus paralyze 
the Pakistan forces. But the supremely spirited Pakistan Army foiled ali their 
attempts in spite of ali handicaps. With exemplary sense of patriotism and 
gallantry, the Pakistan army fought a historic and heroic battle at Chevvinda 
and inflicted a crushing defeat upon their opponents. The Indian Air force also 
bombarded Lahore, Peshavvar, Sialkot, Sargodha and other places in West 
Pakistan. In East Pakistan also they made Dacca and Chittagong targets of the 
bombing. With ali this preparation India could not succeed. 

A day after the war Ayub Khan invited ali the political leaders for 
consultation. None from East Pakistan could come for want of Communications. 
Hovvever, Chaudary Mohammad Ali, Maulana Abu Ala Maududi, Sardar Shaukat 
Hayat, Chaudary Ghulam Abbas and Mohammad Safdar came to attend the 
meeting. VVhile going into the meeting, Ayub said to Altaf Gauhar, Information 
Secretary. "So you have collected ali my enemies". With this poor way of 
thinking, the President could not play the role that that was expected of an 
efficient or even sensible politician. He calls the meeting of the political leaders 
and surprisingly terms them his enemies. The leaders whom he had called in 
the meeting were no less patriotic than Ayub Khan and had better vievvs on 
politics than Ayub Khan, as they had remained in politics for their vvhole life 
vvhile Ayub Khan had hardly any experience of politics and knovvledge of the 
common man. There could be no greater misfortune of our homeland. 

In this war, it may be borne in mind that Indonesia, Iran, Turkey 
and even Saudi Arabia made some substantial contribution to help Pakistan 
and the French Government agreed to provide thirty aircraffs to Pakistan. The 
attitude of America and Britain was far from friendly. Ayub Khan was always 
loyal to U.S. A. and entirely dependent for the defence of Pakistan on America 
but the latter refused to support Pakistan and refused to provide any arms and 
ammunition when Pakistan was in mortal danger by India. On the contrary the 
U.S. A. Government, her diplomats, British Prime Minister Herald VVilson and 
Russia were ali helpful to India. And the American Ambassador was harsh in 
his behaviour tovvards the President of Pakistan. It cannot be forgotten that the 
China was the vvhole-hearted supporter of Pakistan and sternly vvarned India of 
the consequences of her aggression and pledged ali support to Pakistan. As 
Foreign Minister of Pakistan, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, had laid firm foundation of 
friendship with China but the Chinese leadership was always doubtful about the 
fickle mindedness and weak behaviour of Ayub. 

Zulfikar Ali, the brilliant Foreign Minister of Pakistan never got 
perplexed in such a serious and complex situation and vvithout being afraid and 
completely affected of super povvers of the vvorld, his conversation with the 
U.S. Ambassador depicts not only his diplomatic skill but also his fearlessness 
and courage with vvhich no other Foreign Minister could have spoken to U.S. 
Ambassador as Mr. Zulfikar Ali Bhutto did during the course of war. Mr. Altaf 
Gauhar the biographer of Ayub Khan vvrites "The U.S. Ambassador, VValter 
P.McConaughy, met Bhutto at his residence on 9th September. It was an 



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unpleasant meeting. The Ambassador told Bhutto that the congress had 
decided to stop ali military aid to Pakistan and India. But the decision, said the 
Ambassador, was not in any sense a punitive action it was meant only to lend 
support to the U.N. Secretary GeneraTs efforts to attain a peaceful settlement." 
Bhutto was indignant. Here was Pakistan, an old friend and an ally of U.S. A., 
fighting for its survival and the United States was plunging a dagger in its 
back". He vvarned that it vvould damage Pakistan's relations with America. 
When Bhutto said that Pakistan's cities were being bombed, McConaughy 
asked him vvhether this had not been foreseen: "It was a fateful decision you 
took to plan and organize the Mujahid operation. Bhutto flatly denied that 
Pakistan had been involved in any such operation but conceded that the 
Mujahid had the support of Pakistan. Bhutto claimed: "It is India that had 
committed aggression and we are fighting for our honour. 

In his secret memo to Ayub Khan, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto vvrote: "if we 
face the situation resolutely there is no doubt that the hundred million of 
people of Pakistan will triumph. The only language vvhich the United States and 
its henchman will understand at this juncture is the language of determination. 
We cannot do better than to denounce its complicity in the present crisis." The 
courage, determination and political insight and revolutionary thinking of 
Zulfikar Ali Bhutto led to this irresistible conclusion. By nature he was 
influenced by the revolutionary culture of Mao Tse Tung and Chou-En-Lai of 
China and seemingly impossible achievement of Pakistan by Jinnah. "Just as 
Quaid-e-Azam Jinnah had won Pakistan against ali odds after a Muslim League 
struggle of many years, had deemed impossible, so from the ashes of this 
national humiliation and coming diplomatic 'betrayal' as new fearless young 
Quaid-e-Awam (Leader of the People) vvould soon emerge, launching his ovvn 
People's Party aimed at restoring, resurrecting, and rebuilding Pakistan as a 
truly "self-respecting nation." 



BHUTTO MAD FOR PAKISTAN 

The pertinent question arises as to why Zulfikar Ali Bhutto vvas in 
favour of continuing vvar in spite of the fact that the President vvas against it 
and he had lost his heart. In the vvords of his biographer Mr. Altaf Gauhar, 
Ayub vvas talking: "As if the vvar vvas already over." According to Mr. Mumtaz 
Ali Bhutto, Ayub had vvarned that: "Your cousin is mad man. Don't follovv him. 
He'll lead you astray. Get you into trouble". To be frank, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto vvas 
really mad for Pakistan. It reminds one of Maulana Mohammad Ali Jauhar vvho 
had sacrificed ali, in his struggle against the British slavery. He attended the 
Round Table Conference in London in spite of fact that he vvas seriously iN and 
no person in such condition vvould have traveled even seven miles. The 
Maulana roared vvith ali courage in the vvorld. "No sane man vvould have 
traveled even seven miles in this condition but I have crossed seven thousand 
miles of land and sea to attend this conference, because vvhere India or Islam 
are concerned, I am mad. "The vvord mad used by Ayub is reminiscent of those 



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great men who preferred honourable death to cowardly life of slavery and 
subjugation. Prophet Hazrat Ibrahim (PBUH) jumped into the fire of Nimrod. 
Was it madness? Imam Hussain the leader of martyrs fought against the Army 
of Yazid and sacrificed not only his own life but that of his innocent children 
too. Was it madness? Zulfikar Ali Bhutto though not outwardly a devout 
Muslim, was also a mad person in the sense that nothing was dearer to him 
than the honour and integrity of his country. 

The Security Council had already directed both the countries for 
cease-fire. The people of Pakistan and the young officers of the Army were 
against the cease-fire, vvithout the settlement of Kashmir issue. The question is 
why Bhutto was so much insistent on the continuation of war unless the issue 
of Kashmir was settled according to the Resolution of the Security Council of 
the United Nations? It may be borne in mind that in 1962 when there was 
Sino-India war and China was inflicting defeat upon defeat on India, Ayub 
Government did not take advantage of this God gifted opportunity. If he had 
availed it, the problem of Kashmir vvould have certainly been solved. After 
1962, there was an incessant flow of arms and ammunition by USA and Great 
Britain to India and now militarily India was in a far better position but not yet 
invincible. India had been entertaining evil designs against Pakistan from the 
very inception and was vvaiting for an opportunity to liquidate it. If the problem 
of Kashmir was not going to be settled once for ali in 1965, then how and 
when it vvould be settled? Such opportunities come rarely in the life of a Nation 
and Zulfikar Ali vvas determined to take fullest advantage of the situation, 
especially vvhen the entire Nation vvas united like ročk and the armed forces 
vvere prepared to make every conceivable sacrifice for the sake of Kashmir and 
their motherland. 

The United Nations passed tvvo resolutions on 4th and 6th September 
1965 calling upon tvvo countries for cease-fire. U.Thant, Secretary General of 
U.N.O. came to Pakistan and met Ayub Khan. He seemed to be pro-India and 
they had no mind to settle the basic issue of Kashmir dispute betvveen the tvvo 
countries. On 8th September Ayub Khan expressed: "America is doing 
everything conceivable to help India." 

ATTITUDE OF CHINA 

In this vvar, China had fully and openly supported the cause of 
Pakistan by vvord and deed. The major povvers that vvere supporting India vvere 
also fearing direct interference of China in the vvar; and India vvas already 
scared of China from 1962 vvhen the Chinese forces had completely routed the 
Indian troops. "Marshal Chen Yi, the Chinese Foreign Minister had a meeting 
vvith Zulfikar Ali Bhutto in Karachi on 4th September and had assured him of 
Chinese help to Pakistan. Again on 7th September China condemned India's 
'criminal aggression' as an exposure of the chauvinist and expansionist 
features of its ruling class. On India's rejection of the Chinese note, China 
vvarned India on 8th September, that if it did not end its "frenzied provocation 



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activities" it vvould have to bear the responsibilities of ali consequences. Then 
on 12th September 1965, China gave ultimatum that unless Indian 
government "dismantled ali military vvorks on the side of the border vvithin 
three days, stopped intrusion into China... it vvould have to bear the full 
responsibility of ali the consequences. These threats confused India and it vvas 
in the grip of panic. The Indian Ambassador B. K. Nehru vvas assured by 
Kosygin that India vvould be supplied arms regularly. The same promise vvas 
extended to India by Dean Rusk from VVashington. Similarly, Harold issued a 
statement that if Chinese vvere to intervene in the vvar, Britain and the US 
vvould be bound to assist India. But no joint declaration by the three povvers 
vvas issued against the threatened intervention by China. Since no joint 
statement vvas issued, India got more panicky. On 15th of September, a press 
conference vvas held by Ayub Khan and it vvas attended by about 300 foreign 
correspondents. Ayub looked pale and perplexed and contrary to the 
expectations of everybody, he made an appeal to President Johnson of U.S. to 
establish peace in the region. The BBC reported that Ayub "virtually invited 
President Johnson to intervene directly in the dispute". Voice of America said, 
Ayub vvould "vvelcome American initiative to end the Indo-Pak conflict". Most 
correspondents remarked that Ayub Khan vvas friendly i.e. less harsh than the 
previous Pakistani statements and concluded that it must be the result of the 
apparent stale-mate on the military front. Novv it vvas a clear admission of 
defeat and a servile entreaty to American President Johnson for cease fire 
vvithout reference to Kashmir. Everyone vvas surprised rather flabbergasted, 
then why 'Operation Gibraltar', why 'Grand Slam' and why ali devastations! 
Pressmen vvere taken aback and Pakistanis plunged in shock. 

The vveakness of Ayub Khan surprised and shocked every Pakistani. 
After ali he vvas dictator and not a revolutionary, neither politician nor soldier. 
It vvas also disappointing for China. Immediately after Ayub's press conference 
the Indian Foreign Minister gave "hands off Jammu and Kashmir" statement 
and Prime Minister Shastri announced that "in vievv of the President Ayub's 
remarks, the defence operations must continue vvith unabated vigour." Novv 
India had come a lion against the jackal of Pakistan. The credit of ali this 
shame, misery and degradation vvas imputed to field Marshal Ayub Khan. 
Zulfikar Ali vvas left vvith no options except to bid adieu to the Field Marshal 
Ayub; they vvere poles as apart novv. The unfriendly foreign povvers could 
conveniently tvvist the arm of the Field Marshal, vvhile Bhutto stuck strongly to 
his principles. He vvas not inimitable by the pressure of U.S. A, Russia or 
Britain. 

CHOU-EN-LArS REVOLUTIONARY WAR 
LESSON TO AYUB KHAN 

The attainment of Pakistan itself vvas more than a miracle. Quaid-e- 
Azam, the ailing and old political hero of hundred vvars united and galvanized 
the Muslims of India. Always divided in small sections, vvithout any national 
aim and objective and vvithout any leader, they vvere about to be svvallovved by 



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Orthodox Hindu congress. It was a very critical juncture that Jinnah saved the 
Muslims and carved out the biggest Muslim State and the 5th largest state of 
the VVorld as a homeland for the Muslims. Stanley VVolpert rightly compares 
the brilliant young leader Bhutto with the veteran Jinnah, "Just as Quaid-e- 
Azam Jinnah had won Pakistan against ali odds after a Muslim League struggle, 
many had deemed it impossible, so from ashes of this National humiliation and 
coming diplomatic betrayal" a new fearless young Quaid-e-Awam (Leader of 
the People) vvould soon emerge launching his own People's Party aimed at 
restoring, resurrecting and rebuilding Pakistan as a self-respecting Nation". 
There was a very interesting, very useful and a very revolutionary type of 
conversation betvveen Chou-En-Lai and Ayub Khan, who flew to Beijing from 
Peshavvar on the night of 19/20 September 1965 accompanied by Zulfikar Ali 
Bhutto and they had two meetings with Chou-En-Lai and Marshal Chen Yi. 
Ayub explained the military situation in Pakistan and India, latters superiority 
in numbers and how vvestern povvers and Soviet Union were rendering full 
diplomatic and military support to India. "Chou En Lai said that numerical 
superiority vvould be of no avoid to the Indians in the prolonged War. Even if 
one or tvvo major cities vvere lost, the Pakistan Forces supported by patriotic 
people could inflict crippling blovvs on the invader. He recalled instance from 
Chinese long struggle for liberation to shovv that numerical superiority can not 
prevail on the vvill of the people. .." Chou En Lai said" Don't forget that vve vvill 
be a maintaining our pressure ali the tirne. Ayub asked "hovv long vvould you 
maintain the pressure" Chou En Lai looked straight into Ayub's eyes said for as 
long as necessary, but you must keep fighting even if you have to vvithdravv to 
hills. "Ayub did not knovv hovv to respond to his offer of unconditional support. 
He said: "Mr. Prime Minister I think you are being rash". Chou En Lai smile and 
cautioned Ayub against succumbing to American pressure. "Don't fall into the 

Russian trap. They are unreliable. You vvill find out the truth" by the end it 

vvill become clear that if Pakistan vvanted full Chinese support it had to be 
prepared for a long vvar in vvhich major cities like Lahore might be lost. 
Hovvever, every reverse vvould unite the people and the Indian Forces vvould be 
sucked into a quagmire of popular resistance." 

But in Pakistan there vvas neither Mao-Tse-Tung nor Chou En Lai vvho 
had undergone ali hardships of revolutionary life and had trained their people 
to fight for years till they vvere victorious, nor there vvere old Muslim Generals 
like Ghazi Salahuddin and Mahmood Ghaznavi vvho could fight the heaviest 
odds of the United Europe and the Maharajas of India for years together to 
vanquish them in... long dravvn... battles. It vvill be relevant to state that the 
bloody vvar of Crusades vvas fought by the Europeans for their cause for more 
than 150 years but vvere finally defeated, humiliated and driven back to Europe 
by the Muslim VVarriors. Unfortunately, in Pakistan there vvere neither Muslim 
hero like Mohammad Bin Qasim, Tariq bin Ziyad, Ghazi Salahuddin and 
Mahmood Ghaznavi nor vve had modern revolutionaries like Mao-Tse-Tung and 
Chou-En-Lai to reply the Shivajees of India. Mr. Bhutto ali alone vvas there but 
he vvas politically chained by General Ayub Khan and vvas hardly in a position 
to act freely like the Head of the State; and most of the sycophants of Ayub 



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Khan were against him. Pursuant to the Cease-fire Resolution both the vvarring 
parties abandoned the war vvithout any result, but it must be admitted that 
there was one most important result by vvhich Zulfikar Ali Bhutto emerged as 
the hero of the people, especially those of West Pakistan and General Ayub 
Khan, was a casualty of 1965 war. Long wars are never fought by weak and 
povver hungry rulers. 

After accepting the cease-fire resolution, President Ayub gave a 
speech to the nation. It was prepared by his Information Secretary. These 
speeches not only caused wide spread disappointment but it was universally 
condemned and criticized by the People of West Pakistan. Hovvever, the East 
Pakistan people vvelcomed the ceasefire, because they felt that they were 
isolated by General Ayub and had India attacked East Pakistan, the Pakistan 
army vvould not come to their rescue. They thought that it was on account of 
the vvarnings and ultimatums of China, that India refrained from invading East 
Pakistan vvhere there was only one Division of Army. It was thus impossible to 
save East Pakistan against any attack if launched by India. Sense of insecurity 
had prevailed through out East Pakistan. 

Bhutto was not satisfied with the Cease-fire Resolution and he 
believed in continuation of War from defeating India. He was most 
instrumental in obtaining military aid from China, Iran, Turkey, Saudi Arabia, 
Jordan and Indonesia, as such he believed in decisive war against India, like a 
true revolutionary. 

BHUTTO WELCOMES CHINESE CHAIRMAN 

In those days, another important incident of political significance 
happened, for vvhich the Information Secretary Altaf Gauhar vvrote as follovvs: 

"On 26 March, the Chinese Chairman, Lin Shaochi, accompanied by 
Chinese Foreign Minister Chenyi came on an official visit to Pakistan. Chairman 
Lin had a long meeting vvith Ayub in vvhich he reiterated China's firm support 
for Pakistan's policies on Kashmir. The Chinese Chairman then vvent to Lahore, 
vvere a vvarm vvelcome from the people of Punjab avvaited him. Despite much 
persuasion by the Information Secretary, Ayub did not accompany the Chinese 

chairman, to Lahore by giving Bhutto the opportunity to appear as a hero in 

Lahore, in the company of Chinese Chairman, Ayub had handed over the 
political initiative to Bhutto. It vvas a tumultuous reception. Here vvas not an 
inch a empty space from the Airport to Government House. Bhutto vvas 
beaming vvith joy and frantically vvaving to a hysterical mass of humanity. The 
people lifted the car in vvhich Bhutto vvas traveling and carried it on their 
shoulders. Bhutto had vvon their hearts." 

It may be remembered that Chinese Chairman is the must important 
personality in China, but Ayub ignored him. Such incidents though appear 
small outwardly, carry enormous political and diplomatic importance. This fact 



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indicates that Ayub Khan was suffering from a deep psychological 
exasperation. 

BHUTTCS FIGHTING SPEECH 
IN SECURITY COUNCIL 

On the night of 22nd and 23rd September, 1965 Bhutto 
addressed the Security Council. He was now the pride of Pakistan, master of 
rhetoric, a politician of deep political insight who had total grasp over the 
global affairs. Pakistan had never produced a Foreign Minister of Bhutto's 
calibre and his speeches in the United Nation and Security Council will be 
remembered for long. The speech that he delivered on the occasion, was far 
more impressive and eloquent than that of his Indian Counterpart. 
Unfortunately, the povver politics was in the hands of Super Povvers who were 
notoriously partisan tovvards India, but in spite of it he pleaded the čase of 
Pakistan wonderfully well, he said. "The vvhole vvorld believes in the right of 
self-determination. Must it be denied to the people of Jammu and Kashmir 
merely because the povver must prevail over principles? Povver shall never 
prevail over principles. Could the vvill and špirit of our people be destroyed?" 
Again speaking in the Security Council he reiterated his stand but a cessation 
of hostilities is not enough. The Security Council... must novv address itself to 
the heart of the problem... the future of Kashmir. It can no longer make a play 
thing, or a toy out of 5 million people. The giant Foreign Minister of Pakistan 
added vvith ali force. "This is the last chance for the Security Council to put ali 
its forces, ali its energy, ali its moral responsibilities behind a fair and equitable 
and honourable solution of Jammu and Kashmir dispute. History does not vvait 
councils, organizations or Institutions just as does not vvait for individuals" 
(Possibly he vvas aiming at Ayub). "Ultimately, vve shall have to be the final 
determiners of our ovvn course.... Let me teli the Security Council on behalf of 
my Government". This vvas quickly to be denied and refuted." That if novv after 
this last chance that vve are giving Security Council, it does not put its full 
force- behind the honourable settlement of Jammu and Kashmir dispute, 
Pakistan vvill have to leave the United Nations.... VVithin a certain period of tirne 
if the Security Council is not able to act in accordance vvith the responsibilities 
placed on it, in accordance vvith its honour under the Charter-vvhich believes in 
self-determination. Pakistan vvill have to vvithdravv from the United Nations." In 
his final remarks Bhutto irrefutably proved that he vvas the only real 
representative of millions of Pakistanis. "When Pakistan, a country much 
smaller than India, vvas invaded by India, the sufferings of both Pakistan and 
Jammu and Kashmir vvere fused. These sufferings formed the single resolve to 
fight against India's aggression.... These passions may be regarded in the 
calculations of povver politics but history deals far more justly vvith them. When 
vve say that vve are giving United Nations a last chance to settle Jammu and 
Kashmir dispute, vve are saying that vve are determined not to let her righteous 
cause be abandoned. It is not the vvill of Allah that the victim of injustice and 
aggression should have no higher court of appeal". These are only passage 
from the spirited speech made by Bhutto in the Security Council. Even the 



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passages will themselves speak that only Zulfikar Ali Bhutto was capable of 
making such bold and logical speeches representing millions of Pakistanis 
inside and outside Pakistan were proud to him. Even the members of the 
Security Council were deeply impressed by his speech vvhich was full of logic, 
vvisdom and righteousness. But it was beyond the reach of Bhutto to make 
povver politics turn in favour of the righteous cause of Pakistan. It was a 
pathetic but determined voice of his heart, conscience and soul, vvhich could 
not be suppressed by any one. 

On his return from Nevv York, he got dovvn at Amsterdam and called 
Mr. Qudratullah Shahab Ambassador in Holland to meet him at the airport. Mr. 
Qudratullah Shahab's version is briefly as under: 

"The car vvas passing through the beautiful and scenic areas of 
Amsterdam but Mr. Bhutto did not look at them. He vvas continuously speaking 
and there vvas lave of bitterness in his chest, vvhich vvas flovving vvith a horrible 
velocity in his fluent talk. He had grievances and vvas complaining that during 
the vvar many valuable opportunities vvere lost due to covvardice and to the 
defective strategies of battles. VVhile severely criticizing the cease-fire before 
tirne, he vvas repeating that after committing such mountainous mistakes and 
suffering defeats vvithout reason and rhyme, it vvas not possible for him to 
support President Ayub any further. He did not express it in so many vvords but 
it vvas abundantly clear that he vvas going to resign from the Cabinet of Ayub 
Khan. He proposed to prepare his ovvn manifesto." 

It vvas crystal clear that Bhutto vvas not at ali prepared for such cease- 
fire, vvhich left Kashmir problem unresolved and involved national humiliation. 
Novv in order to justify himself politically, Ayub Khan called a meeting of 
political leaders. These vvere very same political leaders vvhom Ayub Khan had 
condemned for having destroyed Pakistan and had compelled to impose Martial 
Lavv in the country. Altaf Gauhar vvrites: "Ayub invited the political leaders 
vvhom he had met immediately after the Indian advance against Lahore and 
asked for their advice about accepting the cease-fire resolution. They 
unanimously urged him to resist the resolution because the people vvould feel 
utterly betrayed if Pakistan agreed to an unconditional cease-fire." Thus Ayub 
Khan did not get any support from the politicians of the country vvho vvere fully 
avvare of the sentiments, thoughts and vievvs of ali classes of the masses, but 
Ayub had his ovvn policies and constraints. He vvas bound to obey the American 
President Johnson vvho vvas the defacto force behind cease fire." 



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CHAPTER 10 

Tashkent Declaration 

- Parting of ways 

The Nation's honor is dearer than the Nation's comfort, yes, than 
the Nation's life itself. 

Woodrow Wilson 

Mr. Kosygin, the Prime Minister of Soviet Union, an unflinching friend of 
India, offered his good offices for an agreement to bring peace betvveen India 
and Pakistan and for that purpose he invited Shastri and Ayub Khan, Prime 
Minister of India and the President of Pakistan respectively in Tashkent. The 
American President had given his blessings to the mediator from Soviet Russia 
and Ayub accepted the offer vvithout any demur. According to Altaf Gauhar, 
Information Secretary, Ayub was doubtful about the usefulness of such a 
meeting. "What purpose will it serve? Shastri will state his čase and I will state 
my čase". On the other hand, there was pressure from U.S. A. to accept the 
arbitration of Mr. Kosygin. Was it possible to refuse even a suggestion from 
America? Bhutto meet the Chinese Ambassador who called him "You are 
having difficulties, the USA is big but you must face up to the threat." A very 
pertinent question was genuinely agitating the minds of Pakistanis, vvhether it 
vvould be profitable for Pakistan to accept the arbitration of the USSR Prime 
Minister for the simple reason that the latter had remained friendly with India 
and had even vetoed the implementation of plebiscite resolution of Security 
Council. For arbitration, it is essential that the arbitrator must be impartial 
having no inclinations to any party, othervvise the arbitration is likely to be 
unjust and unfair; tainted by the partisanship. But could it be said for the 
Soviet Union that it vvould act impartially vvithout any prejudice? The reply 
vvould be negative. The main purpose behind this arbitration seemed to be 
political and not peace. The grovving povver of China vvas agitating the minds of 
both the superpovvers and they vvanted to alienate Pakistan from China, the 
friend in need. India had readily agreed to the arbitration as the astute Shastri 
knevv it fully vvell that the arbitration vvould not go against India in any čase as 
he had thoroughly read the attitude of both the superpovvers and could safely 
conclude that this arbitration vvould displease their povverful enemy China. 
Ayub Khan left for Tashkent in the afternoon of January 3, 1966 accompanied 
by Foreign Minister Bhutto, Foreign Secretary Aziz Ahmed, Information 
Secretary Altaf Gauhar and others. Mr. Altaf Gauhar vvas said to be the most 
important man in the delegation as he enjoyed full confidence of President 
Ayub Khan and he vvas asked to prepare the speech to be delivered by Ayub 



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Khan at the Conference. On seeing the draft of the speech, Aziz Ahmed said to 
Altaf Gauhar. "I shall never forgive myself for agreeing to this omission. "The 
Indian press visibly noticed this vital omission and claimed that Ayub Khan had 
not uttered the vvords "Jammu and Kashmir dispute" in order to avoid strong 
Indian reaction." It is not really understandable why then Ayub Khan had gone 
to Tashkent when he had no courage to openly utter the word "Jammu and 
Kashmir dispute" in his speech. So this hefty and tali dictator over six feet and 
Field Marshal was afraid to displease thin, lean and short-statured Shastri, who 
was 5' & 2" only in height. Did it not amount to bartering away the rights of 
Kashmiris. 

Now in Tashkent the differences betvveen Ayub and Bhutto were 
at their climax and there appeared to be no bridgeable gulf betvveen the tvvo. 
Virtually Altaf Gauhar vvas novv the friend, philosopher and guide of Ayub and 
the fairly fluent diplomacy expert and fantastically brilliant Foreign Minister vvas 
relegated to the status of a formal Foreign Minister. The first meeting vvas 
attended by over 500 journalists from ali over the vvorld and they vvere ali 
present during the first open session. On January 5, Ayub Khan met Shastri 
and thereafter briefed his delegation about the attitude of Mr. Shastri vvho had 
insisted that "General! You must appreciate my position, I have a very difficult 
job at home and have stepped into the shoes of giant and I am really too small 
for the job. "According to Ayub Khan, Shastri continued talking about his 
domestic problems saying that he vvas very much ansvverable to the public 
opinion. When Ayub vvas relating hovv Shastri kept saying that he vvas 
ansvverable to the people, Bhutto interrupted him and said quite sharply. "But 
vve are also ansvverable to the people you don't have a heavenly mandate." 
Ayub considered himself above public opinion, as every dictator thinks and 
treated Pakistanis a dumb-driven cattle. I have quoted Altaf Gauhar frequently 
for the obvious reason that he vvas favourite of Ayub Khan and his version 
vvould not be incorrect against Ayub on facts. Though Ayub vvas accompanied 
by Commerce Minister, Ghulam Farooq and Information Minister Khavvaja 
Shahabuddin besides Bhutto and the Foreign Secretary Aziz Ahmed, he 
preferred to consult vvith and accept the advice and guidelines given by Altaf 
Gauhar. In fact, omission to mention Kashmir issue vvas deliberate, and the 
realities had been ignored as result of the deceptive diplomatic behavior 
exercised by USSR and India. Thus they landed Pakistan in a political abyss, 
virtually closing the doors of any struggle for solving Kashmir issue. Mr. Bhutto 
persisted that Kashmir being the root-cause of ali the trouble betvveen the tvvo 
countries, "We must address ourselves to finalizing a solution of Kashmir 
problem." The Indian Foreign Minister Svvaran Singh restated Indian position 
that "Kashmir vvas the integral part of India:" The meeting ended in deadlock. 
Bhutto believed in the real resolution of Kashmir and not eyewash of the 
Kashmir issue like Ayub. 

Ayub Khan had agreed in vvriting that Pakistan vvould renounce the 
use of force in setting dispute vvith India. Then Shastri agreed to it. Bhutto hit 
the ceiling vvhen he read insert the pages, Ayub later shovved him, threatening 



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to fly home to "expose" Ayub's treacherous "surrender" to ali of Pakistan. Ayub 
felt constrained to delete the insert, though Altaf and Minister Shahabuddin 
agreed to, as did Pakistan Commerce Minister Ghulam Farooq. Bhutto 
immediately called Anderi Gromyko / Foreign Minister of USSR, who was with 
Shastri when the telephone rang, Zulfi tried "diplomatically" to explain that 
Ayub had agreed to "renounce force" only because India had agreed to 
"plebiscite" in Kashmir. Gromyko's angry reply was "It is a lie." According to 
Qudratullah Shahab, Mr. Zulfikar Ali Bhutto was shabbily treated during the 
talks by President Ayub when he tried to tender his advice to the President; he 
angrily said to Mr. Bhutto in Urdu, "Shut up, you fool." Mr. Bhutto, protesting 
against it, said "Sir, you never forget that there must be someone in the 
Russian delegation knovving Urdu language." Shahab's feeling was that this 
was the point vvhere they had fallen out forever and each had his own way." 

There is no doubt that Mr. Khrushchev, the predecessor of Mr. 
Kosygin, was deadly against Pakistan and vvanted the end of it ali, but 
comparatively Mr. Kosygin was inclined tovvards the cessation of hostilities 
betvveen the two countries as they had appointed him the mediator and was 
deciding the dispute in his own country. When he found that both the parties 
had conflicting claims about Kashmir and he must have realized the 
righteousness of Pakistan point of view and India's interagency, he looked at 
Bhutto and said "I can see from the Foreign Minister's face that his meeting 
with the Indian Foreign Minister had not been encouraging" it must not be 
forgotten that generally the attitude of the USSR leaders was not reasonable 
tovvards Pakistan and they vvould not displease their old friend India. Kosygin, 
hovvever, vvanted to save the situation and he persuaded Shastri to let Kashmir 
figure nominally on the talks. There vvas thus a change in the Indian mind and 
the Indian Foreign Secretary informed the nevvsmen that "Mr. Shastri vvas 
vvilling to discuss on Kashmir, but not to negotiate it. The anxious and nervous 
Ayub Khan vvas satisfied vvith the meaningless statement of Indian Foreign 
Secretary. The Tashkent Declaration vvas signed on lOth January 1966. Text of 
the Tashkent Declaration is: 

TASHKENT DECLARATION 

The Prime Minister of India and the President of Pakistan, having 
met at Tashkent and having discussed the existing relations betvveen India and 
Pakistan, hereby declare their firm resolve to restore normal and peaceful 
relations betvveen their countries and to promote understanding and friendly 
relations betvveen their peoples. They consider the attainment of these 
objectives of vital importance for the vvelfare of the 600 million people of India 
and Pakistan. 

I The Prime Minister of India and the President of Pakistan agreed that 
both sides vvill exert ali efforts to create good-neighborly relations 
betvveen India and Pakistan in accordance vvith the United Nations 
Charter. The reaffirm their obligation under the Charter not to have 



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recourse to force and to settle their disputes through peaceful means. 
They considered that the interests of peace in their region and 
particularly in the Indo-Pakistan sub-continent, indeed, the interests of 
the peoples of India and Pakistan were not served by the continuance of 
tension betvveen the two countries. It was against this background that 
Jammu and Kashmir was discussed and each of the sides set forth its 
respective position. 

II The Prime Minister of India and the President of Pakistan have agreed 
that ali armed personnel of the two countries shall be withdrawn not 
later than 25th February, 1966 to the position they held prior to August 
5, 1965 and both sides shall observe the cease-fire terms on the cease 
fire line. 

III The Prime Minister of India and the President of Pakistan have agreed 
that relations betvveen India and Pakistan shall be based on the 
principles of non-interference in the internal affairs of each other. 

IV The Prime Minister of India and the President of Pakistan have agreed 
that both sides vvill discourage any propaganda directed against the 
other country and vvill encourage propaganda vvhich promotes the 
development of friendly relations betvveen the tvvo countries. 

V The Prime Minister of India and the President of Pakistan have agreed 
that the High Commissioner of India to Pakistan and the High 
Commissioner of Pakistan to India vvill return to their posts and that the 
normal functioning of diplomatic missions of both countries vvill be 
restored. Both Governments shall observe the Vienna Convention of 
1961 on diplomatic intercourse. 

VI The Prime Minister of India and the President of Pakistan have agreed to 
consider measures tovvards the restoration of economic and trade 
relations, Communications, as vvell as cultural exchanges betvveen India 
and Pakistan and to take measures to implement the existing 
agreements betvveen India and Pakistan. 

VII The Prime Minister of India and President of Pakistan have agreed that 
they vvould give instructions to their respective authorities to carry out 
the repatriation of the prisoners of vvar. 

VIII The Prime Minister of India and President of Pakistan have agreed that 
the tvvo sides vvill continue the discussions on questions relating to the 
problems of refugees and evictions/illegal immigrations. They also 
agreed that both sides vvould create conditions, vvhich vvill prevent the 
exodus of people. They further agreed to discuss the return of the 
property and assets taken over by either side in connection vvith the 
conflict. 



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IX The Prime Minister of India and President of Pakistan have agreed that 
both the sides will continue meetings in both countries. Both sides have 
recognized the need to set up joint Indian-Pakistani bodies vvhich will 
report to their Governments in order to decide what further steps should 
be taken. 

The Prime Minister of India and President of Pakistan record their 
feelings of deep appreciation and gratitude to the leaders of the Soviet Union, 
the Soviet Government and personally to the Chairman of the Council of 
Ministers of the USSR; for their constructive, friendly and noble part in bringing 
about the present meeting vvhich has resulted in mutually satisfactory results. 
They also express to the Government and friendly people of Uzbekistan their 
sincere thankfulness for their overvvhelming reception and generous 
hospitality. 

They invite the Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the USSR to 
vvitness this declaration. 



Prime Minister of India President of Pakistan 

LAL BAHADUR SHASTRI MOHAMMAD AYUB KHAN 

Tashkent, January 10, 1966 

On the night of lOth and llth January 1966, vvhen it vvas about 2 
am, Mr. Shastri fell from his bed on the floor and died of heart failure in 
Tashkent. About Shastri's death, Mr. Benazir Bhutto vvrites "During the peace 
negotiations held in Southern Russian City of Tashkent, President Ayub Khan 
lost everything vve had gained on the battlefield under the Tashkent 
Agreement. Both countries agreed to puli their troops back to their pre-vvar 
position. My father vvas disgusted and tendered his resignations as Foreign 
Minister. When the Indian Prime Minister Lal Bahadur Shastri died of heart 
attack the day after the agreement vvas signed, ,my father acidly remarked 
that he must have died from happiness. 

As the shocking terms of the settlement vvere disclosed to the people, 
massive violent demonstrations broke out in the Province of Punjab and Sindh 
amidst reports against police brutality. Stili the demonstrations continued and 
the political life of Bhutto vvas changed forever. 

When the people of West Pakistan came to knovv about the 
Tashkent Declaration, they vvere shocked and virtually rose in revolt against 
the dictator Ayub Khan. Altaf Gauhar, one of the delegates and biographers 
vvrites as under about the agitation and reaction of common man, laborers 
educated class and the študent community: 



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"Agitation against Tashkent Declaration began in West Pakistan 
around 13th January, 1966. It soon spread to different colleges and 
universities. In Lahore, the police opened fire on a large group of 
demonstrators and two students were killed." Further he vvrites "the agitation 
looked like gathering momentum. There were more protest meetings in 
Ravvalpindi, Lahore and Multan and more casualties. Lahore and Tharparker 
were placed under curfevv and West Pakistan was buzzing with rumours of 
grave differences betvveen Ayub and Bhutto." The opposition parties met at 
Lahore on 5th February, 1966 and condemned the Declaration as humiliating 
document. The Resolution was moved in the Conference by Maulana Maududi 
against the Tashkent Declaration, vvhich was unanimously passed in 
condemning the Tashkent Declaration as detrimental to the interests of 
Pakistan. 

In order to shut the voice of the leaders, the West Pakistan 
Government out of fear imposed a black-out on the proceedings of the 
meeting. Sardar Shaukat Hayat said "Later we started an agitation against the 
Tashkent Accord, vvhich vve thought, vvas a defeat for Pakistan. We sent in 
symbolic group to break the Section 144. I led the first and vvas arrested in 
Mochi Gate and I vvas incarcerated in Jail at Sukkur and later at Hyderabad 
vvhere the first attempt vvas made on my life under the orders of Navvab of 
Kalabagh." This version is further supported by another vvriter as under: 

"The Indo-Pakistan declaration had ended in stalemate, vvith 
Pakistan follovving to liberate Kashmir and India failing to subdue Pakistan. But 
the general belief in Pakistan vvas that they had vvon the vvar. It vvas in this 
background that the Tashkent Declaration stili provided vvith military 
disengagement betvveen India and Pakistan, vvithout providing a solution of the 
Kashmir problem came as shock to the Nation. There vvere strong anti- 
Government demonstrations in the major cities of Pakistan in 1966. Thus it 
vvas an exercise in futility. 

It vvill not be out of plače to mention that Zulfikar Ali Bhutto had not 
participated or openly encouraged the agitation. It vvas a spontaneous act on 
the part of the people vvho treated Bhutto as their hero and the Declaration a 
national insult. Tashkent Declaration in fact vvas no settlement, it vvas a 
temporary truce type Declaration. Everybody, knevv that Kashmir vvas the root 
cause of the hostilities. Obviously, it vvas a cruel and forcible grabbing of 
Kashmir by India and for the solution of that burning problem and in fact the 
only real problem, the President of Pakistan had poignantly failed to press the 
crux of his čase. This superficial Declaration could be termed as no settlement, 
because nothing substantial vvas settled at Tashkent, therefore naturally it 
gave rise to further discontent. 

Mr. Frank Moraes, an influential journalist vvrote "it is the acceptance by 
Pakistan to renounce the use of force in settlement of disputes to vvhich she 
vvas earlier reluctant to subscribe. The settlement of Kashmir issue is not made 



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conditional on this mutual renunciation of force. The problem of Kashmir was 
casually mentioned. It was deliberately left totally ambiguous and 
understandable as to how the life and death issue of Kashmir vvould be 
resolved under the Declaration vvhich merely speaks of peaceful means vvithout 
proposing concrete and practical means. It was left to the good grace of India 
to settle this issue or not. It was an absurdity to expect good grace from India 
and every Pakistani was avvare of the Indian leaders. It was never mentioned 
in the Declaration that Kashmir problem vvould be resolved by way of plebiscite 
as decided by the Security Council in 1948 or by way of mediation. There vvas 
no provision of any modality, method or political machinery by vvhich this ali 
important issue vvas to be resolved. It vvas therefore clear that the deliberate 
ambiguity had favored the Indians and vvas no more than eyewash for 
Pakistan. 

VVhile Ayub Khan vvas going to Tashkent he had declared on 2nd 
January, 1966 that this forthcoming meeting could prove "turning point in the 
history of the Sub-Continent" and that he vvas going to Tashkent because "The 
Soviet Union had indicated that they too vvant to settlement of the Kashmir 
issue/' But it clearly seems that Ayub Khan had unfortunately made a false or 
frivolous statement trying to hoodvvink the people. The Tashkent Declaration 
vvas not a turning point in favour of Pakistan but certainly in favour of India. If 
he had really succeeded in vvhat he said, he vvould have proved himself the 
hero of Pakistan and Bhutto vvould not have come in the fore-front at ali. 
Pakistan had only one loyal and strong friend China, but that too vvas 
disappointed vvith the role of Ayub Khan, his surrender before Soviet Russia 
hostile to China and birth of the vague and ambiguous Tashkent Declaration. 
Novv he had lost his legitimacy as a national leader in the eyes of the people. 
For Example, one vvriter contracted the image of Chou En Lai and Ayub in the 
local follovving vvords: "VVhenever Chou En Lai appeared in local cinema, there 
vvas a loud and prolonged applause; on the other hand vvhen Ayub's face vvas 
seen, there vvere cat-calls and volleys of dovvn-to-earth, Punjabi abuse." The 
Tashkent Declaration thus proved a grand failure and Ayub lost vvhatever little 
reputation he had; and the days of his political end vvere approaching fast. 
Russia vvon laurels as maker of peace in the sub-continent; Indian diplomacy 
succeeded by getting Ayub committed that there shall be no armed struggle 
over Kashmir; Pakistan lost everything and the rights of Kashmir vvere bartered 
away by the military dictator of Pakistan. China vvas displeased by Russian 
mediation, thus Pakistan vvas entrapped politically. Ayub's diplomacy vvould 
remind the readers of Master Tara SingfVs politics at the tirne of Indian 
independence, vvho has said "Hindus got India, Muslims got Pakistan, but Sikhs 
got nothing". 



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CHAPTER 11 
Birth of Pakistan People's Party 

"Democracy, equality and fraternity are our birth rights and we 
shall have them" 

The Emperor of Iran once expressed "I have absolute povvers because 
people have absolute faith in me." There is no intoxication vvorse than the so- 
called absolute political povver. How rightly it is said that "povver corrupts and 
absolute povver corrupts absolutely". But nothing is absolute except the 
creator. The painful and lamentable death of the Shah in exile serves as a 
lesson to every vvise man. 

After his shamefully rigged election as President, after celebrating his 
so-called victory by punishing the Karachites, after pouring the blood of the 
poor people on roads of the metropolis 1 after the Tashkent Conference, after 
touring of important vvorld capitals in vanity, Ayub Khan novv started living in 
fools, paradise, thinking him self to be a great victor and statesman. 

His vvell- vvisher Altaf Gauhar vvrites: 

"Bhutto turned up in Dacca and requested the Information Secretary to 
get him an intervievv vvith Ayub. When Ayub vvas approached, he said "Well, I 
have an appointment vvith my barber but I suppose the Foreign Minister gets 
precedence... I have not been idle. I have chosen some one to take over from 
Bhutto." What an impudence! 

One can safely realise that after Tashkent Declaration. Ayub Khan had 
selected another Foreign Minister in plače of Zulfikar Ali and had developed 
utmost contempt against the latter. It seemed that his days vvere numbered 
and he vvas responsible for his fall due to his ovvn follies and fictitious notions 
about his greatness and povver. 

BHUTTO RESIGNS 

Novv it vvas no more possible or honourable for Zulfikar Ali Bhutto to 
continue in Ayub cabinet, as such the only noble and correct course of conduct 
for him vvas to resign and he actually resigned in June 1966 after consulting his 
closest friends. The brilliant and brave Bhutto vvas man of masses and he knevv 
for certain that the day vvas not far, vvhen he vvould be no more in the Cabinet. 
He had thoroughly studied Ayub Khan, his short-sightedness and superficial 
knovvledge of domestic politics, his scanty study about global affairs and its 



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trends, his contempt for contact with masses, his unsatisfactory and 
inadequate knovvledge about army equipment, logistics and modem weaponry 
use, planning of strategies for war and want of courage to face his enemy, in 
critical hours. Zulfikar Ali's final and thoughtful conclusion was that Ayub Khan 
was unfit from every point of view to continue President of Pakistan. This 
inefficient and dissipated dictator must be throvvn out vvithout delay. According 
to Mr. Z. A. Bhutto, he had tendered his resignation to Ayub vvhile he was stili 
in Tashkent. 

It was a perfect timing when Z. A. Bhutto paid farevvell to the 
cabinet and attained high degree of respect and popularly in West Pakistan, 
vvhile Ayub Khan vvas the most hated person throughout Pakistan. In politics 
accurate timing of taking decision is always most important; vvhile incorrect 
timing has invariably proved damaging and even disastrous, Mr. Bhutto left 
Islamabad on 22 June by train and reached Lahore railway station vvhere a 
crovvd from the city had gathered to vvelcome him vociferously and warmly as 
their hero; he vvas also invited for lunch by Navvab Kalabagh, Governor of West 
Pakistan. 

During the lunch, the Navvab is said to have vvarned Bhutto that 
the former vvas a dangerous dog of Ayub Khan and if Bhutto started any 
agitation, he vvould not spare him. To me, it appears to be true. As Shaukat 
Hayat reported that vvhen called by the Navvab, he vvas told, "Sardar Sahib, I 
am a dog and I bite vvhom-so-ever my Master orders me to do" So the 
President had kept his dogs ready to bite his opponents. 

The common people of Punjab, especially the young Punjabis and the 
students, vvere really mad to Bhutto, his rhetorical and povverful speeches to 
fight against the immoral and unjust vvar of India in Kashmir and Pakistan vvere 
resounding in their hearts and echoing in their ears. According to them, there 
vvas none else including their Punjabi leaders, vvho could protect Pakistan 
against the onslaught of India. It may be borne in mind that he didn't make 
any speech, didn't utter a single vvord against Ayub Khan or his Government, 
but it did not mean that he had decided to abandon his political career vvhen he 
vvas stili quite young. His brain vvas silently but actively vvorking for the 
formation of a nevv party and even be-friend his old adversaries. He left 
Pakistan for holiday in Europe, visiting several cities on his way to Europe. 
From Beirut, he vvrote a letter to his old adversary Kazi Fazlullah, Ex-Chief 
Minister of Sindh belonging to Larkana, as under: "You May blame me.... Such 
things do unfortunately happen in politics but vvith good vvill, misunderstanding 
can be drained out.... Generally speaking it is true the people out of office tend 
to be ultra-sensitive and those in office are inclined to be over-suspicious. We 
have no cause novv to be either suspicious of each other or... ultra sensitive. 
We can start fresh, on a nevv slate.... To use the farmer's ravv sense. We both 
come from the same village... I am again reminding of vvhat you told me in 
Larkana soon after you retired from politics, vvhen you quoted VVarren 
Hasting's speech at the tirne of his impeachment.... History alone can 



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determine vvhether the qualities and services of a man outvveigh human failings 
and vveaknesses and is there a soul vvithout error"? 

Zulfikar Ali Bhutto had a very wide circle of friends because of his affable, 
loving and helpful nature and his close contacts almost in every Tehsil of 
Pakistan. This vvriter has never seen any politician in Pakistan who has been so 
helpful to everybody, vvithout any previous acquaintance and no politician of 
our country knevv as many people in Pakistan as he did and not even one 
fourth. He called them by name and remembered the vvork they had requested 
for. And novv he vvanted to vvage a relentless vvar against the dictator, for 
vvhich he vvas appealing, initiating and associating as many persons as possible 
in his circle. 

Before the formation of the Pakistan People's Party, Zulfikar Ali 
Bhutto vvas in a vvavering mood. He vvas thinking of joining Wali Khan's N.A.P 
or the Council League. But better sense prevailed on him, vvhen his close 
political associates, including J. A. Raheem, knovvn as brain trust of the People's 
Party and others vvere successful in persuading him to create his ovvn party 
instead of joining an unpopular or conservative political faction, vvhose 
leadership vvas already tainted and discredited. This vvise decision vvas 
responsible for creating a nevv history of Pakistan, making Bhutto an 
international leader and routing Ayub Khan's dictatorship once for ali. 

BIRTH OF PEOPLE'S PARTY 

The establishment of a political party vvas a "must" for achieving 
higher political aims and objectives, other vvise it vvas impossible to organize 
the masses and fight the reactionary opponents. So Mr. Bhutto started vvith his 
"Pakistan People's Party" at Lahore on lst December 1967 and the plače that 
had the honour of being chosen for its establishment vvas the house of Dr. 
Mubashir Hassan, the grandson of famous poet, reformer, namely Altaf 
Hussain Hali, under the able leadership of Mr. Bhutto. His lieutenants, namely 
J. A. Raheem, Mubashir Hassan, Ghulam Mustafa Khar, Mumtaz Ali Bhutto, 
Hayat Mohammad Sherpao and Mairaj Mohammad Khan vvere conspicuous by 
their presence as the founders of the party. In the National Assembly, Ghulam 
Mustafa Jatoi of Navvabshah District (Novv Naushehro Feroze) and Ghulam 
Mustafa Khar both M.N.As, belonging to feudal class vvere most intimate 
mutual friends and had their friendly connections vvith Zulfikar Ali, but the 
young daring Khar for vvhom Bhutto had developed immense intimacy, jumped 
into the party vvithout vvaiting for his friend, Ghulam Mustafa Jatoi. Mr. J. A. 
Raheem vvho had been and old I. C. S. Officer, vvas an Ambassador for Pakistan 
in Pariš; Bhutto vvho vvas Pakistan's Foreign Minister had several meetings, 
discussions and dialogues vvith this experienced bureaucrat and vvas impressed 
by him and finally he became the theoretician of the Pakistan's People's Party. 
But the main difference betvveen the tvvo vvas that Bhutto's erudition and 
genius possessed vvealth of practical experience of politics, vvhile Mr. Raheem, 
though an intelligent officer, had intense bookish knovvledge instead of 



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practical experience; hovvever Mr. Zulfikar Ali Bhutto obtained such advantages 
from him, vvhich he could deliver. 

To the delegates Mr. Bhutto explained in detail his political aims and 
objects, Ayub's total failure to give respectability to Pakistan, vvhich it 
deserved, the pitiable condition of masses vvho formed the back-bone of the 
country, the dismal part played by the political parties in ameliorating the 
sufferings of their mother land, the faulty role of the so-called religious 
scholars in politics. He severely criticized the behaviour of the reactionary 
classes, vvho had brought the country and its people on the verge of break 
dovvn. He novv gave a nevv turn to and nevv ideas in politics, as a real 
emancipator of masses and the most representative patriotic leader of his 
country. In short, the basic principles of the party announced by Bhutto vvere 
as under: 

Islam is our Faith 

Democracy is our Policy 

Socialism is our Economy 

He held the first public meeting of his party at the traditional 
Mochi Gate, Lahore, vvhich is like Hyde Park of London for the political leaders 
and vvorkers. In spite of rain, it vvas a successful gathering and Bhutto's 
performance as a leader of the opposition vvas vvell up to the mark even in his 
debut appearance as chief of a party and augured vvell for the future. 

Ayub Khan and his lackeys started opposing him tooth and nail. 
The political parties criticized his past and his association vvith Ayub and the 
religious parties branded him as kafir. He and his political associates vvere put 
in jail for some tirne, but soon released by the superior court. False cases vvere 
engineered against Bhutto, but ali vvent in vain, he grevv stronger and stronger 
day by day. He became more and more popular as his opposition increased. 
Old people, younger generation, students and the vvomen and even those vvho 
vvere deemed backvvard in politics, raised the thundering slogans of Jiye 
Bhutto, PPP Zindabad and Ayub Murdabad. None could check this storm, 
perhaps it vvas from above. Bhutto vvas bent upon setting Ayub regime on fire. 

Another pertinent question arises, as to why he chose Lahore, 
why not Karachi, or any other city for launching his party? The reply is not far 
to seek, Lahore is admittedly the political heart of Pakistan, though 
geographically it is not centrally situated, but located on the border of 
Pakistan. In 1936, Mr. Jinnah called the first meeting of the AN India 
Parliamentary Board of Muslim League at Lahore vvhen ali the unionist 
"choudhris", including Sir Mian Fazle Hussain and Sir Sikander Hayat Khan and 
ali the most influential personalities vvere again him, vvhen Punjab vvas the hub 
of politically omnipotent British Government and due to fear, none vvas 
prepared to come forvvard. He could call this all-important and first meeting of 
its kind at Delhi, Bombay or Calcutta, but Lahore has had its ovvn importance, 



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unequalled by the other cities of India. Again in 1940, the AN India Muslim 
League Session was called again at Lahore, vvhere the resolution of separate 
Muslim home land was passed. The Viceroy of India and the Muslim League 
Premier of Punjab opposed the holding of the session at Lahore, vvhere only 
tvvo days ago, the atmosphere had turned very tense and extremely hostile 
due to the killing of more than thirty Khaksars. But the undaunted, Jinnah vvho 
vvas gifted vvith enviable courage and vvisdom, refused to listen to these big 
guns. Thus the city of Lahore vvhich has remained not only the center of 
political pains and pleasures, has also been the center of journalism, prose, 
poetry, education, sports and full of life from every point of vievv. It can be 
criticized also but vvhat can not be criticized? 

It is from Lahore that Bhutto proceeded to every province, every 
region every district, every city and every village. Novv the national politics vvas 
not confined to intrigues in mansions or conspiracies in palače. He gave nevv 
directions and dimensions to politics, vvhich vvere creative as vvell as appealing 
to the minds and conscience of the people. As the slogan given by the Quaid-e- 
Azam vvas not a merely slogan but a pathway to the programme of Pakistan, 
similarly the nevv slogan of "Roti, Kapra Aur Makan" (Bread, Cloth and Shelter) 
given by him vvere not a hood-vvinking phraseology, but the essence of party 
programme. After ali the homeland vvas carved for certain purposes. The 
decrees passed by the 'Ulemas' vvere simply discarded; people had firm faith 
that it is God Almighty vvho provides maintenance to his creatures but not 
vvithout efforts as ordained by Him. 

He vvas a tireless vvorker. He visited every village, spoke to largest 
gathering in the tovvns and cities and explained not only rhetorically, but so 
sensibly and clearly almost to every citizen of Pakistan that none excepting 
Zulfikar Ali vvould be their šole future leader and spokesman. 

VVhile speaking at Abbottabad, Peshavvar and other places, Mr. 
Zulfikar Ali openly and defiantly challenged the dictator, in his ovvn province, 
said: 

"I am not afraid of you.... Why don't you put me in jail? If you put 
me in jail, people vvill throvv you out of the Government... you are running your 
Government vvith force and suppression.... We are struggling for democracy 
and vve shall continue to struggle... 22 families have usurped the economic 
resources of the vvhole country.... It vvas said before Martial Lavv that there 
vvere 600 Zamindars and out of them only 200 vvere ruling the country. Novv a 
score of families vvield povver. Even in America, the center of capitalism, such a 
vvretched system does not exist... vve demand justice and fair play." 
Further he said, "It is this Government vvhich is drunk vvith povver.... Brothers! I 
have committed mistakes in my life. I am human being and to err is human, 
but for my sins and blunders. I shall repent before my Creator and beg His 
forgiveness. I shall not go to the President... my greatest mistake had been 
that I vvas associated vvith this Government.... They have sucked the blood of 



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the entire country. They have usurped the vvealth of the vvhole nation. It does 
not lie in their mouth to accuse us". 

Bhutto traveled through out the country like a whirlwind as 
against ali other political leaders of West Pakistan taken together. They did not 
work as much as he vvorked. He was indeed a tireless vvorker, having a 
charismatic personality and an orator. He drew the masses like a most 
povverful magnet. 

The most remarkable revolutionary poet, Habib Jalib had sung the 
song of "Twenty families have prospered, the rest are ruined; Zindabad (Long 
Live) Ayub Khan", in a lyrical tone, in every city in December 1964, resulting in 
mounting wave of resentment against Ayub. Similarly in 1968, the rhetorical 
brave revolutionary Zulfikar Ali Bhutto not only created his party, but 
avvakened millions of masses in his mammoth public meetings and raised 
unstopped voice against the police state. People were so covved down by the 
cruelties of Martial Law and so ruthlessly crushed by the Navvabs, Khans, 
Sardars, Choudhris, VVaderas and the vvealthiest industrialists of Pakistan, that 
they had lost their self-respect and moral courage and dared not sit on a cot or 
chair, or vote against their orders. They were just like dumb driven cattle, 
servile like slaves before the tyrants of Ayub Khan regime. A small land holder 
and old vvorker related to me that Zulfikar Ali visited the Malakand area of 
N.VV.F.P. in 1969 along vvith his friend Hayat Mohammad Khan Sherpao, the 
President (PPP), N.VV.F.P. and other leaders and he requested him to visit their 
village, vvhich vvas at a distance of about 5-6 kilometers; but Sherpao 
disapproved and said that the road vvas in a very bad condition; and further 
the Malakand Agency people had no right of vote (at that tirne), therefore it 
vvould be a futile exercise to undertake the journey. But Bhutto overruled him, 
visited the village and he exhorted and encouraged the villagers to fight the 
tyrant Navvabs and never bovv before them and maintain their self-respect. 
According to him, Bhutto's bold and illuminating speech had such a salutary 
and moral boosting effect; that the common men started revolting against the 
Khans in spite of their threats and refused to obey them. His contention vvas 
that Bhutto vvanted to bring revolution and vvas not begging for votes, 
othervvise it vvas needles to visit the Malakand Agency, vvhich at that point of 
tirne had no right of franchise. 

But Bhutto vvas not merely an agitator, nor did he believe in a 
bloody revolution, he vvanted change by evolution also. As a tireless vvorker, 
highly educated son of a feudal, he had abandoned the luxuries of life, he vvas 
prepared for ali hardships and even to lay dovvn his life. 

In those days of opposition, a criminal čase for hiring tractors on 
concessional rate vvas filed against him, but he did not have any such 
disrepulation of being corrupt, and vvas a politician vvith clean hands. VVith 
speaking to the delegates he said "I can make mistake but I am not guilty of 
any impropriety. I never took undue advantage of my office as Minister. 



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Hovvever, I have committed one sin; and that is that I have been associated 
with this Government for eight years. Although I served the country to the best 
of my capacity.... If like other ministers I vvished to have my own factories and 
bank balance abroad, I could have done ali that so easily. To hire tractors at 
half the fixed rate vvould be like picking up pennies, after passing up pounds". 

The charge seemed to be ridiculous and the people refused to 
believe it. But one thing is apparent; Bhutto did realise that it was his mistake 
to join the Martial Law government in spite of the fact that none else in the 
Government had served as much as he had, even Miss Fatima Jinnah, an 
avovved opponent of Ayub, had recognized the potentials of Bhutto as a 
politician. 

Sometimes I visit the graveyard at Larkana, vvhere my nearest 
and dearest relatives are buried. To my utter surprise. I find the illiterate and 
intoxicant addicts discussing not only provincial or national politics but 
international politics too. Were they taught politics in any school or college, or 
were there any adult education institutions of Government in the country? No, 
their School of politics was the University of Pakistan People's Party, and its 
Chancellor, Vice Chancellor and Teacher was Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, the 
unforgettable Bhutto who is remembered and respected by multitudes of 
Pakistanis even after decades. Then why should he not be called the Quaid-e- 
Awam? 

Many of his opponents alleged that he was greedy for povver, he 
was vveeping for povver at the Lahore Railway Station. He vvas severely 
criticizing and condemning Ayub, but not for povver. He vvas vveeping because 
Pakistan vvas humiliated. He vvas vveeping because the dictator vvas ruining 
Pakistan, vvhich had been attained after great pains by his old, ailing but the 
most determined leader Quaid-e-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah; because he 
knevv why it vvas attained, and vvhat vvas its meaning and importance. 

On March 16, 1966, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto had made a rarest speech 
of his life couched in superb and choicest vvording, evidencing his deepest 
sense of patriotism and explaining the political philosophy that vvas behind the 
attainment of Pakistan. After Tashkent defeat in diplomacy, he said in the 
National Assembly: 

"What are our objectives? What are our motivations? Pakistan is a 
great ideal. A member of this House has said that Pakistan is man-made 
country. It is a God-made country.... It is a beautiful thought. It is a creation of 
excellence. That is vvhat Pakistan is.... But there is much more to Pakistan. It is 
a blessing of Allah. It is a creation of the surge of Islamic nationhood. Pakistan 
is a product of an earth shaking idea. It is a revolution out of the heart of 
history.... Pakistan is a live revolution/' 



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"Pakistan is a mystical idea.... Pakistan is the heartthrob of people, 
Pakistan is the culmination of the aspiration of Islamic order..." 

VVithout naming Mr. Jinnah, Bhutto paid a most glovving tribute to 
him. This political speech proves beyond any doubt that he entertained 
limitless love for Pakistan and such a person could not madly run after povver 
as suggested maliciously by his avovved enemies. 

I think it will not be out of plače to mention Mr. Bhutto's meeting with 
his respectable neighbouring lady. Fatima Jinnah, vvhose residence Mohatta 
Palače was at a few paces from his 70 Clifton, vvhere he lived: 

"Soon after he returned to 70 Clifton, in Karachi that October, 
Zulfi received a message from his venerable neighbour across the road, Fatima 
Jinnah, who was eager to speak to him. I vvalked to her residence (Mohatta 
Palače), she was sitting in the hali, with her vvhite poodle beside her". Zulfi 
recalled, "she got up with a smile, vvaved her thin finger to me and said, "I told 
you to leave him. It is ali your fault". Her hair was as vvhite as šari, and at 73, 
"Fati", as her Great Leader brother called her, vvas in the last year of her life. 
She reminisced about JinnafVs friendship vvith Sir Shahnavvaz, the old boy in 
Bombay vvith Mr. Patel, and his tea parties and Liaquat Ali Khan and his 
Begum. But mostly she tallied about hovv she'd been "robbed" of the 
Presidency in the last elections, vvhich she had felt so confident of vvinning. 
"She told me that rigging vvas done very shamelessly in the Punjab". Zulfi 
remembered, "she said vvith some rancour." Being old and alone", I had to 
reconcile myself, vvith the situation... but I trounced Ayub Khan "That vvas the 
last tirne he spoke to her, but Zulfi felt no regrets at having refused to join her 
East Pakistan-dominated combined opposition". 

Miss Fatima Jinnah vvho vvas candidate of the combined opposition 
parties in the Presidential election, got most of the votes from East Pakistan, 
vvhere Mujibur Rehman vvas the main vvorker of Miss Jinnah and the most 
important and effective leader of C. O. P. After assessing the political situation, 
Bhutto came to the correct conclusion that Mujib, vvho had already announced 
his six points programme and vvas the most popular leader of Pakistan, vvould 
be his rival. And it vvas not possible for her to prefer him to East Pakistan 
leader thus his refusal to join the C. O. P vvas justified. Was Bhutto refusal 
justified? 

Bhutto had never underestimated the importance of East Pakistan 
vvhile speaking in the National Assembly on 16 March 1966, he had 
emphatically stated: "If the people of East Pakistan think that Jammu and 
Kashmir is too far away and there are problems vvhich do not directly affect 
them, then let them come here and say so, because vvithout their support, 
there could have been no Pakistan, no matter hovv great might have been the 
struggle of Punjab, Sindh, Baluchistan and North West Frontier Province. There 
could have been no Pakistan if the people of East Pakistan did not support 



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Pakistan. This is a historical fact. So to take to its logical conclusion, it is the 
majority of the people of our country vvhose will must prevail. I can boldly and 
clearly say that even if every individual in West Pakistan is prepared to be 
destroyed, we can not espouse the cause of people of Jammu and Kashmir 
because the majority is here in East Pakistan. The determining factor is East 
Pakistan and they should guide us and they should teli us vvhether we should 
continue the process of self-determination or not, because it is for them to 
decide." 

The decade of Ayub regime had destroyed the unity of Pakistan and 
had completely alienated East from the West, and in spite of his armed forces, 
he was morally afraid of East Pakistan and that was actually proved by 
subsequent events. Bhutto never for a moment had any doubt about their 
patriotic sense, but the problem was that he had formed his party so late, that 
the East Pakistanis had already joined the Avvami League. 

West Pakistan and especially Punjab and Sindh, were the stronghold 
of Bhutto and these two provinces had large number of National Assembly 
Seats. On 21 September 1968, a provincial convention of the Pakistan People's 
Party was held in Hala, District Hyderabad, vvhich was attended by delegates 
from ali over Sindh. He made a very galvanizing and challenging speech in the 
convention. 

"My brothers, I vvanted to resist Pakistan's enemies, but my 
opponents dubbed my patriotic feelings as emotional.... After coming back from 
Tashkent, vvherever I went the people received me with affection.... My silence 
was exploited as covvardice. As a matter of fact, I am neither a covvard nor 
emotional. I had kept quiet, only because the enemy forces were looking for a 
suitable opportunity. I knew that a single sentence from my mouth could spark 
a civil war in the country. I remained silent to avoid a civil war. But now those 
years have passed.... Brothers, I am proud of having been trained politically by 
ever-conscious patriotic people of Pakistan. They are my real teachers. This is 
why the politics of the people and humanity are in my characters." He further 
added, "I am not greedy for vvealth.... I never unduly drew a single penny from 
the national treasury for my own person. In the land reforms, my family 
surrendered its 40,000 acres of fertile land for the people. Today, the 
Government accuses me of having taken an undue advantage of my official 
position...." 

"I challenge ali individuals who have been associate with the 
Government, to declare their assets before they entered Government, as these 
assets now stand. I will do the same". He called out to Ayub in particular, 
"Come on Mr. President, let us both take the initiative and account for out past 
and present assets. Let us teli the nation what you had before you became 
President and about ali that I had before becoming a Minister. Let the people 
know what you gained and what I lost vvhile in office.... Are you vvilling to do 
that?" It was an open challenge to Ayub's honesty and integrity, both knew 



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each other fully well; Ayub's family had become multimillionaire, they were 
now big industrialists, as such Bhutto's challenge was unchangeable. He had by 
now become the most dominant undisputed and popular leader of West 
Pakistan, with ali capabilities to run his country as its progressive and 
charismatic leader/' 

The most prominent politician, in West Pakistan at the tirne of Ayub's 
demise was Zulfikar Ali Bhutto. His long association with the Government, his 
intimacy with the foreign policy apparatus and the defence structure provided 
him with opportunities that other politicians could not hope to equal. Bhutto 
was familiar with the officers of the Junta and their thinking coincided on most 
issues involving Pakistan's interests". In fact no politician of Pakistan in either 
of the vvings, could even claim to be of Bhutto's status in spite of his young 
age. 

Ayub Khan used ali his weaponry against Bhutto but it ali proved blunt 
and in-effective. False cases were foisted against him. He and other party 
leaders and vvorkers were jailed, but Ayub failed to stop the caravan of 
liberation and democracy led by Bhutto. The army that constituted his electoral 
college, was fed up with the attitude of Ayub Khan; the povverful bureaucracy 
on vvhose recommendation he had been appointing ministers of his cabinet, 
was so demoralized and over-awed by Bhutto, that they refused to support the 
crumbling regime of Ayub Khan. He then set out in Sindh to support One Unit 
and threatened Sindhis in order to please Punjab. "He made a number of 
speeches in support of One Unit and was very happy that he had not pulled 
any punches. He had vvarmed the people of Sindh that he vvould not allovv 
anybody to dismember One Unit/' In his 'big' meeting at Larkana, people were 
brought from the rural area of Larkana District and the adjoining areas by the 
local administration to make the show successful. And in his dictatorial speech, 
he threatened and roared like a rough and tough Police Inspector, "Nobody's 
father can have the courage of breaking One Unit". But the audience at no 
tirne applauded his speech. 

There was no clapping - real or even fictitious. I myself was present in 
that officially managed meeting. Bhutto, on the other hand was a firebrand and 
he was an orator pleading a cause that was pleasing to the people. In fact it 
was their own cause for vvhich Bhutto was fighting this epic war against Ayub. 
The audience used to applaud, raise vociferous slogans and dance merrily 
when their hero Bhutto addressed them. In fact, Bhutto had completely 
identified himself with the people and Ayub or anyone else was politically no 
match for Bhutto. 

The Pakistan People's Party was founded and led by Quaid-e-Awam. 
He was its moving špirit, he was the soul of the body politic of the PPP and was 
universally loved by the people of West Pakistan, in spite of very venomous 
and vicious propaganda. But the common men felt that he possessed ali the 
gualities of an ideal leader. It is true that the Quaid-e-Azam's role was 



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unenviable, he was the architect of Pakistan; but after him, it was ali 
dictatorship and darkness. The country was engulfed externally and even 
internally by intrigues and conspiracies. The mass avvakening was created by 
none other than Zulfikar Ali Bhutto. He had given a true and clear picture of 
the conditions rampant in Pakistan and according to the vast majority of 
people, he alone could deliver goods, he alone could save the sinking ship of 
Pakistan as he was the heart and soul of his nation. Thus the political 
consciousness was solely the result of his efforts, he gave tongue to the dumb 
to speak face to face against any feudal lord, he taught what self-respect 
meant and how to preserve it. The politics of Pakistan was monopoly of twenty 
families; and confined in their palatial houses and a forbidden fruit for a 
commoner but Bhutto had snatched it from their controlling clutches and made 
the common men of Pakistan master of his destiny; What Jinnah was to Muslim 
League, Bhutto was to the People's Party and they were the šole spokes men 
of their country. The entire credit of destroying the political 'Somnath' built by 
Ayub goes to Bhutto. 



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CHAPTER 12 
Bhutto Storms Ayub Regime 

" Dieta torship usually p resen t a formidable exterior. They 
seem, on the outside, to be hard glittering and irresistible. Within, they 
are full of rottenness" 

Foster Dultes 

God alone is supreme, but the short-sighted man, who acquires 
political povver as an authoritarian, foolishly starts thinking that he is ali 
povverful, but his days are always numbered. In 1958, Ayub Khan had, by the 
force of his army, dismissed the Civil Government, abrogated the constitution, 
imposed Martial Law and became Pakistan's dietator. A dietator considers 
himself vviser than the vvhole vvorld and that was the lasting malady of Ayub 
Khan. Through his friend Iskander Mirza, he said: 

"We cannot get men from the Mars. The same group of people, 
who have brought Pakistan on the edge of ruination, will rig the elections for 
their own ends. The constitution, vvhich was brought into being on 23rd March, 
1956, after so many tribulations, is unvvorkable. It is full of dangerous 
compromise, so that Pakistan will disintegrate internally, if the malaise is not 
removed." 

Pakistan was unfortunately in the grip of political gangsters and 
gamesters; and Ayub Khan who had imposed the Martial Law, abrogated the 
constitution, cancelled the general elections destroyed the democracy, created 
80,000 sycophants in the form of Basic Democrats to perpetrate his rule, 
humiliated the nation in 1965 war, accepted the Indian superiority in Tashkent 
Declaration by his poor diplomacy, had absolutely no national mandate to rule 
Pakistan. There was wave of resentment amongst the army to Ayub's 
mishandling in 1965 war and converting their victory into defeat in the 
Tashkent Declaration. He was bound to step down as he had failed to honor his 
with the nation: 

"Let me assure everyone that vvhereas Martial Law will not be 
retained a minute longer than is necessary, it will not be lifted a minute earlier 
than the purpose for vvhich it has been imposed has been fulfilled -^ 

As if he vvas indispensable and innocent and the politicians vvere 
the most condemnable lot; but the fragile dietator Ayub Khan vvas celebrating 
the decade of his "green revolution" in 1968 to be - fool the people, vvhile the 
nation vvas seething vvith diseontent. Bhutto stormed his brittle regime vvhich 
ultimately did not prove stronger than stravv; and his dreams of kingship till 



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death were shattered to pieces. Moses had now come out to destroy the 
Pharaoh. 

The fact is that the year 1968 was proving ruinous for Ayub Khan. 
He himself was not a high ranking politician, his heart disease had further 
vveakened his vvill, he had dismissed his wise and popular friends from high 
offices. Even the Army Generals were not absolutely loyal to him, his political 
party was devoid of popularity, the bureaucracy as ever was sitting on the 
fence. Under these circumstances, he had practically rendered himself 
friendless and defenseless. It was impossible for him to face the deluge and 
vvrath of the people both from West and East vvings. 

The nation on the vvhole was not happy with Ayub Khan. Even his 
own Generals had their own aspirations and ambitions. In November 1968, 
there was a clash betvveen police and students in Ravvalpindi; the police 
vvanted to search the bus of students that was coming from Peshavvar. The 
students protested, the police persisted as a matter of their false show of 
prestige, there ensued a clash betvveen students and police, resulting in the 
death of a študent. Mr. Bhutto took full political advantage of the situation, he 
vvould not like such golden opportunity to slip out of his hands and he vvould hit 
vvhen the iron vvas hot. Political tactician as he vvas, he succeeded in arranging 
and organizing meetings, demonstration, processions, strikes, closure of 
markets ali over West Pakistan, condemning Ayub Khan for the high- 
handedness of bureaucracy; non-availability of food articles specially sugar and 
serious violation of human rights. So Bhutto set the vvhole West Pakistan 
politically ablaze and became hero of študent community. The Government 
again added fuel to the fire by arresting Abdul Wali Khan and many of his 
vvorkers. Ayub Khan vvho vvas addressing a public meeting in Peshavvar 
escaped, hovvever the axe fell on the opponents. 

It vvas during this period of agitation that Asghar Khan also came out 
to address public meetings against Ayub Khan, as Bhutto and other Pakistan 
People's Party leaders vvere behind the bars. These meetings vvere in fact 
arranged and organized by the PPP vvorkers, in order to keep the agitation very 
much alive against Ayub Khan and they did succeed in their objective. Bhutto 
vvho vvas the moving špirit of agitation in West Pakistan, remained undaunted 
in spite being jailed. He had determined to see Ayub Khan removed and he had 
proved his vvorth as a defender of the country. It vvas for the first tirne, that 
Bhutto's charismatic, courageous, extraordinarily capable handling of global 
affairs, oratory and relentless struggle against dictatorship made the people 
realise that he vvas the only genuine opposition leader to emancipate them 
from the long and dark years of dictatorship. 



EAST PAKISTAN 



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The situation in the densely populated East Pakistan was even vvorse. 
The population and even more so the students were infuriated against Ayub 
Khan. The agitation in East Pakistan was like a gushing perennial river, even 
civil servant were in a mood of revolt; the police firing daily killed students but 
vvithout any effect on the revolt in offing. 

Mujibur Rehman, the most influential leader of East Pakistan was 
in the military custody, as he was implicated in Agartala čase. This conspiracy 
čase was taken to be a conspiracy against the Bengalis, he was already in jail, 
how could he participate in conspiracy? His name did not appear in the first 
report but later on he was roped in. It may be bone in mind that almost ali the 
senior politicians had been politically killed by Ayub Khan through the process 
of disqualification. That generation of politicians was sober and patient. Now 
the new generation of politicians was young. They were not prepared to suffer 
or be insulted by Ayub Khan, vvhose reading about politicians and political 
vvorker was much fallacious; and this had remained the mentality of every 
military dictator, and they suffered very badly in the long run; but none was 
prepared to learn any lesson. Their criterion being that opponent of Martial Law 
was opponent of Pakistan, as such every Bengali was traitor. 

But Ayub Khan's intentions and vievvs seemed to be totally different 
about the two vvings; he was certain that the day was not far when the 
Bengalis vvould secede, but he vvould stili continue to rule West Pakistan; vvhich 
was politically, geographically, ethnically and economically divided and its 
people were not politically so conscious as those in the East Wing. More over 
the Pakistan Army was West Pakistan based, therefore there vvould not be 
much difficulty in controlling and crushing East Pakistan. But hovv the 
dictatorship supported by guns could continue in any part of Pakistan? 

Many may differ vvith this proposition, but the facts vvere admitted by his 
biographer Mr. Altaf Gauhar, vvho vvas quite chummy Information Secretary 
and Advisor in 1968. It vvas a very important disclosure about secession vvhich 
Ayub Khan had not only visualized but had full knovvledge of it. He knevv vvhat 
"justice" he had done vvith East Pakistan. Altaf Gauhar vvrites: 

"The Information Secretary suggested that perhaps Bengalis had not a 
fair deal, to vvhich Ayub reacted quite angrily, "you become quite emotional 
vvhen it come to the Bengalis". The Information Secretary vvas a little taken a 
back but he did not give up. He argued that the Bengalis might be a highly 
emotional people, but they had genuine grievances. Even vvhat had been 
promised to them, under the constitution, had not been delivered. For 
instance, the constitution required to the federal legislative and its secretariat 
should be located in Dacca, vvhich vvas to serve as the second capital of 
Pakistan. What they had been given vvas a ghost tovvn. AN legislative vvork 
continues to be done in Islamabad, vvhere the Assembly staff vvas permanently 
lodged. Ayub leaned back a little wearily "Listen my dear fellovv, I gave them 



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the second capital, because they are going to need it one day. They are not 
going to remain with us." 

I have mentioned Ayub Khan's reply, vvhich is very vital. In fact the 
entire conversation is quite important. What prevented Ayub Khan to do justice 
with East Pakistanis when he was in povver for more than a decade? Why was 
the legislative work out done in East Pakistan and the entire staff belonged to 
West Pakistan and permanently located here? These acts were clear evidence 
of the fact that Ayub Khan never vvanted East Pakistan to remain with the 
West, because he knew it well that it was beyond the capacity of a dictator to 
rule the Bengalis. He therefore vvanted Bengalis to secede and then it vvould be 
covenant for him to rule West Pakistan. To an astute politician like Mr. Bhutto, 
the intention of Ayub Khan could not remain a secret, he could conveniently 
read his mind and motive. Moreover, Ayub Khan had very shabbily treated him 
and Bhutto vvas not a man to forget such treatment. 

The incompetent and unpopular Governors as they had amply 
proved, it vvas not possible for General (Rtd) Musa and Monem Khan to restore 
peace and political normalcy in their respective provinces. They vvere in fact 
not qualified for this job that had been thrust upon them. Ayub Khan, ali 
above, vvith his vveak heart and shattered health, but ambitious as ever, had 
lost confidence in himself. Moreover, the loyalty of his dear and near Generals 
vvas also most dubious and doubtful though General Yahya Khan used to say 
"Ayub Khan is like my father". But kingship knovvs no kinship. It vvas also novv 
a clandestine relationship; Yahya Khan had novv his ovvn ambitious; in keeping 
vvith the traditions of political ups and dovvns and changing loyalties of the 
generals. Time is always the essence of politics. There vvas almost total 
disarray betvveen Ayub and his povverful supporters. He himself vvas in 
confusion and his companions vvere spineless, they failed to act in tirne, the 
agitation vvas gaining more and more momentum everyday as the number of 
killings and injured vvas increasing. In Dacca, Karachi and other big cities 
curfevv vvas imposed, but the situation vvas getting vvorse everyday. 

Five political parties united in the shape of Pakistan Democratic 
Movement and on January 5, 1969 they placed five demands as under: 

1. Direct elections on the basis of adult franchise. 

2. Full povvers to a directly elected Parliament and Provincial Legislatures. 

3. Immediate lifting of the state of emergency. 

4. Immediate restoration of ali fundamental rights. 

5. Immediate release of ali political prisoners. 



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Bhutto and Moulana Bhashani were never agreeable for 
negotiations with Ayub Khan, they took it to be his dishonest political move to 
divide the parties and continue his rule. From Jail, Mr. Bhutto had challenged 
Ayub Khan to fight presidential election against him and cross svvords directly 
with him. Therefore he was not prepared for any compromise at any cost. He 
could safely and rightly predict that Ayub vvould be losing day by day, and if he 
compromised with Ayub Khan, it vvould amount to his political suicide; 
therefore there vvas emphatic "no" from him. Moulana Bhashani did not enjoy 
much influence in Bengal, but Bhutto vvas by novv the heaviest political vveight 
in West Pakistan, though youngest in age. This decision speaks lot about his 
superiority and tactics in political field in relation to the old, experienced 
politicians of West Pakistan. 

But astonishingly the above five demands vvere foolishly and 
contemptuously rejected by the most unscrupulous and tactless Monem Khan, 
and Ayub follovved him faithfully, disregarding the trails of blood and curfevv in 
both the vvings and more especially in East Pakistan. In East and West, vvhen 
the atmosphere of clashes and conflicts vvas aggravating and the suspicious 
against Ayub and his friends destitute of ali political pragmatism vvere grovving 
deeper and deeper, the hands of Bhutto vvere getting stronger and stronger 
everyday; according to the people of West Pakistan, his assessment vvas 
correct and Ayub vvas adopting dilly-dally tactics to avoid the bad day. 

Yet another combination vvas formed by the opposition, namely 
Democratic Action Committee (D. A. C) comprising parties, five of the PDM, 
Mujibur Rehman's Avvami League, Wali Khan's N.A.P. and Jamiatul Ulema. 
They added three more demands, that is (1) Repeal of the Black Lavvs, (2) 
Restoration of right to strike and (3) Freedom of press. On 12th January DAC 
called to strike and it vvas for the first tirne that no lavv enforcing agency vvas 
novv called upon to control the deteriorating situation. 

Ayub Government vvas novv a sinking ship. Like a drovvning man he vvas 
trying to catch stravv. The gentleman vvho had made tali claims to strengthen 
the disintegrating nation, vvas novv himself in the process of disintegration and 
vvas about to pay a heavy priče for imposing the Martial Lavv, usurping the 
political povver to his advantages; and causing irreparable damage to the 
country. But stili, he vvas not finding fault vvith himself. He vvas blaming the 
nation and the political leadership; his days novv seemed to be numbered. 

Ayub vvas neither a political thinker, nor a man of strong vvill. His most 
important consultants vvere the higher ups in the bureaucracy and chiefs of the 
staff, more specially Yahya Khan. His Ministers Sabur Khan, Khavvaja 
Shahabuddin, S. M. Zafar vvere there in the picture, but the subsequent facts 
proved that army had the upper hand. He had also sought advice from the 
former Minister Manzoor Qadir by middle of February 1969 and it vvould be 
vvorth vvhile to mention vvhat he had said: 



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"He advised Ayub to make an announcement that he had done his duty 
and it was now for others to takeover. In the mean tirne, he should take steps 
to organize elections to a new Constituent Assembly on the basis of direct 
franchise." 

It was a sensible, sincere patriotic and timely advice; if it had been 
acted upon; the situation could be saved. But Ayub Khan had many advisers 
each with varying vievvs. Hovvever, he did feel that his continuance in the office 
was no longer possible or even safe for him. He had been giving thought to the 
situation in his own way and finally he directed the Information Secretary Altaf 
Gauhar to draft the statement as per instructions given by him. 

In the meantime, the situation in Dacca started getting out of control. 
One under trial prisoner Sergeant Zahurul Haq was shot dead. "Over a million 
people joined procession of Sergeant Zahurul Haq, the under trial prisoner, 
who was killed in Dacca. A section of the crovvd turned violent and burnt 
several government offices and houses of ministers; including Khavvaja 
Shahabuddin's house." 

The hard fact that was Ayub Khan was now trying to throvv a net over 
the politicians to catch them like fishes. Bhutto was shrevvd enough to 
understand this political game. Therefore he refused to be part of the D. A. C, 
he did not participate in the talks and discussion with him; he had remained 
with Ayub for eight years, so he knew his nature thoroughly well, he could not 
rely on Ayub, who was now his vvorst enemy. Maulana Bhashani, an extremist 
in his ways also flatly refused to go with the D. A. C, thus the D. A. C, was also in 
an awkward position. On 21st February, Ayub Khan read a statement as under: 

"My dear country men, we are passing through a critical tirne. Agitation 
has assumed the form of frenzy. Pakistan had been my passion and my vvhole 

life has been dedicated to its service I know what decision I take today 

will have far-reaching effect on our future.... At ali times and in ali difficulties I 
have sought guidance from God Almighty. It is in the light of my faith that I 
have decided to announce today that I shall not be a candidate in the next 
election. This decision is final and irremovable. AN the doubts, suspicious and 
misgivings must end with this announcement". Altaf Gauhar who was part and 
parcel of Ayub, had now totally identified himself with him in these difficult 
times. He vvrites: 

"Ayub's statement was acclaimed by ali D. A. C. leaders in West Pakistan. 
Even Bhutto sent a message of appreciation". 

Later Ayub explained why he had vvaited so long to make the 
announcement: "I have not done this in a foolhardy manner. I have tried to 
save my position too. Martial Law is coming. What else is there to replace the 
government.... I can influence a better man to get in. I teli you, Yahya vvould 
be the best man. AN these other men are deadly poison". 



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Ayub Khan was playing a double and dirty game. On this occasion every 
associate of Ayub was stunned. How rightly though the rage, his Minister Sabur 
Khan had said. "He has stabbed the country in the back. The vvhole thing is 
nauseating. If he vvanted to vvithdravv, he should have done so after 1965. That 
vvould have been much more graceful". 

The facts clearly revealed that Ayub had won the presidential election 
held on 1965 by rigging. Later on, the decisions taken by Ayub Khan in the war 
of September 1965 were fatal for the country, the Tashkent Declaration was 
simply a hoax, going against the best interests of the country. Now on one 
hand he was trying to befool the politicians by calling Round Table Conference 
and on the other hand he had already decided to impose another Martial Law 
and hand over the regime of Pakistan to the "best man" Yahya Khan! Thus he 
was throvving Pakistan once again from frying pan into the fire for protecting 
his personal interests. What was the use of calling the Round Table Conference 
when he had already taken a hateful decision of re-imposing Martial Law? It 
vvould be termed as one of the most dangerous act of hypocrisy in the political 
history of Pakistan; and playing vvith the future of his ovvn country in the name 
of vvelfare of the country. 

POWER SNATCHED BY YAHYA 

To Ayub, nothing vvas dearer to him than the dictatorship of Pakistan, 
except of course his ovvn life. He had first thought that the U.S. A. and U.S.S.R. 
vvould come to his rescue, as they vvere happy vvith his stance of obedience, 
but there he vvas sadly mistaken. He turned tovvards Yahya Khan, vvhom he 
had appointed Commander-in-Chief of Pakistan out of turn, but he too 
disappointed him. This is vvhat Nevvsvveek of U.S. A. vvrote that Ayub vvas forced 
to go by the army. 

"The fact is that Ayub's resignation vvas forced upon him by the army 
from extremely reliable sources I have learned that on February 18, the 
President asked his generals to impose Martial Lavv but they refused. Three 
days later, Ayub attempted to calm the storm by announcing that he vvould not 
seek re-election in 1970. But that vvas not enough Last vveek vvith the full 
concurrence of the office corps, General Yahya forced Ayub to resign as the 
priče for restoring order. "You can be sure of one thing" a friend of the 
Presidenfs told me, "The old man did not go voluntarily." Believe it or not, the 
foreign media, specially the American knovv better than vvhat our media knovvs 
or our leaders state. 

ROUND TABLE CONFERENCE 

It vvas merely eyewash, the fate of the unfortunate land vvas 
already decided by Ayub. The politicians vvho had gathered at the conference 
belonged to different parties, having different ideas, ali heterogeneous 



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elements harping on their own tone. Mujibur Rehman had insisted on the 
acceptance of six points, vvhich were rejected by ali the leaders from Punjab. 
Bhutto opposed the conference vehemently on the ground that they had no 
locus stand to decide the further constitution of the country. The reason being: 
"When on one side of the table sat a totally rejected Government and on the 
other side, political leaders vvithout any mandate from the masses." 

Addressing a big public meeting at Peshavvar he declared that he vvould 
not join the round table talks, unless the people of ali parts of Pakistan allovved 
him to participate. He said that the people have not so far given him the 
permission and he felt that by remaining outside the RTC, he will see that 
nothing goes vvrong against the interest of the people in the country. 

Mujibur Rehman dissociated from the conference after the meeting of 
lOth March, for the obvious reason that the six points were not acceptable to 
almost ali the leaders of West Pakistan. It was disgusting behaviour from his 
point of view. 

Outwardly, a big show of the conference was made by Ayub. Meetings 
continued for hours, many leaders expressed their vievvs, Ministers, Advisors 
and Bureaucrats were consulted. But it was ali farce, ali drama, and ali 
mockery! 

Ayub Khan had to abdicate, so he directed the Information 
Secretary as usual to prepare the speech for him. He called the Information 
Secretary, in whom he had confided many a secret: 

"Here are the guide lines, I have given to Yahya. According to the 
guidelines, Yahya, after taking over, vvould arrest ali the agitators and some of 

the more irresponsible political leaders and restore lavv and order Ayub put 

dovvn his file and said. "He vvill carry out my orders, he has promised to sort 
out Bhutto though I think Asghar Khan is more dangerous than him. It vvas 
clear that Yahya had led Ayub to believe that the army vvould put dovvn the 
agitation and eliminate his political opponents and put him back in povver after 
three months." 

What a hazardous and nasty game that Ayub vvas playing, neither in the 
interests of the country, nor ultimately in his ovvn. He treated Bhutto as his 
vvorst enemy, to be eliminated from the political scene through Yahya. It 
seems that Yahya Khan had held out such sinister promises to Ayub Khan, that 
the latter had called him the "best man". One vvho eliminated Bhutto vvas really 
the best man from Ayub's point of vievv because Bhutto vvas responsible for his 
humiliating ouster. But after attaining povver, Yahya had to play his ovvn game. 
Ayub could no more issue orders and directives to him. The 'son' may obey his 
former godfather or not, that is left to his svveet vvill and expediencies of the 
hour. From Ayub's point of vievv, Asghar Khan could be more stringent than 
Bhutto, he did support Mujibur Rehman; but the real danger for him vvas his 



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former Foreign Minister who had ali potentials to be the future Prime Minister 
of Pakistan; Ayub Khan was largely responsible for creating conditions of 
secession therefore he had vvritten off East Pakistan. In West Pakistan, Mr. 
Bhutto was the only dangerous man for him and his elimination could 
guarantee Ayub's future. 

PARTING KICK TO PAKISTAN 

Ayub Khan abdicated in favour of Agha Mohammad Yahya Khan 
on 25th March 1969. He addressed the people: 

"My dear country men, Assalam Alakum, this is the last tirne that 
I am addressing to you as President of Pakistan. The situation is fast 
deteriorating. The administrative institutions are being paralyzed, self- 
aggrandizement is the order of the day. The mobs are resorting to "Gheraos" 
at will and get their demands accepted, under duress and no one has the 
courage to proclaim the truth.... 

The economy of this country has been crippled. Factories are 
closing down and production is dvvindling every day.... Unfortunately, the 
conditions continue to deteriorate from bad to vvorse. You are avvare of the 

results of Round Table Conference I have always told you that Pakistan's 

salvation lay in strong center. I accepted the parliamentary system because in 
this way also, there is possibility of preserving a strong center. But now it is 
being said that country is divided into two parts. The center should be 
rendered ineffective and povverless institution. The defense service should be 
crippled and the political entity of West Pakistan should be done away with. It 
is impossible for me to preside over the destruction of our country....". 

When Ayub Khan had taken in 1958, it was proclaimed that 
democracy was a danger to the life of Pakistan, though it was attained through 
democracy by the Quaid-e-Azam. Now at the tirne of abdication he expressed 
that the country was in the vvorst possible condition and was on the verge of 
destruction and division. But who was responsible for ali the conditions, 
political and economic and law and order situation in Pakistan. Is the man who 
played with the destinies of the country, not responsible for such situation, for 
bringing the country on the brink of ali types of bankruptcy? It was evident 
from the last statement of Ayub Khan that he alone was responsible for the 
deterioration as had been very rightly alleged by Mr. Bhutto. Ayub Khan had 
not asked Yahya for the elimination of any other leader except Bhutto. Ayub 
had prepared the last speech with the approval and approbation of Yahya 
Khan. He abrogated the constitution and the country, enveloped by miseries 
and misfortunes was gifted to the Junta of Generals. 



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CHAPTER 13 

Bungling and Blunders 
of Yahya Regime 

"Serving the Cause of Devil" 



early a full year was given by the Yahya regime for election campaign to the 
N parties vvhich was too long and feelings of voters were surcharged with 
sentiments and emotions. This was also the period of intrigues, conspiracies 
and internal controversies that further complicated and vitiated the political 
atmosphere of the country. In the mean tirne, India was not merely an 
onlooker of the situation, but was preparing to take the fullest possible 
advantage of internal squabble in Pakistan. 

It must be remembered that the army generals, after enjoying the taste 
of political povver, were not prepared to go back to the barracks. They had 
decided to have a substantial share in the povver politics of Pakistan under the 
nevv constitution. Thus there vvere three main contesting parties in the political 
arena of Pakistan. 



1. The Army Generals, vvho did not vvant to retreat to barracks. 

2. The Avvami league in East Pakistan, vvhich enjoyed absolute majority in 
the National Assembly, but surprisingly it had no member from West 
Pakistan. 

3. The Pakistan People's Party vvith overvvhelming majority of members 
from West Pakistan, but no member from East Pakistan. 

In his initial days, General Yahya Khan seemed to be sincere in his 
utterances to hand over the political povver and take to the profession of a 
soldier, but in due course of tirne he entertained different desires along vvith 
his near and dear colleagues. 

"Yahya thought that Shaikh Mujib and his restive Avvami League vvould 
vvin perhaps 60% of the Easfs allotment of 169 Seats in the 313 member 
constituent Assembly. The remaining East Pakistan delegates, Yahya figured, 
vvould align themselves vvith West Pakistani Parties and vvould prevent Mujib 
from vvinning majority control over the entire country." 



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The pledges of ali the ambitious military dictators proved nothing more 
than a farce and fraud on the people of Pakistan. "This situation at GHQ was 
also becoming complicated. Generals like Hamid, Omar, Gul Hassan and 
Pirzada, who seemed always to be opposed to any real transfer of povver, were 
now planning for a Turkish type of Military Civilian (i.e. concealed) regime." 

Who does not want political povver? Mujib vvas novv anxious for it, not 
only that, but he vvanted Bengal to be an independent state, the Legal 
Framevvork Order vvas merely a paper assignable to vvaste paper basket. "Mujib 
vvas reported to have said to his inner cabinet that this šole aim vvas to 
establish Bangladesh. Yahya vvas presented vvith a tape-recorder account of 
these talks of Mujib vvith his close associates. Mujib vvas clearly heard to say 
"My aim is to establish Bangladesh; I vvill tear the L. F. O (the Legal Framevvork 
Order) into pieces as soon as the elections are over. Who could challenge me 
once the elections are over?" He also hinted to his colleagues about help from 
"outside sources". Novv Mujib vvanted transfer of povver vvithout a minute's 
delay after election. 

After his astounding success in the elections, he vvas the 
unchallengeable leader of East Pakistan. He issued a statement on January 4, 
1971: 

"The Pakistan had been created by Bengalis and regretted, the dictator 
Ayub Khan had distorted the history in his "Friend not Masters." He said that 
Ayub Khan did not knovv the history, that the English people snatched away 
the throne of Bangladesh from Sirajuddolah, a Bengali and in Punjab from 
Rana Ranjit Singh. The first Independence Movement (Sepoy Mutiny) vvas also 
led by a Bengali, he added." 

Mujib thereby vvanted to say that in 1947 Bengalis vvere the true 
revolutionaries, vvhile Ayub vvas a soldier and slave of Britishers; and that in 
Punjab there vvas no rule of Muslims and they did not fight the Britishers. Mujib 
vvas not prepared to visit Islamabad. Therefore Yahya vvho vvas feeling himself 
in a deep quandary, had to come dovvn to the city of majority leader, had 
discussions vvith him and issued a statement vvhile leaving Dacca: 

"Yahya Khan told nevvsman at Dacca Airport that he had useful 
discussion vvith Shaikh Mujib-ur-Rehman and the Avvami League during his stay 
in Dacca for last 3 days. The President said that Shaikh Mujib-ur-Rehman vvas 
going to be the future Prime Minister of the country. In reply, the President 
said, "vvhen he (Shaikh Mujib) comes and takes over, I won't be there. It is 
going to be his government soon/' 

This categorical statement from the President of Pakistan vvas warmly 
vvelcomed and the people of East had felt very jubilant on such announcement. 
But for this propose, summoning of Assembly session vvas necessary. 



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After visiting Dacca, Yahya met the Army Generals of his confidence and 
visited Larkana along with General Hamid, who had nothing but hatred against 
Mujib and General Pirzada. AN were closed together, and consulted about the 
future constitution of Pakistan. Bhutto later said "We discussed with the 
President about the implications of six points and expressed our serious 
misgivings about them. We, hovvever, assured him that we were determined to 
make every effort for a viable compromise." 

Bhutto had issued a statement at Ravvalpindi: 

"Some things will have to be accomplished before the leaders of ali 
shades of opinion in West Pakistan, including those of the defeated parties. The 
constitution of the country should be a national one and not of one province 

and as such there should be consensus and equilibrium" Asked if in his 

opinion, the Avvami League with its present absolute majority in the House was 
competent to frame constitution, Mr. Bhutto said "Legally speaking they can, 
but the question to be decided by the house is vvhether the constitution will be 
a adopted by simple majority or two thirds majority. Since the question is of 
making a constitution and our geographical position in peculiar, the majority 
adopting constitution should include a consensus"... . In this connection, he 
cited the example of One Unit, vvhich he said", could not survive, because the 
idea lacked consensus of ali the four provinces of West Pakistan. Parity was 
another question vvhich had to be done away vvith, because East Pakistan did 
not like it." 

"The Primary task that vve face today, is to keep the country together, it 
is the supreme task and therefore, constitution making has top priority".. "As a 
staunch nationalist and a firm believer in the integrity of the country, he vvould 
not have to allovv the onus of failure on this behalf to fall on him" he stressed. 

Mr. Bhutto said that he stood for a federation vvith maximum autonomy 
for the provinces. On this he said "Such a structure of the Federating units vvas 
necessary. I am not under-steering the strength of the majority, but I am 
stating a general principal accepted by ali over the vvorld". 

Bhutto spoke a like a statesman, his talks vvere not theoretic but 
practical and they rightly apply to Pakistan even at present vvith some 
variations. AN that he vvanted vvas consensus betvveen the tvvo vvings and did 
not like to afford any opportunity to India for interference in their internal 
political affairs. Bhutto had broad vision, "I as a pragmatic politician and 
staunch nationalist of Pakistan vvould never like to see Pakistan dissipated or 
vveakened by internal dissentions." A deeper study of the situation vvould 
disclose that there vvere immediate hindrances in the path of conciliation. 

IMMEDIATE CAUSES 



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'Six points' were now the irrevocable manifesto of Mujib, but Bhutto 
agreed half way. He consented to ali points except foreign aid and trade. Mujib 
with his brute majority vvould not budge even an inch from his demands as if 
they were gospel truth. Reason and arguments vvould not vveigh vvith him. He 
vvas not even prepared even to talk on six points. According to Bhutto, Mujib 
vvas not demanding provincial autonomy, but sovereignty in the grab of six 
points, vvhich vvas not acceptable to him in any čase. Mujib's proposition of six 
points vvas not viable. He vvould have thereby made a gift of Pakistan to India. 
According to G.W. Chaudary, a Bengali intellectual, vvriter and Minister in 
Yahya Cabinet, the aim of Mujib by presentation of six points vvas to secede 
from Pakistan and not to be part of it. 

Mujib vvas essentially, a stooge of India. This fact is clear from G.W. 
Chaudary's book:, "AN India Radio, from its station in Calcutta vvas 
broadcasting a programme every evening, entitled "Apper Bangla oupper 
Bangla" ( This side and the other side of Bengal), openly supporting the cause 
of Bangladesh. There vvere reports not only from the Pakistan intelligence 
services but also from others, including some friendly foreign countries that 
Indian money and arms vvere being sent to East Pakistan both for the success 
of the Avvami League in elections and eventual confrontation vvith Pakistan 
army. There vvas evidence of India's involvement in the affairs of East 
Pakistan/' Mr. Chaudary had personally spoken vvith Mujib about relations vvith 
India and China and he gave a very clear cut reply to him, vvhich should have 
been an eye opener for Pakistan's intellectuals, political vvorkers and leaders 
"Mujib used to describe Pakistan's friendship vvith China as "provocative". 
When one day I told Mujib that as future Prime Minister he might find China's 
friendship "valuable" his reply vvas friendship of china against vvhom? I have no 
dispute vvith India, why should I need China's help and assistance? 

India vvould have long ago obliterated Pakistan, if China had not been 
there. She vvould have even occupied East Pakistan in 1965, if China had not 
seriously threatened India. Infact its forces vvere stationed near East Pakistan 
for facing any aggression against Pakistan. Mujib's foreign policy vvould have 
been most disastrous and damaging for West Pakistan and Kashmir. Bhutto 
vvas openly pro-China, vvhile Mujib vvas ali for India. 

India vvas opposed even to the creation of Pakistan. There vvere clashes 
and vvars betvveen Pakistan and India. The Hindu leadership had even usurped 
Kashmir and made it a victim of her atrocities and terror. Not only that, but 
there vvas a conspiracy to destroy the Muslims of India, rioting and killing of 
Muslims and desecration of mosques vvas a sacred religious duty of the Hindu 
fanatics and no action vvas taken against them; except their open 
encouragement. 

Once vvhen Muslims took out a big procession against Israel for burning 
the Aqsa Mosque in Jerusalem, there vvas an organized attack by the Hindus. 
Killing, injuring and looting the Muslims became order of the day. 



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Unfortunately, the Indian Muslims were not treated as a loyal citizens of India 
by the so called secular government of India. Though China was much more 
povverful than India, she was always reasonable to reverse that policy. Thus 
Indian's tyranny could not be acceptable to Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, leader of the 
popular party in West Pakistan. 

General Yahya and his cohorts had a dual hypocritical and vacillating 
policy. They vvanted Mujib and Bhutto to fight with each other, so that the 
Generals could take advantage of their dissentions. They passed Legal Frame 
Work Order but never acted on it. Had they implemented it, the question of 
contesting election on the basis of six points could not have arisen, for the 
obvious reason that they were in total conflict with L. F. O. The sympathizers of 
Yahya defended him on the score that Mujib had promised with him that he 
vvould not press his six points after the election. In one of his earlier speeches 
Mujib had declared "Pakistan has come to stay and there is no force that can 
destroy it." Perhaps Yahya was misled. 

The subsequent events proved that after his tremendous victory 
in elections, he was more insistent and emphatic for the implementation of six 
points. In January 1971, Yahya had made commitment in Dacca that Mujib 
vvould be the future Prime Minister of Pakistan; and then he came to Larkana, 
vvith his Generals to Zulfikar Ali Bhutto for consultation. In fact, he should not 
have made any commitment vvith Mujib, but vvhen he stood committed, why 
did he come for consultations? This unvvise act further vvorsened the situation 
and infuriated the Bengalis to the extent of rioting and taking arms against the 
regime. 

Elections vvere held on 7th December, but in November there vvas such a 
deadly storm and dangerous tidal vvaves that it caused immeasurable disaster 
of life and property, but the Government of Pakistan demonstrated criminal 
negligence at this hour of calamity. The situation vvas described as under: "No 
one knevv exactly, hovv many people had died. By the end of last vveek, the 
official tally had reached 153,000 fatalities. But already tens of thousands of 
corpses had been dumped, vvith neither ceremony nor count, into mass graves 
and many others surely must have been vvashed out to sea. It seemed likely 
moreover, the dying vvas not yet done, for hunger, thirst and disease 
threatened to claim many of the survivors before help could reach them. In 
Dacca, the capital of East Pakistan, some observers gloomily predicted that the 
toll might ultimately reach one million lives and perhaps many more/' 

For more than a vveek after the disaster struck, President Mohammad 
Yahya Khan's regime in Islamabad responded vvith seeming indifference. 
Supplies for the disaster victims vvere delayed by red tape and, to satisfy the 
bureaucratic demands of civil servants, desperately needed food vvas shunted 
into Government vvarehouses. Thus the miseries and vvoes of Bengalis vvere 
vvithout limit; and the Islamabad Government vvas supremely indifferent even 
during an unprecedented disaster. This calamity proved an election boom for 



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Avvami League, as Bengalis believed that Islamabad Government was lacking 
ali human sympathy for the people of East Pakistan. 

MUJIB DEMANDS ASSEMBLY SESSION 

Mujib-ur-Rehman made repeated demands and issued vvarnings against 
delay in summoning the Assembly session. Therefore, on 13th February 1971, 
Yahya announced that the National Assembly vvould meet in Dacca on March 3. 
But Bhutto was very unhappy over this declaration. The difference betvveen 
Mujib and Bhutto was: 

1. That Mujib commanded absolute majority in the House and he was 
determined to frame constitution on the basis of six points vvhich vvould 
have a far-reaching effect on the political, economic and social situation 
of Pakistan. It vvas bound to flare-up irremediable conflicts and 
controversies betvveen the tvvo VVings. Mujib vvent to the extent of saying 
that West Pakistan could have a constitution of its ovvn and the East its 
ovvn. He vvanted every matter to be decided in the Assembly and not by 
negotiations. 

2. That Zulfikar Ali Bhutto vvanted that before calling the session, the 
leaders should sit together, discuss dispassionately and understand the 
peculiar situation prevailing in Pakistan and iron out the intricate 
problems of the country as vvhole and thereafter pass the constitution in 
the Assembly according to the consensus in the paramount interests of 
the Pakistan. The intellectual superiority and his rich experience in the 
vvorld politics vvere unchallengeable, vvhile the absolute leadership of 
Bengalis by Mujib vvas equally indisputable. Hovvever, the complex 
problems vvhich go to the root of the state can be solved only by 
vvisdom, unity and statesmanship. Brute majority in its obstinacy has 
never resolved the state problems. 

On February 28, 1971, vvhile speaking on the constitutional tangle 
of Pakistan in public meeting at Lahore, Bhutto said: "The six points vvere 
made knovvn by Shaikh Mujib at the then opposition parties convention at 
Lahore in 1966 for the first tirne. The leaders vvho participated in the 
convention had rejected them outright" .. "As Foreign Minister I had advised 
Ayub Khan to tackle six points on the political level... I had urged him to find a 
solution acceptable to East Pakistan. But he ignored my advice, instead of 
using political language, threatened to use the "language of vveapon" .. "The 
solidarity and sovereignty of the country should be preserved to end the 
exploitation. The country vvas created by Quaid-e-Azam and three hundred 

million Muslims of the subcontinent had made tremendous sacrifices." "I am 

prepared to accept a federation in vvhich the federating units can enjoy equal 
autonomy. What is not acceptable to me is that one province having more 
autonomy than others. If East Pakistan is to have autonomy, a similar 
quantum of autonomy should be provided for the Punjab, Sindh, Frontier and 



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Baluchistan" "It had been pleaded that two vvings of the country should 

have two separate economics. It has been subsequently maintained that their 
politics is different too. And finally it had been suggested that they should have 
two separate constitutions. If Pakistan is one country, it must have one 
integrated constitution. One document containing two different constitutions 
for East and West vvings vvould be an oddity, vvhich vvould not be acceptable to 
the people"... "Voting for the Avvami League draft constitution vvill be like 
breaking the backbone of our national integrity. It vvill not be allovved. If the 
National assembly meets on 3rd March, my party vvill launch a campaign of 
protest/' 

Prior to that on February 22, 1971, vvhile speaking at the Punjab 
University nevv campus, he said: 

"The interests of East Pakistan are ours also, because East 
Pakistan is the majority province of our country. A great majority of Pakistanis 
lives there. If they say "Joi Bangla", vve also say "Joi Bangla." For that is part 
of Pakistan. We have great respect for the people of East Pakistan, just as vve 
have for Punjab, N.VV.F.P., Baluchistan and Sindh. Their interests are our 
interests. But it is painful that slogans based on provincial prejudices are 
raised. Why do they not raise slogans for the vvhole of Pakistan?" 

From these expression of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, it is crystal clear that he 
believed inequality, fraternity, banishment of poverty and one constitution for 
Pakistan. He vvas vvell avvare of the poverty, misery and exploitation of the 
Bengalis, but vvho vvas responsible for such lamentable state of affairs? The 
capitalist, the bureaucrats and the generals vvere responsible for it. Not in any 
čase Zulfikar Ali Bhutto on his party. But the panacea for ali these ills vvas to 
sit together, and find out the solution acceptable to ali; and not to create any 
opportunity inviting the enemy for interference. 

Earlier on 15th February 1971, Mr. Bhutto had made a very 
impassioned, sensible and states manly appeal at Peshavvar, out of vvhich some 
excerpts are produced. They vvill at once convince any reasonable reader and 
citizen that his approach vvas practical, realistic, patriotic and moderate. 

Bhutto vvas open to arguments he believed in give and take, vvithout 
compromising on principles. If Mr. Mujib vvas against exploitation and vvanted 
to end poverty, he could not have a better friend than Bhutto. But he did not 
believe in moderation and arguments, he vvas bent upon six points like a 
dictator, vvhich according to Mr. Zulfikar Ali vvould be the end of Pakistan. 

"Mr. Z. A. Bhutto declared that his party vvill not attend National 
Assembly session starting on March 3 at Dacca unless it vvas made clear to him 
and his party men that there vvould be some amount of reciprocity from the 
majority party either publicly or privately". 



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Addressing a press conference he did not term his decision as boycott of 
the Assembly, but said, "vve can not go there simply to endorse the 
constitution already prepared by a party and to return humiliated. If we are not 
heard and even reasonable demands put by us, are not considered. I don't see 
any purpose to go there/' Mr. Bhutto said that his party had accepted the first 
and the last points of Avvami League's six points (they relate to the basis of 
representation and the existence of the people's militia in the province, but he 
could neither accept a "tvvo subject center" nor point relating to currency). "I 
am not vvithout hope about foreign trade nor taxation" he added. Mr Bhutto 
said that his party had also accepted 10 out of the 11 points of the študent. He 
said that his party could not accept that there should be a sub-federation in 
the West Wing. 

He, hovvever, said "I think we can work out some thing vvhich will satisfy 
both of us. There is hope for understanding. But if we are asked to go to Dacca 
only to endorse the constitution vvhich has been prepared by Avvami League 
and vvhich is not to be altered an inch here and an inch there, then you vvill not 
find us in Dacca/' 

Mr. Bhutto and his party vvas of the opinion that "the constitution based 
on six points could not provide a viable future for the country" "Nevertheless 
Pakistan People's Party, had tried to come as close to the Avvami League's 
points of vievv as possible, even up to the edge of precipice, vvhere after there 
is destruction." 

He said that he had taken the decision as a big responsibility in the 
interests of the nation. The country is passing through a very critical phase and 
vve may go one way or the other. He, hovvever, said "I vvill not come in the way 
of constitution made by the National Assembly. Let them frame it vvith those 
vvho go there. The onus and odium vvill not then fall on Pakistan People's 
Party," he added. 

He said that, his party had the greatest respect and admiration for the 
people of East Pakistan and had in its foundation papers conceded that the 
people of East Pakistan had been badly exploited and had a cause to feel 
aggrieved. It had been even insisted for the removal of the internal colonial 
structure. 

His party had abstained from taking any position on the six points, 
during the year long election campaign, since it felt that a "dialogue" vvas 
necessary for them. 

He added, "vve should have a guarantee that vve could be heard and if 
our point of vievv vvas reasonable, it vvould acceptable. Participation vvithout 
such understanding vvould further 'vitiate' the situation." Mr. Bhutto also said 
that the participation in the present situation might lead to a deadlock, vvhich 
vvas against national interest. "I do not vvant to deteriorate the situation," he 



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said, adding that he was only objective and reasonable. "We took no position 
on six points ali through our election camping" he said, on the other hand the 
six points had been criticized by many a leader in West Pakistan. The irony was 
that those very leaders were now praising the six points, because the Avvami 
League has registered a vast majority in the National Assembly". 

"Other leaders of West Pakistan" he said "may go if they so desired, but 
the PPP members vvould go if there was room for adjustment and not to sign a 
dictated constitution". Bhutto said that he did not want to aggravate the 
situation. He conceded that in the past, same West Pakistan leaders had 
dictated to the East Pakistan, but he had nothing to do with it. What happened 
in the past should not mean that this dictation should now be repeated in West 
Pakistan. West Pakistan had throvvn up a new leadership, vvhich vvanted to end 
the system of exploitation, not only in West Pakistan but also in East Pakistan, 
he said. A constitution imposed as vendetta on Pakistan vvould not be 
accepted, he said. 

Bhutto, the chairman of Pakistan People's Party had remarkably and 
constructively elucidated his čase and his stand. He vvas never rigid like Mujib 
but quite flexible in the national interests. A patriot vvould shudder to think as 
to vvhat have been fate of the country if the constitution had been formulated 
blindly on six points. It vvould have simply shattered and effaced the country 
from the map of the vvorld like Muslim Spain. No doubt the tragedy of 
secession is there and the hearts of the patriots might stili be bleeding, yet a 
positive consolation is that its existence in one or the other shape is there on 
the map. A poor Muslim from West Pakistan (novv Pakistan) does feel deeply if 
there is any calamity against East Pakistan (novv Bangladesh) and vice versa. 

Mujib-ur-Rehman's stand on the constitution vvas very rigid and not 
practicable, perhaps it vvas at the instigation of India, vvhere the Avvami League 
had made Calcutta as their Headquarter. Bhutto did not suffer from such 
constraint. He spoke and acted like a free, unfettered patriotic citizen and vvas 
prepared for any meaningful dialogue compromise provided it vvas not 
disastrous of the country. Other leaders from West Pakistan had no solution 
and nothing concrete to resolve the constitutional crisis. 



MUJIB-UR-REHMAINTS STAND 

"The man behind the split is Sheikh Mujib-ur-Rehman, the unchallenged 
political leader of the more populous, poverty stricken, eastern segment. 
"Pakistan as it stands today, is finished" Mujib told tirne correspondent Dan 
Coggin in Dacca. "There is no longer any hope of settlement". He urged that 
East and West Pakistan adopt separate constitutions and that his follovvers 
refuse to pay taxes to the Central Government, vvhich is situated in the West. 
He seemed on the brink of outright declaration of independence for vvhat he 



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calls Bangla Desh (Bengal state) vvhich vvould become the world's eighth most 
populous nation " 

Was it now possible to call the National Assembly and frame the 
constitution? Mujib was now in a most aggressive mood, far from conciliation. 
Secession of East Pakistan was now a foregone conclusion. 

"Tvvo days before the National Assembly was set to convene in Dacca 
last vveek, Yahya postponed it indefinitely to give the political leaders a chance 
to reach on understanding. The postponement infuriated the Bengalis. "I am 
not imposing the six points program on West Pakistan", decided Mujib, "but the 
people of Bangla Desh are entitled to it and they will have it." "At week's end, 
Yahya Khan announced in a radio broadcast that the constituent Assembly 
vvould be convened after ali on March 25." 

But did the constituent Assembly go into session. Did they frame the 
constitution? Did they save the country? Did Martial Lavv preserve the hard 
earned largest Muslim State of the vvorld as boasted by them? 



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CHAPTER 14 

Six Points and Legal 

Framework Order 1970 

"That state is best ordered, where the wicked have no command 
and the good have" 

Pittacus's 

Sheikh Mujibur Rehman, the political disciple of H. S. Suhrawardy an the 
head of Avvami League in East Pakistan, presented six points in the Conference 
of opposition parties held in Lahore on 4th and 5th February 1966. These six 
points were the result of disappointment of the Bengalis over their 
nonparticipation in the political affairs of the country and deprivation of their 
economic share in the National Exchequer. Some vvriters from the province of 
Punjab feel that the Bengalis were not justified and they had failed to 
appreciate the great economic strides made in East Pakistan. But they had 
forgotten that British Masters of United India had also introduced reforms but 
the Indians were not happy. These vvriters are sadly mistaken. The vvhole 
country vvas being ruled by a military Junta belonging to West Pakistan and the 
people vvere deprived of the participation in forming their ovvn Government, 
their ovvn policies, they had no voice in the administration. The leaders of 
Bengal had strong reasons to demand full provincial autonomy and that had 
been demanded by Mr. Fazlul Haq the Chief Minister of Bengal in 1954 and it 
vvas termed as "absolute provincial autonomy." Fazlul Haq vvas dismissed in 
tvvo months tirne, instead of autonomy being granted to East Pakistan. 

The six points vvere in fact a reaction to the rule of Army Junta of 
West Pakistan. The demands vvere of course based on extreme vievv, but it 
does not mean that everything demanded by them could be summarily and 
arbitrarily dismissed. They ali had to live together; and had to negotiate their 
disputes amicably. Even the opposition parties of West Pakistan rejected the 
demands on the ground that they vvould result in dismemberment of Pakistan; 
but Mujib vvas also not prepared to budge an inch. Thus the confrontation 
betvveen the tvvo vvings vvent on increasing. The fact is that the confrontation 
and conflict vvere the gifts of Martial Lavv and the aristocratic attitude of the 
bureaucrats of West Pakistan. 

The perusals of six points vvill at once convince that they did not 
meant provincial autonomy, but virtually a separate state, that vvas not at ali a 
practical proposition. The central authority vvould have been rendered a nullity 
and easily vvhittled dovvn under six points. It seems that they met each other in 



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such a suspicious atmosphere, that they could not read and understand each 
other in a positive manner. During the twenty-five years history of Pakistan, no 
serious step was taken tovvards integration and solidarity. There are, on the 
other hand, many instances of Government policies and actions, vvhich tended 
tovvards the disintegration of the country. The Government čase in therefore 
indefensible, so vvas that of the VVestern Wing. No literature and no clarification 
papers vvere ever issued to remove the misunderstandings and the 
Governmenfs information media miserably failed. The great strides made in 
social and economic fields in East Pakistan, as claimed by the Government thus 
remained unappreciated. One of the major political reactions vvas the 
emergence of the Six Points programme of autonomy presented by Sheikh 
Mujibur Rehman in February 1966, vvhile addressing the AN Pakistan National 
Conference in Lahore. They landed as a bombshell on the political fields of 
Pakistan. They vvere: 

Point No 1. The character of the Government shall be Federal and 
parliamentary in vvhich the election to the Federal Legislature 
and to the Legislatures of the Federating Units shall be direct and 
on the basis of universal adult franchise. The representation in the 
Federal Legislatures shall be on the basis of population. 

Point No 2. The Federal Government shall be responsible only for Defense and 
Foreign Affairs and subject to the conditions provided in (3) 
belovv. 

Point No 3. There shall be tvvo separate currencies mutually or freely 
convertible in each vving for each region, 

or in the alternative a single currency, subject to the 
establishment of a Federal Reserve System in vvhich there vvill be 
regional Federal Reserve Banks vvhich shall devise measures to 
prevent the transfer of resources and flight of capital from one 
region to the other. 



Point No 4. Fiscal policy shall be the responsibility of the Federating Units. The 
Federal Government shall be provided vvith requisite revenue 
resources vvhich vvould be automatically appropriated by the 
Federal Government in the manner provided and on the basis of 
the ratio to be determined by the procedure laid dovvn in the 
Constitution. Such Constitutional provisions vvould ensure that the 
Federal Governments, revenue, requirements are met consistently 
vvith the objective of ensuring control over the fiscal policy by the 
Governments of the Federal Units. 

Point No. 5 Constitutional provisions shall be made to enable separate 
accounts to be maintained of the foreign exchange earnings of 
each of the Federating Units, under the control of the respective 



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Government of the Federating Units. The foreign exchange 
requirements of the Federal Government shall be met by the 
Governments of the Federation Units on the basis of a ratio to be 
determined in accordance with the procedure laid down in the 
Constitution to negotiate foreign trade and aid vvithin the 
framevvork of the foreign policy of the country, vvhich shall be the 
responsibility of the Federal Government. 

Point No. 6 The Government of the Federating Units shall be empovvered to 
maintain a militia or a paramilitary force in order to contribute 
effectively tovvards national security. 

The Legal Framevvork Order, 1970 Presidenfs Order No. 2 of 1970 

VVhereas in his first address to the nation on the 26th March, 1969, 
the President and Chief Martial Law Administrator pledged himself to strive to 
restore democratic institutions in the country; 

And vvhereas in his address to the nation on the 28th November 1969, 
he reaffirmed that pledge and announced that polling for a general election to 
a National Assembly of Pakistan vvill commence on the 5th October 1970; 

And vvhereas he has since decided that polling for elections to the 
Provincial Assemblies shall commence not later than the 22nd October 1970; 

And vvhereas provision has already been made by the Electoral Rolls 
Order, 1969, for the preparation of electoral rolls for the purpose of election of 
representatives of the people on the basis of adult franchise; 

And vvhereas it is necessary to provide for the constitution of a 
National Assembly of Pakistan for the purpose of making provision as to the 
Constitution of Pakistan in accordance vvith this Order and a Provisional 
Assembly for each province; 

Novv, therefore in pursuance of the proclamation of the 25th of March, 
1969 and in exercise of ali povvers enabling him in that behalf, the President 
and Chief Martial Lavv Administrator is pleased to make the follovving order:- 

Short title and commencement 

1. (i) This Order may be called the Legal Framevvork Order, 1970. 

(ii) It shall come into force on such date as the president may, by 
notification in the official Gazette, appoint in this behalf. 

Order to override other laws 



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2. This Order shall have effect nothvvithstanding anything to the contrary 
contained in the Provincial Constitution Order, the Constitution of 1962 
of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan or any other law for the tirne being in 
force. 

3. (1) In this Order, unless there is anything repugnant in the subject or 
context, 

(i) "Assembly" means the National Assembly of Pakistan or a Provincial 
Assembly for a Province provided for in this Order; 

(ii) "Commission" means the Election Commission constituted under 
Article 8; 

(iii)"Commissioner" means the Chief Election Commissioner appointed or 
deemed to be appointed under the Electoral Rolls Order, 1969 (P.O. NO. 
6 of 1969); 

(iv) "Electoral Roll" means the electoral roll prepared under the Electoral 
Rolls Order, 1969 (P.O. NO. 6 of 1969); 

(v) "Member" means the Member of an Assembly; 

(vi) "Speaker" means the Speaker of the National Assembly; and 

(vii) "Centrally Administered Tribal Areas" has the same meaning as in 
the Province of West Pakistan (Dissolution) Order, 1970. 

(2) In relation to the territories included at the commencement of this 
Order in the province of West Pakistan, references to a Province and a 
Provincial Assembly shall be construed as references respectively to a 
new Province provided for in the Province of West Pakistan (Dissolution) 
Order, 1970 and the Provincial Assembly for such Province. 

Composition of the National Assembly 

4. (1) There shall be a National Assembly of Pakistan consisting of three 
hundred and thirteen members of whom three hundred shall be elected 
to fill general seats and thirteen to fill seats reserved for vvomen. 

(2) In conformity with the population figures appearing in the Census of 
1961, the number of seats in the National Assembly shall be distributed 
amongst the Province and the Centrally Administrated 

Tribal Areas, as set out in Schedule 1. 

(3) Clause (1) shall not be construed as preventing a vvoman from being 
elected to a general seat. 



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Composition of the Provincial Assemblies 

5. (1) There shall be a provincial Assembly for each Province consisting of 
the number of members elected to fill general seats and to fill seats 
reserved for vvomen, as set out in 

Schedule II in relation to such Province. 

(2) Clause (1) shall not be construed as preventing a vvoman from being 
elected to a general seat. 

Principle of Election 

6. (1) Except as provided in clause (2), the members shall be elected to 
the general seats from territorial constituencies by direct election on the 
basis of adult franchise in accordance with law. 

(2)The President may, by regulation, make separate provision for 
election of members from the Centrally Administered Tribal Areas. 

(3) As soon as practicable after the general election of members of the 
National Assembly, the members from a province for the seats reserved 
for vvomen in that Assembly shall be elected by persons elected to the 
general seats from that province in accordance vvith lavv. 

(4) The members for the seats reserved for vvomen in a Provincial 
Assembly shall be elected by persons elected to the general seats in 
that Assembly in accordance vvith lavv. 

Casual vacancy 

7. VVhere a seat in the National Assembly has become vacant, an election 
to fill the vacancy shall be held vvithin three vveeks from the occurrence 
of the vacancy. 

Election commission for conduct of election 

8. For the purpose of election of the members of an Assembly and matters 
connected therevvith the President shall constitute an Election 
Commission consisting of the follovving members, namely: 



and 



(a) The Commissioner, vvho shall be the Chairman of the Commission; 



(b) Tvvo other members, each being a person vvho is a permanent judge 
of a High Court. 



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Qualification and disqualification for being a member 

9. (1) A person shall subject to the provisions of clause (2), be qualified to 
be elected as and to be, a member, if 

(a) he is a citizen of Pakistan; 

(b) he has attained the age of twenty-five years; and 

(c) his name appear on the electoral roll for any constituency in the 
Province or Centrally Administrated Tribal Areas from vvhich he seeks 
election. 

(2) A person shall be disqualified from being elected as, and from being, 
a member if 

(a) he is of unsound mind and stands to be declared by a competent 
court; or 

(b) he is an undercharged insolvent unless a period of ten years has 
elapsed since his being adjudged as insolvent; or 

(c) he has been, on conviction for any offence, sentenced to 
transportation for any term or to imprisonment for a term of not less 
than two years unless, a period of five years, or such less period as the 
President may allovv in any particular čase, has elapsed since his 
release; or 

(d) he has been a member of the Presidenfs Council of Ministers at any 
tirne follovving the lst August, 1969, unless a period of two years, or 
such less period as the President may allovv in any particular čase, has 
elapsed since he ceased to be a Minister, or 

(e) he holds any office in the service of Pakistan other than an office 
vvhich is not a vvhole-time office remunerated either by salary or by fee; 
or 

(f) he has been dismissed for misconduct from the service of Pakistan, 
unless a period of five years, or such less period as the President may 
allovv in any particular čase, has elapsed since his dismissal; or 

(g) such person is the spouse of a person in the service of Pakistan; or 

(h) he, vvhether by himself or by any person or body of persons in trust 
for him or for his benefit or on his account or as a member of a Hindu 
undivided family, has any share of interest in the contract, not being a 
contract betvveen a cooperative society and Government for the supply 



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of goods to, or for the execution of any contract or the performance of 
any services undertaken by Government: 

Provided that the disqualification under sub-clause (h) shall not apply 
to person. 

(i) vvhere the share or interest in the contract devolves on him by 
inheritance or succession or as a legatee, executor or administrator, 
until the expiration of six months after it has so devolved on him or such 
longer period as the President may, in any particular čase, allovv; or 

(ii) vvhere the contract has been entered into by or on behalf of a public 
company as defined in the Companies Act, 1913 (VIII of 1913), of 
vvhich he is a share-holder but is neither a director holding an office of 
profit under the company nor a managing agent; or 

(iii) VVhere he is a member of a Hindu undivided family and the contract 
has been entered into by any other member of that family in the course 
of carrying on a separate business in vvhich he has no share or interest. 

(3) For the avoidance of doubt, it is hereby declared that a judge of a 
Supreme Court or a High Court, the Comptroller and Auditor-General of 
Pakistan, the Attorney-General of Pakistan and an Advocate-General of a 
Province are persons holding offices in the service of Pakistan. 

(4) If any question arises vvhether a member has, after his election, 
become subject to any disqualification the Commissioner shall plače the 
question before the Election Commission and, if the opinion of the 
Commission be that the member has become so subject, his seat shall 
become vacant. 

Bar against candidature in certain cases 

10. (1) No person shall at the same tirne be a member of more than one 
Assembly or a member of the same Assembly for more than one 
constituency. 

(2) Nothing in clause (1) shall prevent a person from being at the same 
tirne a candidate for election from tvvo or more constituencies, but if a 
person has been elected as a member for tvvo or more constituencies an 
does not, vvithin fifteen days of the notification of his election by the 
constituency by vvhich he has been elected last, make a declaration in 
vvriting under his hand addressed to the Commissioner specifying the 
constituency vvhich he vvishes to represent, ali his seats shall become 
vacant, but so long as he is a member for tvvo or more constituencies he 
shall not sit or vote in an Assembly. 



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Resignation etc. 

11. (1) A member may resign his seat by notice in vvriting under his hand 
addressed to the Speaker. 

(2) If a member is absent from the Assembly vvithout leave of the 
speaker for fifteen consecutive sitting days, his seat shall become 
vacant. 

(3) If a member fails to take and subscribe an oath in accordance with 
Article 12 vvithin a period of seven days from the date of the meeting of 
the Assembly after his election, his seat shall become vacant provided 
that the Speaker or, if the Speaker has not been elected, the 
Commissioner, may, before the expiration of the said period, for good 
cause shovvn, extend the period. 

Oath of members of Assembly 

12. A person elected as a member of an Assembly shall, before entering 
upon the office, take and subscribe, before a person presiding at a 
meeting of the Assembly, an oath of affirmation in the follovving form, 
namely:- 

"I do solemnly svvear (or affirm) that I will bear true faith and allegiance 
to Pakistan and that I will discharge the duties upon vvhich I am about to 
enter honestly, to the best of my ability, faithfully in accordance with the 
provisions of the Legal Framevvork Order, 1970, the law and rules of the 
Assembly set out in that Order and always in the interests of the 
solidarity, integrity, vvell-being and prosperity of Pakistan/' 

Date of polling 

13. Polling for election to the National Assembly shall commence on the 5th 
October 1970 and polling for election to the Provincial Assemblies shall 
commence on a date not later than the 22 nd October 1970. 

Summoning of National Assembly etc. 

14. (1) After the close of the genera election of members of the National 
Assembly, the President shall, for the purpose of framing a Constitution 
for Pakistan, summon the National Assembly to meet on such day and at 
such tirne and plače as he may think fit; and the National Assembly so 
summoned shall stand constituted on the day of its first meeting: 

Provided that nothing in this clause shall be construed as preventing the 
President from summoning the National Assembly on the ground that ali 
the seats of the members have not been filled. 



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(2) After meeting as convened under clause (1), the National Assembly 
shall meet at such times and places as the Speaker may decide. 

(3) The National Assembly shall, subject to reasonable adjournments, 
meet from day to day transact its business. 

Right of address etc. of president 

15. The President may address the National Assembly and send a message 
or messages to the Assembly. 

Speaker and deputy speaker 

16. (1) The National Assembly shall, as soon as may be elect two of its 
members to be respectively the Speaker and Deputy Speaker thereof 
and shall, so often as the office of Speaker or Deputy Speaker becomes 
vacant, elect another member to be the Speaker, or, as the čase may 
be, Deputy Speaker. 

(2) Until the Speaker and Deputy Speaker are elected, the 
Commissioner shall preside at the meeting of the National Assembly and 
perform the functions of Speaker. 

(3) VVhere the office of the Speaker is vacant, the Deputy Speaker, or, if 
the office of the Deputy Speaker is also vacant, the Commissioner, shall 
perform the functions of Speaker. 

(4) During the absence of the Speaker from any meeting of the National 
Assembly, the Deputy Speaker or, if the Deputy Speaker is also absent, 
such member as may be determined by the rules of procedure of the 
Assembly shall perform the functions of Speaker. 

(5) A member holding office as Speaker or Deputy Speaker shall cease 
to hold that office: - 

(a) if he ceases be a member of the National Assembly; 

(b) if he resigns his office by vvriting under his hand addressed to the 
President; or 

(c) if a resolution expressing want of confidence in him is moved in the 
Assembly after not less than fourteen days' notice of the intention to 
move it and passed by the votes of not less than two-thirds of the total 
number of members of the National Assembly. 



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Quorum and rules of procedure 

17. (1) If, at any tirne during a meeting of the National Assembly, the 
attention of the person presiding at the meeting is dravvn to the fact that 
the number of persons present is less than one hundred, the person 
presiding shall either suspend the meeting until the number of members 
present is not less than one hundred or adjourn the meeting. 

(2)The procedure of the National Assembly shall be regulated by the 
rules of procedure set out in schedule III; in particular the National 
Assembly shall decide how a decision relating to the Constitution Bili is 
to be taken 

(3) The National Assembly may act not with standing any vacancy in the 
seat of a member and no proceedings in the Assembly shall be invalid by 
reason that some members vvhose election is subsequently held to have 
been void, or who, after election, had incurred a disqualification for 
membership voted or othervvise took part in the proceedings. 

Privileges etc. of the national assembly 

18. (1) The validity of any proceedings in the National Assembly shall not be 
called in question in any court. 

(2) A member or a person entitled to speak in the National Assembly 
shall not be liable to any proceedings in any court in respect of anything 
said or any vote given by him in the Assembly or in any committee 
thereof. 

(3) The exercise by an officer of the National Assembly of the povvers 
vested in him for the regulation of procedure, the conduct of business or 
the maintenance of order, in or in relation to any proceeding in the 
Assembly shall not be subject to the jurisdiction of any court. 

(4) A person shall not be liable to any proceedings in any court in 
respect of the publication by, or under the authority of, the National 
Assembly of any report, paper, vote or proceedings. 

(5) No process issued by a court or other authority shall, except with 
the leave of the speaker, be served or executed vvithin the precincts of 
the plače vvhere a meeting of the National Assembly or of any 
Committee thereof is being held. 

Allovvances and privileges of members 



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19. The Speaker, the Deputy Speaker and the other members shall be 
entitled to such allovvances and privileges as the President may, by 
order, prescribe. 

Fundamental principles of the constitution 

(20) The Constitution shall be so framed as to embody the follovving 
fundamental principles:- 

(1) Pakistan shall be a Federal Republic to be knovvn as the Islamic 
Republic of Pakistan in vvhich the Provinces and other territories vvhich 
are now and may hereinafter be included in Pakistan shall be so united 
in a Federation that the independence, the territorial integrity and the 
national solidarity of Pakistan are ensured and that the unity of the 
Federation is not in any manner impaired. 

(2) A Islamic ideology vvhich is the basis for the creation of Pakistan 
shall be preserved; and 

(b) The Head of the State shall be a Muslim. 

(3) (a) Adherence to fundamental principles of democracy shall be ensured 
by providing direct and free periodical elections to the Federal and the 
Provincial legislatures on the basis of population and adult franchise; 

(b) The Fundamental Rights of the citizen shall be laid dovvn and 
guaranteed; 

(c) The independence of the judiciary in the matter of dispensation of 
justice and enforcement of the fundamental rights shall be secured. 

(4) AN povvers including legislative, administrative and financial, shall be 
so distributed betvveen the Federal Government and Provinces that the 
Provinces shall have maximum autonomy, that is to say maximum 
legislative, administrative and financial povvers but the Federal 
Government shall also have adequate povvers including legislative, 
administrative and financial povvers, to discharge its responsibilities in 
relation to external and internal affairs and to preserve the 
independence and territorial integrity of the country. 

(5) it shall be ensured that - 

(a) the people of ali areas in Pakistan shall be enabled to participate fully 
in ali forms of national activities; and 



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(b) vvithin a specified period, economic and ali other disparities betvveen 
the Provinces and betvveen different areas in a Province are removed by 
the adoption of statutory and other measures. 

Preamble of the Constitution 

21. The Constitution shall contain, in its preamble and affirmation that- 

(1) the Muslims of Pakistan shall be enabled, individually and 
collectively, to order their lives in accordance vvith the teachings of 
Islam as set out in the Holy Quran and Sunnah; 

and 

(2) the minorities shall be enabled to profess and practice their religion 
freely and to enjoy ali rights, privileges and protection due to them as 
citizens of Pakistan. 

Directive principles 

22. The constitution shall set out directive principles of State Policy by vvhich 
the State shall be guided in the matter of: 

(1) Promoting Islamic way of life; 

(2) Observance of Islamic moral standards; 

(3) Providing facilities of the teaching of Holy Quran and Islamiat to the 
Muslims of Pakistan; and 

(4) Enjoining that no lavv repugnant to the teachings and requirements 
of Islam, as set out in the Holy Quran and Sunnah, is made. 

National and provincial assemblies to be the first legislatures 

23. The Constitution shall provide that- 

(1) the National Assembly, constituted underthis Order, shall- 

(a) be the first legislature of the Federation for the full term if the 
legislature of the Federation consists of one House, and 

(b) be the first lovver House of the legislature of the Federation for the 
full term if the legislature of the Federation consist of tvvo Houses. 

(2) The Provincial Assemblies elected in accordance vvith this Order shall 
be the first legislatures of the respective Provinces for the full term. 



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Time for framing the constitution 

24. The National Assembly shall frame the Constitution in the form of a Bili 
to be called the Constitution Bili vvithin a period of one hundred and 
twenty days from the date of its first meeting and on its failure to do so 
shall stand dissolved. 

Authentication of the constitution 

25. The Constitution Bili, as passed by the National Assembly, shall be 
presented to the President for authentication. The National Assembly 
shall stand dissolved in the event that authentication is refused. 

Purpose for vvhich assembly may meet 

26. (1) Save as provided in this Order for the purpose of framing a 
Constitution for Pakistan, the National Assembly shall not 
meet in that capacity, until the Constitution Bili passed by 
that Assembly and authenticated by the President, has come into force 

(2) A Provincial Assembly shall not be summoned to meet until after the 
Constitution Bili passed by the National Assembly has been 
authenticated by the President and has come into force. 



Interpretation and amendment of order etc. 

27. (1) any question or doubt as to the interpretation of any provision of 
this Order shall be resolved by a decision of the President and such 
decision shall be final and not liable to be questioned in any court. 

(2) The President and not the National Assembly shall have the povver 
to shake any amendment in this order. 

The entire Legal framevvork Order has been reproduced for the benefit 
of readers. They may urge how far the six points put forvvard by Sheikh Mujib- 
ur-Rehman, are in enormity with the L. F. O. If not, then how and why they 
were allovved by the Martial Law Government to participate in the elections! 

THE FATE OF LEGAL FRAMEVVORK ORDER 1970 

The parties opposed to Avvami League complained that the six points 
vvhich formed part and parcel of the manifesto of Avvami league struck at the 
very root of the integrity of Pakistan. There vvas no objection to the extension 
of full provincial autonomy to East Pakistan, but it vvould not mean the very 
dismemberment of Pakistan in the name of autonomy. Such provincial 



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autonomy as demanded by the Avvami League was not available to any 
province of a country in the vvhole vvorld. Even the leaders of East Pakistan like 
Ghulam Azam, Amir of Jamait Islami and Noor ul Ameen, the Muslim League 
chief of East Pakistan had opposed six points on the basis that they vvould 
destroy Pakistan. 

AN the West Pakistan parties including the Army Junta were openly 
opposed to six points, as they were bound to tear as under the two vvings of 
Pakistan apart. Mr. Jinnah had already vvarned "If we begin to think of 
ourselves as Bengalis, Punjabi first and Muslims and Pakistani's only 
accidentally, then Pakistan is bound to disintegrate." He had further alerted 
them "I teli you once again, do not fall into the trap of those, who are enemies 
of Pakistan, unfortunately you have fifth columnists and I am sorry to say they 
are Muslims, who are financed by outsiders." The audience was over three 
hundred thousand. 

Taking into consideration, ali pros and cons of six points, Yahya Khan, in 
consultation with his Generals gave to the nation an eye-wash in the name of 
"the Legal Frame Work Order" in 1970 in order to prevent the baneful effects 
of six points. But the framevvork was ineffective throughout. 

But how could a Legal Frame Work Order take the plače of a 
constitution? A country vvithout constitution is a building vvithout foundation. 
The Martial Law had eroded the foundation of the country. It was now based 
on the will and vvhims of the generals fond of wine and vvomen. The coterie 
was so self-conceited that it thought every citizen and every politician to be a 
fool. Now they were playing with fire, setting the country itself on fire. They 
were devoid of real vvisdom and innocent of statecraft. They had by now, with 
the passage of decades, forgotten their profession, their duties and they 
thought that their only duty was to put on an army dress? VVhether the army 
guided by such Generals and the country run by them could vvithstand the 
onslaught of their enemy, so heavily armed, so diplomatically supported, so 
stable politically and so wise in state affairs. The Indian Prime Minister was in 
search of such golden opportunity for years, that was now provided by the 
Generals of Martial Law. The foundation of the country had been so eroded 
that the country was just like a house of cards and one povverful stroke was 
enough to bring down the largest Muslim land, acquired with tremendous 
sacrifices of the Muslims of United India. Yes, admittedly their svvord was very 
sharp against their own men, but blunt against enemies. 

Though the L. F. O. contained the basic principles for constitution and 
some pious directives and conditions for participating in the election, but 
proved totally ineffective, the six points were being preached openly and 
audaciously. These points were being propagated in a manner as if they were 
making East Pakistan a sovereign state, the rural area people were being 
misled by poisonous propaganda and the licentious Indian agents enjoyed full 
liberty to abuse Pakistan. If Yahya Khan had not allovved the parties to 



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transgress the limits of Legal framevvork Order, there vvould have been no 
secession. After ali, the Bengali Muslims had fought for Pakistan more than the 
Muslims of other Provinces. They were patriots, they were against Indian 
domination; they were not demanding, they only vvanted their basic rights in 
an independent Muslim State as enjoined by Islam. Such was the state of 
things that the parties other than Avvami League could not even hold their 
meetings. It was reported that the Indian money was being pumped in, to 
promote the election cause of Avvami League that vvas openly preaching and 
preparing for secession. The result of this licentious politics vvas the 
dismemberment of Pakistan. 

It vvill be very profitable to quote G.W. Chaudary, of East 
Pakistan, a very reputed scholar and vvriter, Minister in Yahya Government and 
eye vvitness of situation: 

"Yahya vvould make some speeches novv and then reaffirming his 
determination to "protect" the country against the threat of breakup, yet the 
young and študent follower's vvere freely carrying the gospel of Bangladesh 
every vvhere in East Pakistan. On August 14, 1970 - Pakistan's Independence 
Day - the students of Dacca University, had displayed a nevv map, shovving the 
creation of Bangladesh and the flag of the emerging country vvere prominently 
displayed at a meeting to celebrate Independence Day. The meeting vvas 
presided over by the Vice Chancellor of the University, Justice A. S. Chaudary, 
former President of Bangladesh/' 

There vvere reports not only from the Pakistan intelligence service 
but also from others, including some friendly foreign countries, that Indian 
money and arms vvere being sent to East Pakistan both for the success of the 
Avvami League in the election and for the eventual confrontation vvith Pakistan 
Army. There vvas evidence of India's involvement in the affairs of East 
Pakistan/' 

In the light of these crystal clear facts, can any body say that the 
Avvami League and its leaders vvere patriots? For vvhat the L. F. O. and the 
Martial Regulations vvere there? Under these circumstances, the silence of 
Martial Lavv authorities vvas certainly criminal and un-condonable. 



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CHAPTER 15 
General Election and Aftermath 

"A good constitution is infinitely better than the best despot." 

Yancanly 

But how unfortunate it was that Pakistan had neither a good constitution nor 
even a good despot. Now under the "aegis" of another despot, Pakistan was 
going to have elections. 

It was for the first and the last tirne that General Elections in 
Quaid-e-Azam's Pakistan were being held. It may be borne in mind that in 
India the Constitution was framed and elections were held in 1950. Though it 
was full of complicated problems - political, social, ethnic, religions, economic 
and so many others. In Pakistan, the Constitution was framed very late and 
that too was defective and controversial. They were framed and abrogated 
from tirne to tirne. A political mockery was made of the hard earned country; 
its natural resources remained unexploited, the process of democracy was 
throvvn to vvinds and instead of seasoned politicians, the corrupt and inefficient 
dictators had occupied the chairs. 

In the days of Ayub Khan, elections were held, but by no stretch 
of imagination, they could be called elections. They were the best form of force 
and fraud and nobody recognized them. On the contrary they further divided 
the country and paved way for secession. 

After his dismal failure to save the country, he had handed over 
the reigns of the country to an incompetent General Yahya Khan. God alone 
knovvs what were his intentions; to preserve it or to destroy it as a natural 
consequence of Ayub Khan's policies. 

VVhatever General Yahya Khan was, he did some thing commendable at 
the beginning of his regime for the East Wing and the provinces of the West 
Pakistan. One unit was a sordid sore, a cancer vvhich ultimately dismembered 
the country. This bane of one unit had reduced the majority of East Wing from 
56% to 50% against ali principles and norms of democracy. At the instance of 
shortsighted and selfish Punjab leaders, the vested interests and bureaucracy 
that the Bengalis, if allovved to have their majority will dominate the Punjab. 
What a foolish malicious thinking! Now after the secession, will they be 
prepared to accept the unjust parity against the rest of the Provinces? 
Definitely not. It simply proved the petty mindedness and short sightedness of 
the Punjab leaders. This artificial antidemocratic and the forced parity were one 
of the causes of deep and rightful resentment of Bengalis and contributed 
tovvards secession. Any way the new dictator Yahya Khan decided one vote one 



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man, and dissolved one unit. This step vvhich was democratic in nature, 
created a new hope of political justice, equity and fairness. Thus he restored 
the confidence of political leaders. 

On December 21, 1969, Yahya Khan promulgated the Martial Law 
Regulation, allovving unrestricted political activities in the country from January 
1, 1970. Of course it included rules of conduct for the purpose of peaceful 
political activities. 

Since General Yahya Khan had announced in the very beginning that he 
had no political ambitions and the povver vvould be handed over to the 
politicians, political parties stared their activities and political campaign. 

In West Pakistan there were several political parties. Religious factions, 
had also jumped in election arena in the name of Islam, and as usual assuring 
the people that they could implement the Islamic laws and make Pakistan the 
citadel of Islam, but they were hardly believed. 

The Jamiat-e-Islami was the only organized religious party, but 
practically it had no voice in the masses except for the big cities. The Avvami 
National Party, headed by Khan Abdul Wali Khan, had its influence in the 
smaller provinces N.VV.F.P. and Baluchistan, but Khan Abdul Qayum Khan 
equally shared the influence with Wali Khan. The Council Muslim League was 
presided over by Mian MUMTAZ Daultana, supported by Shaukat Hayat, M. A. 
Khuhro and others; No doubt he was intelligent, experienced, and learned, but 
he was so accustomed with the palače politics of intrigues and conspiracies, 
that he had lost his energies to work amongst the masses, and infuse a new 
life in the political movement in Pakistan. As such, the Council League was no 
political force. 

Now the young rebel politician, a brilliant young man, full of vigour, 
ideas, programme and manifesto, appeared on the political horizon of West 
Pakistan; as tireless man, a povver house vvith inexhaustible energy. He vvorked 
day and night and he vvent from Province to Province, District to District, Tehsil 
to Tehsil, and Village to Village, approached the masses, appealed to every 
class, entreated men, vvomen, and students, to come out and save Pakistan 
vvith nevv programme that he had placed before the common men. The entire 
programme of the Pakistan Peoples' Party vvas contained in the slogans "Islam 
is our faith, Democracy is our polity, and Socialism is our economy:. In the 
elections, ali the rightist parties of West Pakistan opposed him tooth and nail, 
issued the "decree" to the effect that he vvas an infidel. But the people of West 
Pakistan had fully knovvn the other leaders vvho vvere opposing him. They had 
done absolutely nothing for the masses vvhen they vvere in povver. He vvas the 
only politician in West Pakistan vvho had very effectively and most 
courageously opposed the dictator. He vvas put in jail, false cases vvere filed 
against him. Almost ali the big VVaderas, Choudhris, Khans, Sirdars, heavy 
vveight Landlords, industrialists, old leadership and the religious leaders 



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opposed him with ali force. But he exposed them ali. The Ruling Junta was of 
the opinion that he vvould not secure more then 33 pc. Of Assembly seats in 
West Pakistan, but ali predictions, ali reports and ali assessments proved very 
much incorrect. The biggest provinces of Sindh and Punjab in West Pakistan 
were the bastion of Bhutto's politics. His opponents alleged that due to his 
being pro-Punjabi, the people of Punjab voted for him but that is far from 
truth. The common Punjabi, was not party to the parity intrigues. Had they 
been, they vvould have voted for the originators of one unit and parity, and not 
Bhutto. In spite of his limited vocabulary in Sindhi and Urdu he proved to be a 
povverful speaker more povverful than the orators of Urdu language, more 
povverful than those vvhose mother tongue vvas Urdu, and they, received their 
instruction in schools, Madressahas and colleges in Urdu and possessed 
mastery over the language. The young Quaid-e-Awan had not received 
education in Sindhi or Urdu, but later on he had picked up the languages, ali 
the same he had not been able to acquire mastery over the languages. But 
vvhat actually mattered, vvas that he spoke vvith ali sincerity, he put his heart 
and soul before the people, as such thought lacking the technical niceties he 
proved more effective and touched the most inner recesses of the heart of the 
audience. Was it not vvith the Quaid-e-Azam vvho could hardly speak in Urdu! 

He vvorked day and night; and ali the vvork done by ali the heads of 
different parties together, vvas less than this single leader's vvork. Mr. Abdul 
Hameed Khan Jatoi, former M.N.A and a veteran political leader, told me that 
in 1970 vvhen he vvent to stay vvith him for some tirne, he used to leave on 8 
a. m. to address the election rallies and returned at 2.30 a. m. in the night. Mr. 
Jatoi has been against Mr. Bhutto and the Pakistan People's Party from 1973. 

He vvorked vvith ali courage in the elections vvithout caring for his life. He 
vvas undaunted by the preplanned attack near Sanghar in Sindh, an area vvhich 
is dominated by the disciples and Hurs (life sacrificing disciples) of Pir Pagara, 
an avovved opponent of Bhutto. An eyewitness, vvho vvas a middle class 
landovvner in the Sanghar District, gave me the eye-witness account of the 
incident vvhich happened just before elections. He told me that the information 
of the proposed attack had already leaked out and the police of Sanghar also 
conveyed this information and advised Bhutto not to undertake the visit. But 
the undeterred Bhutto refused to cancel his programme and proceeded to 
Sanghar. Just before reaching Sanghar, Bhutto and his vvorkers vvho vvere 
coming in a small procession, vvere attacked by a number of persons armed 
vvith dangerous lethal vveapons including rifles. According to his version, Bhutto 
rushed out of his vehicle much against the entreaties of his vvorkers and vvhile 
opening his chest, cried out "here is Bhutto, kili him if you vvant, but he vvill not 
abandon his mission". Then there vvas pitched battle betvveen the parties, 
hovvever, the police reached after some tirne and intervened, and the attacking 
squad made good their escape. Hovvever no action vvas taken against them, as 
they vvere said to be the men of influential Pir Pagaro. 



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That was the glaring difference betvveen Bhutto and his opponents. In 
his election campaign, he spoke some times melodiously, sometimes violently 
and furiously and some times humorously. This brilliant young man had a 
definite programme for the uplift of the poor and dignity of his country. He was 
in the hearts of people, the peasants, the labourers, the students, the 
intellectuals and even the illiterate vvomen were raising his slogan "Jiye 
Bhutto". He got even the much unknovvn persons elected in his name; there 
were cases when the voters did not know even the name of PPP's candidates, 
they had not even seen their faces, but they voted for Bhutto vvhose election 
symbol was "Svvord". In Sindh and Punjab, everywhere was a cry "vote for the 
svvord, vote for the svvord, Jiye Bhutto. Even the peasants refused to vote for 
their big landlords, every vvhere the ear had to hear the slogan of Jiye Bhutto. 
In beginning, the chances of Mr. Bhutto's party were never bright but now they 
were bright, in spite of the fact that on the vvhole, the press was not in his 
favour. But now his name was an avalanche for opposition, the scales of 
election had definitely svvung in his favour. 

I found something extraordinary about him. Though he did not offer 
prayers regularly, observe fasts, but he possessed very strong faith in Allah, 
loved his Holy Prophet intensely and immensely, respected Godly person dead 
or alive in this vvorld, visited their shrines and went out of way to help the poor 
and oppressed. His speeches touched the inner most recesses of the hearts of 
audience as if he was a vvizard. It is true that he was a feudal lord, but his 
heart was aching for the poor, for the miserable. He was so dynamic, 
charismatic and so brilliant that his sincere voice was echoing and sounding 
throughout the length and breadth of West Pakistan; it was some thing 
inexpressible and unearthly. His opponents in spite of their best efforts feel 
helpless to halt it. 

Finally, on 7th December 1970, after a prolonged election campaign the 
results of National Assembly election in West Pakistan were as under; 





Punjab 


Sindh 


NWFP 


Baluchistan 


Total 


p.p.p. 


62 


18 


1 


- 


81 


Muslim League 

(Qayoum Group) 


1 


1 


7 


- 


9 


N.A.P. (Wali Khan) 


- 


- 


3 


3 


6 


Council Muslim 
League 


7 


- 


- 


- 


7 


JUI (Hazarvi) 


- 


- 


6 


1 


7 


M.J.U 


4 


3 


- 


- 


7 


Jamait Islami 


1 


2 


1 


- 


4 


Independents 


5 


3 


7 


- 


15 


P.M.L. (C) 


2 


- 


- 


- 


2 


Total 


82 


27 


25 


4 


138 



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231 



From the above table, it is clear that Bhutto had an astounding and 
unexpected victory in the election. 

WHY QUAID-E-AWAM? 

Bhutto personally contested for five National Assembly seats, three from 
Sindh, on from Lahore and one from Dera Ismail Khan N.VV.F.P. against Mufti 
Mahmood. 

In his home town Larkana, he defeated Mr. M. A. Khuhro, Ex Sindh Chief 
Minister, former Defence minister of Pakistan and President of the Sindh 
Provincial Muslim League by an unimaginably large margin of votes. Mr. 
Khuhro had been getting elected from Larkana Town constituency for 35 years. 
He defeated Mr. Najmuddin Sirevval from Badin District, lovver Sindh, who had 
been Minister in the Sindh Government and the West Pakistan Government and 
enjoyed good reputation in his area. He expressed in my presence that even 
his own peasants did not vote for him. In Lahore he gained victory over Mr. 
Javed Iqbal who is son of Dr. Mohammad Iqbal, poet of the East. Lahori voters 
said that politically Bhutto was the heir of Allama Dr. Iqbal and not his son Dr. 
Javed Iqbal. Hovvever, Mufti Mohammad won against him by a majority of 
about 12, 000 votes. Bhutto could not pay attention to the far flung 
constituency of Dera Ismail Khan due to paucity to tirne, and canvassing for his 
weak and unknovvn candidates othervvise he could have won this seat too. 

The popularity of Bhutto had touched the highest possible level in West 
Pakistan. Therefore, he was titled as Quaid-e-Awam (Leader of the People) by 
the people 

PROVINCIAL ASSEMBLIES IN WEST PAKISTAN 





Punjab 


Sindh 


NWFP 


Baluchistan 


Total 


p. p. p. 


113 


28 


3 


- 


144 


P. M. L (Q) 


6 


5 


10 


3 


24 


N.A.P.(W) 


- 


- 


13 


8 


21 


C. M. L. 


15 


4 


1 


- 


20 


M.J.U. 


4 


7 


- 


- 


11 


J.U. (H) 


2 


- 


4 


2 


8 


P. M. L (C) 


6 


- 


2 


- 


8 


P. D. P. 


4 


- 


- 


- 


4 


J. I. 


1 


1 


1 


- 


3 


Others 


1 


1 


- 


2 


4 


Ind 


28 


14 


6 


5 


53 


Total 


180 


60 


40 


20 


300 



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232 



It vvould be noted that the Avvami League had no member in either 
National or Provincial Assemblies of West Pakistan. From the above two tables, 
it vvould appear that the success of Bhutto vvas indeed astonishing. It can even 
be termed miraculous, looking to the late establishment of his party, existence 
of several nationalities, conflicting interests, mutual grievances etc. He vvas a 
falcon, and others vvere not even doves. But to be frank, it vvas the personal 
triumph of Bhutto, therefore he vvas rightly called Quaid-e-Awam. It vvas in 
away repetition of Quaid-e-Azam's performance. But the P. P. P. did not secure 
any seat either in National or Provincial Assembly of East Pakistan. Thus the 
tvvo vvings stood divided. 

GENERAL ELECTION IN PAKISTAN 

It has already been mentioned that East Pakistan vvas the victim of 
injustices, disasters and poverty for vvhich the vested interests of Pakistan 
vvere largely responsible. This process had continued right from 1947 - 1948 
vvhen they vvere deprived of their legislative rights. Therefore, it vvas very 
natural phenomenon that they vvould unite to fight for their rights. 

It may be noted that the leaders like H. S. Suhrawardy, Fazl-ul-Haq and 
Khvvaja Nazimuddin had died vvhen elections vvere held in 1970 vvere held. 
They vvere really great leaders though people might not agree vvith some of 
their vievvs. Moulana Abdul Hameed Khan Bhashani had lost his credibility 
during the election of Miss Fatima Jinnah; he vvas the first leader to suggest 
the name of Fatima Jinnah to contest the presidential election. But vvhen 
elections vvere held, he adopted an inexplicable behaviour. It is said that in this 
connection, Bhutto vvho vvas partisan of Ayub Khan, exercised his personal 
influence on Nasih-ur-Rahman, former M.N.A. and friend of Bhutto, and 
Rahiman happened to be the right hand man of Maulana Bhashani. Hovv the 
things vvere managed, nothing can be said about it, but the people of East 
Pakistan held an ineffaceable adverse impression against Moulana Bhashani, 
and the Moulana could not cut much ice in spite of his fluent, vociferous and 
fearless speeches. He called himself a socialist, and before independence, he 
vvas the President of the Assam Provincial Muslim League. 

So far the Muslim League vvas concerned, it vvas virtually vvashed out in 
the elections of 1954 in Pakistan vvhen its Chief Minister, a prominent 
politician, vvas defeated by a študent. The Muslim League secured only 9 seats 
vvhile its opponents vvon 300 seats in the Provincial Assembly in 1954. For this 
humiliating defeat, not only the decadence of Muslim League leadership vvas 
responsible, but at the same tirne the ruling elite of West Pakistan, vvhich bore 
the label of Pakistan Muslim League vvas more to be blamed. There vvere 
parties for example Jamat-e-Islami, Nizam-e-Mustafa, Islami Ganatautri Dal, 
Muslim League, Krishak Saramik Party, P.N.A. and many others. In both the 
vvings of Pakistan, there vvas no dearth of political parties, but the popular 
parties vvere fevv and multiplicity of parties in fact created a problem for 
Pakistan. 



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H. S. Suharawardy, (1892-1963) amongst ali the political leaders of East 
Pakistan was the most popular leaders, because of his extraordinary brilliance, 
political vvisdom and, eloquence. But the lučk never smiled on him. He came 
from a very learned family of Calcutta. He was Bar-at-Law, a well knovvn 
advocate in the United India and remained as an ali India Muslim League 
Leader, and held the Muslim League Ministry in Bengal before partition. He 
accepted to be Law Minister under Mr. Mohammad Ali Bogra, though the latter 
was politically much junior and inferior in talents. Hovvever, in 1956-1957, by 
way of compromise coupled with manipulations. He became the Prime Minister 
of Pakistan, but that did not last long. He continued for about one year. But as 
a realist with political talents he conducted himself commendably as Prime 
Minister and tried to bring about an atmosphere of conciliation and integration. 
But such at talented patriot Prime Minister was not acceptable to Iskandar 
Mirza and Ayub Khan and had to resign. But his popularity did not diminish in 
East Pakistan. He was the mentor of Mujib-ur-Rahman and the latter was 
expected to be his successor after him. Mr. Suharawardy died on 5th 
December 1963 in a Beirut hotel in a foreign country. Mujib and many others 
alleged that it was not a normal death, but Ayub Khan was responsible for it. 

After the death of Suharwardy, Mujib-ur-Rahman now became the head 
of Avvami League. He was a fiery speaker with tremendous organizing qualities, 
though he could not be compared with H. S. Suharawardy. 

Tajuddin Ahmad was the General Secretary of Avvami League but he vvas 
more impulsive, outspoken and fiery than Mujib-ur-Rahman. The constant 
injustice to East Pakistan gave birth to Bangali Nationalism in East Pakistan. 
There vvas nothing common betvveen East and West vvings except religion. 
They had opted for Pakistan because the Hindu capitalists had reduced them to 
zero, economically and socially and they vvere at the mercy of Marvvari 
capitalist vvho vvas the financier of the AN India congress. Novv they had hoped 
to get justice from their Muslim brothers, and they pinned their hopes on the 
Quaid-e-Azam; but after his death, the vested interests of West Pakistan had 
made East Pakistan as their colony, exploiting them politically and 
economically. This deprivation had united them completely against the high 
handedness perpetuated on the oppressed Bengalis, and novv they vvere behind 
Avvami League. They had same language, same culture, same political and 
economic grievances. There vvere no feudal lords in their society as they had in 
West Pakistan. Therefore, they vvere unchallengeable, unbreakable and 
unanimous. They vvere no more prepared to be ruled by 22 families created by 
Ayub Khan to rule the country. 

Shaikh Mujib and his political friends vvorked very hard to popularize the 
party and strengthen the Bengali nationalism as a separate nation. They vvere 
also enjoying the blessings of Pundit Nehru, his daughter Indira Gandhi, and 
Rajendra Parsad. 



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"He also talked with Rajendra Parsad who was then at the height of his 
povver and influence. He did not share the prevailing Pakistani belief that India 
was the enemy, destined to be conquered, India was the friend to be won over 
if there was to be peace in the Subcontinent." 

Indeed here was the basic difference betvveen Mujib and Bhutto; the 
former had assumed India, the Kashmir usurper, as a friend, vvhile Zulfikar Ali 
was of the firm view that India was Pakistan's enemy No.l, this was the same 
view as that of the Quaid-e-Azam. Shaikh Mujib unfortunately did not adhere 
to the vievvs of his political mentor H. S. Suharawardy on this matter. 

Any way, in the General elections Avvami League was the most popular 
party, even the government officers supported the party openly. The other 
political parties were simply political in name and did not enjoy even the 
government protection. The Avvami League leaders addressed the mammoth 
public meetings every vvhere in Bengal and undoubtedly they enjoyed the mass 
support of East Pakistan. Finally the results in East vvere as under; 

NATIONAL ASSEMBLY ELECTIONS 

Out of total seats of 162, in the National Assembly, Avvami League 
secured 160 seats, one vvent to PDP and the other to an Independent. 

PROVINCIAL ASSEMBLY ELECTION 

Out of 300 seats in the Provincial assembly, the Avvami League got 288 
seats, one each to N.A.P. (W), Jamait Islami and other; seven to 
Independents, and 2 to P. D. P. 

BHUTTCS COMPLICATED PROBLEMS 

True Zulfikar Ali Bhutto had vvon the majority of seats in West Pakistan, 
but the Avvami League proved a steamroller against the other parties. Out of 
300 National Assembly seats in Pakistan. Mujib had 160 votes in his pocket. 
That means he vvas in absolute majority and could dictate terms. On the other 
hand, Bhutto's Pakistan People's Party, vvhich vvas the second largest party, 
had 88 votes only. He could claim to be representative of Pakistan, but ali the 
same he vvas in minority; the other West Pakistan Assembly members vvere 
also not supportive, because of their personal prejudices and election contest 
in West Pakistan. 

Bhutto's victory under the circumstances vvas more glorious than that of 
Mujib, though the mathematical calculation in counting number of seats is 
patently in favour of Avvami League. But the problems of Bhutto vvere intricate 
and complicated. 



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1. Bhutto started his party just on the eve of elections, that is lst 
December 1967, and he had not enough tirne at his disposal to organize 
his party, as elections were to be held in 1970. He could not even fully 
tour West Pakistan, vvhich has a very big area. 

2. Bhutto never entertained any political programme or political manifesto, 
vvhich vvas for one vving. "Islam is our religion, socialism is our economy, 
and democracy is our polity. This programme vvas meant for the entire 
country and not for a particular area, vvhile the six points on the basis of 
vvhich Avvami League had fought the election, vvere only made out for 
protecting the rights and privileges of Bengalis, and tended to separate 
East from the West and they declared the same on 5-2-1966 at Lahore 
through Mujib. AN the parties, participating in conference had opposed 
these six points, including Avvami League President Navvabzada Nasrullah 
Khan. But Mujib vvent on vvith his six points vvithout any restraint or 
injunction. As opposed to it Bhutto presented a positive programme and 
constructive manifesto before the nation. Mujib's programme in reality 
vvas negative and destructive; and had deceptive features vvhich misled 
the people of Bengali. 

3. Avvami league vvas openly propagating six points vvhich vvere repugnant 
not only to the Martial Lavv Provisions, but also cleanly contravened the 
Legal Framevvork Orders prepared by Yahya Khan. Although no party 
could advocate its čase against the L. F. O. before the people in any 
meeting or by vvriting, but vvith ali audacity and in complicity vvith Yahya 
Khan the Legal Framevvork and Martial Regulations vvere throvvn to vvinds 
by Avvami League and no action vvas taken by Yahya against this flagrant 
violation. 

Speaking about the difficulties of Bhutto, G.W. Choudhry, a Minister in 
Yahya Khan's cabinet vvrites. 

"Bhutto told me once 'Mujib has only one slogan: prevent exploitation of 
Bengalis by giving votes to my party. Bengali nationalism as pointed out earlier 
had acquired sufficient momentum from various factors as analysed in earlier 
chapters. But Bhutto had no such simple path. The Bengalis of East Pakistan 
constituted a homogenous group, but in West Pakistan, there vvas 
subregionalisms in Sindh, Balochistan and the North-VVest Frontier Province. 
Then in West Pakistan, the rightist elements vvere not altogether discredited as 
they vvere in East Pakistan/' 

After this sensible, analysis Mr. Choudhry has attempted to plead for 
Yahya, but his argument vvas most untenable and not worthy of a vvriter of his 
caliber. 

"He accused Yahya and his Government of tolerating Mujib's preaching 
of his six-point plan. In a sense, Bhutto's charge against Yahya Government 



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was correct, but Yahya relied on Mujib's repeated and firm pledges that he 
vvould modify his six point plan as soon as the elections were over." 

This version is not far from being correct, but surprising too. Legal 
framevvork was ostensibly passed by Yahya Khan to save Pakistan vvhich was 
on the volcano of disintegration; and this threat of disaster was the natural 
result of six points. It was not only Zulfikar Bhutto who had vvarned Yahya 
Khan against the consequences of six points but this frustration was shared by 
others also. What was the material before Yahya Khan to believe that what 
Mujib was telling him regarding change of six points was a gospel truth. If this 
alleged assurance of Mujib-ur-Rehman was true and sincere, then what had 
prompted Yahya Khan to pass Legal Framevvork Hovv vvas it possible for Mujib 
to back out of six points vvhen six points had been the common cry of ali 
Avvami League Leaders? 

Yahya Khan vvas neither a sober man, nor vvas he a povverful dictator 
like his predecessor Ayub Khan; but the ambition of both of them shared full 
similarity. Yahya Khan had his clever adviser like General Pirzada, and he 
vvould not politically move vvithout his advice. Yahya Khan vvas also not so 
simple as thought by some people or mentioned by some vvriters. Yahya Khan 
and his cohorts had never imagined that any single party vvould gain absolute 
majority, but on December 7, 1970, an expected and a novel situation came 
into existence. In spite of this position, the Army Junta had not lost ali hopes 
but they started playing a nevv game, a very dangerous, a very suicidal game, 
vvhich ultimately resulted in the dismemberment of the country. General 
(Retired Fazal Muqeam Khan has rightly mentioned: 

"But later events proved that "Yahya Khan actually strove to play Bhutto 
and Mujib against each other. Hovvever, from novv, the destiny of Pakistan lay 
in one man's hand and that vvas Mujib-ur-Rehman." 



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CHAPTER 16 
East Pakistan: Brothers or Slaves 



Slavery is a system of outrage and robbery: 

Socrates 

Muslim kings and rulers had their way for centuries over India; they 
permanently settled in India, and never thought of going back to the land, 
from vvhere they had migrated, and along with them the millions of Muslims 
settled on the soil of India, and tried their best to live as brothers with those 
who were already in India. 

The colonial povvers from Europe had their eyes on India, and in the 
fraudulent guise of merchants and businessmen, the Britishers first came down 
to Calcutta. Asia remained backard in science, literature and modern 
technology, but the Industrial Revolution had now revolutionized the Europe; 
and the tireless, talented and greedy Britishers, occupied Bengal by and by and 
finally they defeated its young Muslim Ruler Sirajuddolah in 1757 in Battle of 
Plassey by purchasing his uncle Mir Jafar and the other important officers of his 
army. Now they became the masters of Bengal. The Britishers patronized that 
section of population, vvhich cooperated with them and terrorized those who 
opposed them. 

The wise and crafty Hindu fully cooperated with them, got lands, 
business, industry, services, education and other benefits vvhich vvere hitherto 
enjoyed by Muslims; vvho as true patriots boycotted and hated the Britishers. 
The vvell to do families vvere converted into vvood hevvers and vvater-dravvers; 
thus ultimately they vvere visited by poverty, ruination, Government vvrath and 
illiteracy. The famous Navvabs of Dacca vvere no more wealthy and povverful 
landlords, and vvere reduced to vveak and helpless state. They vvere called 
Navvabs as a matter of courtesy. 

MUSLIM LEAGUE ESTABLISHED 

Compelled by circumstances prevalent in those times, the AN India 
Muslim League vvas established in 1906 by Navvab Vaqarul Mulk and others; 
and His Highness Sir Aga Khan, a young man of twenty nine years, vvas elected 
its first President. This vvas the beginning of political avvakening amongst the 
Muslims of Bengal in tvventieth century. 



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After his total disappointment and dismay with the Indian National 
Congress, a fully Hindu political body, national only in name, and totally 
communal in its character, Mr. Quaid-e-Azam Ali Jinnah, the founding father of 
Pakistan, started reorganizing and rejuvenating the Muslim Leagues and in 
1940 he demanded separate home land for Muslims in the Lahore, AN India 
session of Muslim League, due to the adamant and orthodox attitude of anti- 
Muslim congress. This demand for separate land was made by Mr. Jinnah, the 
Godsend saviour of Indian Muslims, on the basis of the right of self- 
determination. He proclaimed emphatically, logically and with political sagacity 
that the 100 million Muslim of India were a separate nation by any definition of 
a nation. It was now an irrevocable and unshakable decision of the greatest 
Asian statesmen that he vvould accept nothing short of Pakistan. Amongst the 
Muslims and non-Muslims of India there was no leader of his caliber and 
status. Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, the future national leader of Pakistan, was his most 
ardent admirer; he was then a schoolboy in Bombay, but had access to the 
founding father of Pakistan. 

ATTITUDE OF BENGALI MUSLIMS 

The Muslims of Bengal, who constituted 40% of the total Muslim 
population of the United India, were primarily and preeminently poor 
agriculturists, businessmen and most dominant in Government services, 
business and industry. They were the main financiers of AN India Congress. 
The Muslims of Bengal, though immeasurably stricken by poverty and penury 
were highly democratic religious-minded and were politically very conscious. 
They suffered from lack of education, hence apparently backvvard, as such the 
Hindu capitalists fully exploited their vveakness and treated them as their serfs 
and slaves like Britishers. So it can be safely said vvithout any fear of 
contradiction that they were bitten by the sharp teeth. Jute is the main crop of 
Bengal and is grovvn in the region, vvhich is now called Bangladesh, but ali the 
Jute Mills were ovvned and located by the blood-sucking Marvvaris in Calcutta, 
vvhich is not only the biggest city of India, but the most important center of 
trade and Industry; and this Industrial empire continues to be controlled by 
the Marvvari Banias, the financiers of Congress in the capital of Bengal and the 
biggest city and port of India. 

BENGALIS MAIN PLANK OF PAKISTAN 

Novv, throughout United India, AN India Muslim League assumed the 
status of the šole representative political organization for the Muslims, under 
the leadership of the Quaid-e-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah, but the Muslims of 
Bengal formed the vanguard of the party. "There vvere one million National 
Guards of the Muslim League, out of vvhich three hundred thousand young men 
had volunteered from Bengal alone I. In the General Elections of 1946, Muslim 
League vvon 113 seat out of 119 seats, securing 96.7 percent Muslim votes, 
thus the opponents vvho had fought the election under the leadership of 



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veteran Moulvi Fazlul Haq with ali support and sources of congress were very 
shamefully trounced by Muslim League. This fact alone proves Muslims. They 
lent maximum possible support to Pakistan, more than Punjab or any other 
province, on the ciarion call given by their leader Mr. Jinnah. Thus Muslims got 
the Promised Land. But the main question that arises hereafter is, why dissent 
and dismemberment? Why the genocide of Bengalis? And who is responsible 
for this unprecedented massacre, rape and finally the most heartless tragedy 
of tearing Pakistan? The tears that flow from the hearts of patriots will continue 
even in the grave. 

DISPUTES BETWEEN EAST AND WEST PAKISTAN 

The Quaid-e-Azam had achieved Pakistan by democratic process. The 
future of United India was decided by ballot and not by bullet. Democracy, and 
not the blind dictatorship, was destined to be the future. 

BACKVVARD BENGAL 

The United Bengal was rich in industry, language, science and literature, 
and it was so rich that it could form an independent state with a population of 
over 70 millions, but the leaders of AN India congress at the instance of the 
Marvvari industrialists and capitalists settled in Calcutta, had opposed this 
proposition tooth and nail, out of old enmity and proverbial bigotry, as the 
proposed state vvould have a narrovv Muslim majority. 

The VVestern Bengal was very developed area from every point of view 
and it had Hindu majority, but the East Bengal area vvhere Muslims were in 
majority, was lamentably under-developed. There was no industry, no 
universities, no means of communication, no big port and its biggest and 
historical city of Dacca was in shambles. This state of affairs was indicative of 
the apathy of Britishers and the Hindu leaders of India. They preferred to 
establish and encourage the Marvvari Industrialists and business tycoons from 
the vvestern part of India in Bengal Metropolis Calcutta and their attitude 
tovvards Muslims of Bengal vvas highly hostile and contemptuous and they did 
not make any secret of this hatred. They invested every thing in Calcutta to 
make it the most prosperous and advanced city of India, as it vvas the British 
Capital of India up to 1911. Pandit Javvahar Lal Nehru, vvho vvas propagated as 
a progressive and highly educated socialist leader of ali India congress, and the 
future Prime Minister of India, had even refused to recognize the East Bengali 
Muslims as Bengalis. Such vvas the plight of the oppressed, illiterate and hated 
Muslim populace. But novv vvith the advent of Pakistan, hopes had arisen in the 
minds of Muslim Bengalis that they vvould get a fair deal and justice vvould be 
done to the forsaken, neglected and backvvard Bengal; and the region 
converted into hell by Hindus of East Bengal vvould be a land of paradise. But 
ali these hopes vvere shattered and frustrated and the people of East Pakistan 
got no substantial respite to have a sigh of relief as they deserved. 



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In my humble opinion, if the Quaid-e-Azam had appointed Mr. H. S. 
Sahrawardy as the Prime Minister of Pakistan, in plače of Liaquat Ali Khan, 
there vvould not have been Pandora box's problem in Pakistan and especially in 
the East wing. This opinion is shared by many whom I intervievved. Besides the 
fact that he vvould have represented East Pakistan, he vvas brilliant politician 
vvith rich administrative experience. 

AGONIES OF EAST PAKISTAN 

"The Government is a trust and the officers of Government are trustees, 
and both the trust and the trustees are created for the benefit of the people." 

Henry Day 

None vvill disagree vvith vvhat has been mentioned above. Since this 
chapter deals vvith the most tragic dismemberment and the actors responsible 
for it, facts and grounds vvill have to be analysed honestly vvith due čare and 
caution and not superficially, in order to separate chaff from the grain. The 
profound pangs suffered by the poor but patriotic people are not denied by any 
author but many of them have deplorably distorted, exaggerated or minimized 
the crystal clear facts. Let us deal vvith the subject objectively, chronologically 
and systematically, as far as possible. 

LANGUAGE COIMTROVERSY 

The Bengalis being in majority of 56% in Pakistan, speak and vvrite one 
language that is Bengali. It vvas one of the richest languages of the United 
India, and produced internationally and intellectually famous literary luminaries 
like Rabindra Nath Tagore, Kazi Nazrul Islam and several others. Any language 
spoken by any individual from childhood is one of the most valuable cultural 
treasures that he cherishes in his heart ali his life, so vvas and is the čase of 
Bengalis. 

Mr. Jinnah had made Karachi, the capital of Pakistan, for vvhich there 
vvere strong and cogent grounds. It vvas grovving and developing nevv city, vvith 
the biggest seaport and airport in Pakistan. Though a provincial seat only, it 
had the capacity to accommodate the federal capital, vvith vast open lands 
outside the city. Karachi vvas the nearest city to East Pakistan, and its vveather 
quite agreeable and suitable for Bengalis. They willingly conceded to their 
Quaid's decision, as it vvas in keeping vvith reason and national interest. 

So far the main languages of Pakistan vvere concerned, they vvere 
Bengali, Punjabi, Sindhi, Balochi, Siraiki and Pashtu. Urdu vvas not the 
language of any province, but it vvas medium of instructions in the educational 
institutions of Punjab, N.VV.F.P. and Balochistan. Amongst the Mohajir class, 
Urdu vvas the mother language of one section only and the rest spoke different 
languages. In Bengal, Bengali vvas their mother tongue, and their medium of 



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instructions in East Pakistan, so was čase with Sindh. Urdu was hovvever 
understood in big tovvns of West Pakistan, but not in the Eastern wing. 

In March 1948, Quaid-e-Azam toured East Pakistan, spoke to various 
sections of the people, like seasoned statesman and father of the State, 
addressed several public meetings, and also cautioned them against the 
machinations and mischief of the Indian agents, because Indian leaders 
proposed to nip in bud, the newly created largest Muslim Country. To speak 
frankly their hearts were burning with fire due to the existence of Pakistan. 

In Dacca, Mr. Jinnah declared in a public meeting of three hundred 
thousand in unequivocal terms that Urdu vvould be the state language of 
Pakistan. This statement from the creator of Pakistan was unpalatable to 
Bengalis as they did not want Urdu to be the šole lingua franca of Pakistan. 
They keenly desired Bengali also to be one of the two state languages of 
Pakistan. The younger generation was more emphatic about it; as the Bengalis 
were in majority, and they had sacrificed and suffered more than the other 
regions of the United India. The Quaid was undoubtedly a farsighted 
statesman, and seriously thought over the strong protest of students in the 
matter of language. He might have revievved his decision about the language 
issue, declaring both Urdu and Bengali as the state languages of Pakistan. But 
before making any such announcement, he breathed his last. Inspite of the 
deep resentment in respect of language controversy, there were no 
disturbances in Bengali due to the immense respect the Bengalis had for Mr. 
Jinnah. 

In 1951, the legendary political and spiritual personality of His Highness 
Sir Aga Khan gave a very sensible and statesmanly proposal that Arabic be 
made the state language of Pakistan. He vvrote a long letter, vvhich was 
published in Daily Dawn Karachi. This vvriting was of course prompted by his 
deep love for the biggest and the most povverful Muslim State in the vvorld. He 
contended that Urdu was not the language of Muslims and it had developed 
during the decadence of Muslim povver in India, the adoption of Arabic shall not 
be a discriminating and disadvantageous factor to any province, rather it will 
help Muslims in appreciating their own religious and vvould serve as unifying 
factor vvith the other Muslim countries. The proposal vvas strongly supported by 
Mr. Zahid Hussain, former Finance Minister of Hyderabad Deccan, and Pakistan 
High Commissioner to India. This suggestion, if accepted, vvould have buried 
the language controversy and solved this acute issue permanently. But the 
West Pakistan Press and the so-called intelligensia opposed this bonafide and 
most reasonable proposal so vehemently, viciously and vociferously that the 
dissent assumed dangerous proportions, and even the Prime Minister Liaquat 
Ali Khan refused to pay any heed to it; vvith the result that the relations 
betvveen the tvvo VVings vvent from bad to vvorse; and solidarity of Pakistan vvas 
undermined. 



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This dictatorial and diabolical attitude on the part of the ruling elite, a 
minority of five percent of articulate population, the self styled cultured class 
and the literary monopolists of West Pakistan and press propaganda drove the 
56 pc population of East Pakistan, especially the students to revolt against 
such behaviour, for the protection of their language and culture. If the West 
Pakistanis had acted with vvisdom, patience, restraint, understanding, in 
understanding and adjusting the point of view of East Pakistan, there vvould 
have been no clashes and conflicts. The armed revolts started over the 
language issue, vvhich assumed serious proportions; due to political 
compulsions. 

In 1953, the Constituent Assembly of Pakistan framed a constitution but 
it never came into effect as Ghulam Mohammad, the paralyzed and cunning 
Governor General of Pakistan, refused to give his assent to it and he took to 
task the weak Prime Minister Mohammad Ali Bogra from East Pakistan on the 
ground as to why the Constituent Assembly had deprived him of ali the povver 
that he had hitherto been enjoying and exercising under the old constitution. 
The point to be emphasized in the making of 1953 constitution is, that it had 
recognized both Urdu and Bengali as state languages, and if Ghulam 
Mohammad had given his assent to the newly framed constitution, the 
controversy vvould have been solved permanently. But Malik Ghulam 
Mohammad, vvith the proposed deprivation of povvers, vvent so mad that he lost 
ali senses, abused Bogra, and refused to give assent to the constitution. Here 
after vve vvill vvitness bloody clashes over the sensitive and serious issue of 
language, for vvhich Bengalis vvere not to be blamed. 

After the demise of the Quaid-a-Azam, the problems of Pakistan started 
multiplying and vvorsening. Instead of handling the language issue like a 
statesman, Khavvaja Nazimuddin in his capacity as Prime Minister of Pakistan, 
made an announcement in Dacca in 1952, that Urdu alone vvould be the state 
language, a proposition vvhich had been opposed tooth-and-nail be Bengalis in 
1948. This statement added fuel to the fire in Bengal, the Government had to 
resort to shooting vvhich resulted in the death of a number of students. Making 
of such a controversial statement, vvithout preparing any ground or 
atmosphere for it vvas an unpardonable folly. This blunder gave a deathblovv to 
Muslim League in 1954 elections. The agitation continued unabated, and the 
gulf of differences vvent on vvidening day by day; problems vvere multiplying 
every day. 

POLITICAL PWER 

Political povver had always remained the most controversial contention 
betvveen East and the West vvings. The Quaid-e-Azam, Governor General of 
Pakistan did not belong to the East Pakistan and so the Prime Minister Liaquat 
Ali Khan; and East Pakistanis felt that they had no voice in policy making. After 
them, the real povver vested into the hands of Political bandits and Pundits of 
West Pakistan, i.e. Ghulam Mohammad, Iskandar Mirza, Choudhry Mohammad 



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Ali and other leaders of West Pakistan. They were basically bureaucrats and 
became the masters of Pakistan vvithout any elections. Khavvaja Nazimuddin, 
Mohammad Ali Bogra and Chowdhry Mohammad Ali who did became Prime 
Ministers of Pakistan, were mostly infective and they cared more for the Junta 
and never for the people. In 1954, the Muslim League was thoroughly routed 
in election and Moulvi Fazlul Haq, the most popular leader of East Pakistan was 
elected as Chief Minister of the Province; but shortly thereafter the Assembly 
was dissolved and Fazlul Haq was dismissed. Thus the majority of 56 pc was 
being virtually ruled by Punjab. The haughty and naughty bureaucrats of West 
Pakistan treated the poor Bengalis as their slaves and serfs and not their 
brothers, as was the aim and object of the Quaid-e-Azam. The East Pakistan 
was being treated as a colony as Hindus and Britishers had treated it. Not only 
the forest of Sunderbans alone, but the entire East Pakistan was the happy 
hunting ground of the proud, self-conceited bureaucrats from West Pakistan. In 
view of this state of affairs in Pakistan the sensitive and self-respecting 
Bengalis deeply resented and objected to the misbehaviour of the Ruling Junta 
and the bureaucrats of West Pakistan, and they were not prepared to suffer it 
at any cost. The ruling Junta was thus unfortunately preparing ground to 
dismember the country by a subconscious process through their inexcusable 
blunders and behavior. 

The misfortune of Bengalis was that at the tirne of partition, there were 
officers from Punjab, officers from the Indian Provinces, who had opted for 
Pakistan and only two joint secretaries were from Bengal, in central superior 
services. Even the respectable leaders and representatives received scant 
respect or attention from the West Pakistan bureaucrats. I had the experience 
of the behavior and treatment of East Pakistan officers. They were 
unassuming, just, well behaved, patriotic and cultured, they were never 
pompous and proud. 

Due to merciless mishandling of the situation, in Chandragana, in the 
Adamjee Jute Mili, there were terrible riots, resulting in the death of four 
persons. Instead of massacring, if the officials had closed the Mills, the 
situation vvould have been saved. It happened in 1955, and people of Bengal 
were brimming with hatred against the Junta. 

THE ARMY 

In the United India, the Muslims in the army were about 30 percent, and 
they come mostly from Punjab and some from N.VV.F.P. As such after 
Independence, the entire army belonged to West Pakistan. On defence the 
Government had to spend 70 percent of its budget, due to its highly strained 
relations with India. 

In Pakistan, there was virtually no recruitment from Bengal and Sindh in 
the Army. I remember that in fifties, a high povvered committee had been to 
Larkana and Major General Sher Ali was one of its members. Though he 
himself was not a very able bodied officer, I heard him saying rudely that the 



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rules and regulations framed for recruitment by Britishers vvould not changed 
or relaxed for accommodating any Sindhi. Automatically the 56 percent 
Bengalis were ruled out and consequently they were not the beneficiaries of 
the defence budget. In other vvords the same treatment was to be meted out 
to the Bengalis, as had been deliberately planned by the Britishers; as if, it was 
mere change of masters. The recruitment was not to be made for vvrestlers 
and boxers but for intelligent persons who could be trained in the methods of 
modern vvarfare skill and technique. The result was that very few Bengalis 
could be recruited. But the history of our Army will prove that in the war of 
1965, the Bengalis proved better fighters in Air Force and fought like lions. 
Squadron Leader Mahmood Alam of Bengal was the hero of Air Force. His was 
an outstanding name in the Pakistan Air Force. He was a havoc for Indian force 
and had destroyed several Indian planeš. But his services did not get much 
appreciation and recognition as he happened to be Bengali. In the war of 1971, 
the Pakistan Air force made a poor show, it was a dilapidated force as there 
was absence of Bengali brains. That was a big blow to the young educated 
Bengalis who could not get employment in the army in spite of their right and 
legitimacy. 

Eighty percent of the Armed forces hailed from the Punjab and the rest 
from N.VV.F.P, not because people of other province were of inferior stock, 
because the Punjabis were treated as the elite by our erstvvhile masters... 
Smaller provinces had rightful reason to grouse when they found that a major 
part of our budget and of foreign aid was being spent on the Punjab Army in 
addition to other benefits accruing to Punjabis, such as jobs in the Civil 
Services. 

At another plače, he vvrites "Unfortunately other Muslims belonging to 
the West Pakistan Civil Service, posted in East Pakistan, vvhich was devoid of 
any trained official behaved vvorse than the Colonial Masters, thus the major 
population of our country was deprived even of the fruit of freedom or their 
due share in the services or participation in the government. They were treated 
as subject people and were victims of the same deprivation, they had suffered 
under the British Rule, perhaps even vvorse. This colonial attitude vvas the basis 
for the revolt by those poor underdogs in 1971/' Shaukat Hayat vvas a Punjabi 
leader and he had svverved as commissioned officer in the Armed Forces. 

ECONOMIC EXPLOITATION AND DEMAND OF FULL PROVIIMCIAL 
AUTOIMOMY 

Since Dacca vvas separated by a hostile country distancing more than 
1000 miles, and injustice after injustice, insult after insult, atrocity after 
atrocity, vvere being perpetrated on Bengalis, their popular representative and 
Chief Minister Fazlul Haq came dovvn to Karachi "to negotiate the relationship 
betvveen the center and the provinces". VVhile in Karachi, he gave intervievv to 
a Karachi correspondent of the Nevv York Times in vvhich he stated that he vvas 
in favor of absolute autonomy for East Pakistan". It vvas 1954. These detail are 



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being given in order to show vvhether Mr. Bhutto could be held responsible for 
secession by any stretch of imagination. He was not even in politics in those 
times. In other vvords, six points demand or some thing equivalent to that, was 
being demanded even in 1954, for reasons, shovvn in this long chapter, vvhich 
is meant to disclose the real story, that developed every day for 
dismemberment. "Absolute autonomy" was being emphatically demanded by 
the veteran Bengal, leader and Chief Minister Fazlul Haq for the simple reason 
that the East Pakistan was being ruled by the dictators of West Pakistan from 
Karachi. They had no say in their political, economic, social and educational 
spheres. Poverty was so terrible. According to the prominent vvriter and an 
Army Officer from West Pakistan namely Sidduque Salik who was eye vvitness 
to the tragic incidents, his wife employed two maid servants, because she 
could get two maids for the same salary vvhich vvas payable to one in West 
Pakistan. 7 They vvere so hard vvorking, that they used to plough their lands 
even at night hours, but stili the problems aggravated, because: 

1. East Pakistan vvas very densely populated. They needed more help, but 
on the contrary they did not get even their legitimate rights. 

2. They grevv valuable Jute crop and it vvas being exported by Pakistan, 
earning billions of dollars but the foreign exchange earned thereby vvas 
not paid to the East Pakistan and vvas thus deprived of the fruits of their 
ovvn labour. 

3. The East Pakistanis did not get their share in civil and military services 
there fore the unemployment vvent on multiplying every day and it 
became intolerable for the younger generation. They vvere novv vvood- 
hevvers and vvater-dravvers. 

4. The West Pakistan vvas being industrialized vvhile the East Wing vvas 
being criminally neglected. Very fevv industries vvere setup in the East 
Wing, and their ovvners lived in West Pakistan, they did not make East 
Pakistan their home, they did not link themselves vvith East Pakistan; as 
such they vvere no better than foreigners and strangers, visiting and 
doing business in East Pakistan simply for their gains. In fact they 
should have become part and parcel of East Pakistan, vvhich they 
refused to do. The labour of East Pakistan also treated them as 
foreigners and not their ovvn. 

5. Since thee vvas difference in vvealth and prosperity betvveen the tvvo 
vvings, the vested interests of West Pakistan refused to befriend the 
poor but the self-respecting East Pakistanis. The West Pakistanis had big 
mansions, limousines, army of servants, best educational institutions in 
big cities for their children, vvhile the East Pakistanis, vvere unfortunately 
deprived of these facilities vvhat to talk of comforts and luxuries: I 
myself heard the wealthy West Pakistanis calling the East Pakistanis 
Yats', and that they vvere a heavy liability on West Pakistan. Big and 



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lucrative contracts were given to the influential families of West Pakistan 
and the industries were set up by them. The real povver vested in the 
Central Government and the corrupt and proud bureaucrats of West 
Pakistan. Heavy loans were advanced on very favorable terms to them; 
the Bengali labour was paid inadequately saying that they were lazy and 
slack and called them "Bhooka Bengalis." Thus the entire fabulous 
amounts earned by them were brought to West Pakistan. It was a 
misfortune but a hard fact of life that the societies in both the vvings 
were diametrically different; the only common factor was religion. But 
had West Pakistan rulers been faithful to religion, there vvould have been 
no dismemberment; the highly placed Muslims of West Pakistan to a 
great extent were only skin deep Muslims, vvhile those of the East wing 
were genuinely religious. I think that there could be no meeting point 
betvveen truth and hypocrisy. 

CYCLONES 

East Pakistan has been the victim of tidal vvaves, and sea cyclones 
visited quite frequently and besides destroying the houses, properties and 
cultivation, they uprooted hundreds of thousands of human beings and took 
toll of thousands of human lives. The meager provincial resources were too 
inadequate to alleviate the sufferings caused by the devastating floods. Under 
these appalling circumstances, it was the moral, legal and constitutional 
obligation of the federal Government to come to the rescue of the marooned. 
The federal Government was simply oblivious and apathetic to such disaster, 
saying that they were helpless, it was a natural calamity, it was an act of God. 
The assistance that they rendered was quite nominal and never commensurate 
with the calamity, they were simply busy in palače conspiracies and intrigues. 
No attempt was ever made to evolve a permanent solution against this 
calamity, othervvise in this era of scientific advancement and engineering 
technology, it was not an impossible proposition. 



POLITICIANS OF BENGAL SHABBILY TREATED 

AN the top ranking East Pakistan Politicians, including those who had 
made immense sacrifices for Pakistan, organized the Muslim League and, 
follovved the Quaid-e-Azam faithfully, were shabbily treated and practically 
they had no voice in the policies and administration of the country, not even in 
their own backvvard and the down trodden Province; I vvould specially make 
mention of Moulvi Fazlul Haq, Hussain Shahedd Suharawardy and Khavvaja 
Nazimuddin vvho vvere universally respected. 

1. Khavvaja Nazimuddin^ Ministry vvas dismissed by Governor General 
Malik Ghulam Mohammad, a characterless, unprincipled, intriguing and 



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unelected bureaucrat. It was in clear contravention to the constitution of 
the country. 

2. Mohammad Ali Bogra of East Pakistan was appointed by Ghulam 
Mohammad as his puppet Prime Minister, but when the constituent 
Assembly framed the constitution against the vvishes of Ghulam 
Mohammad, Bogra had to suffer filthy abuses from him. He meekly 
submitted to Ghulam Mohammad who was supported by Ayub Khan and 
almost the entire Punjab leadership was involved in fascism. 

3. Moulvi Fazlul Haq's Government was dismissed and the Assembly was 
dissolved in 1954, because the Muslim league was routed in General 
elections in 1954 due to its unpopular and foolish ways in running the 
Government. 

4. In 1954 Tamizuddin Khan who was the Speaker of the Constituent 
Assembly filed a writ petition i9n Sindh Chief Court against the shameful 
dissolution of the Assembly and he won the čase, but the Federal court 
set a side the judgment. Tammizuddin Khan, Speaker of the Constituent 
Assembly, hailed from East Pakistan. When Liaquat Ali Khan, the first 
Prime Minister, publicly abused Bengali leaders after the death of the 
Quaid-e-Azam, was it not a directive to the West Pakistan bureaucrats to 
hate, and disobey the East Pakistan's leadership? VVhile making his long 
speech on llth September 1950 in a public meeting on the occasion of 
Quaid-e-Azam's death anniversary, he openly said about Suhrawardy 
and others: 

"For vvhose benefit, I ask is ali being said? The enemies of Pakistan have 
let loose these dogs that talk like this. I say they are traitors, liars and 
hypocrites." 

The readers vvould realize that the language was not only un- 
parliamentary but also highly derogatory and abusive. The most respected 
leader of Bengal, vvhose sacrifices and brilliance for exceeded those of Liaquat 
Ali Khan, vvas being spoken of in such a foul and insulting language. When 
Liaquat Ali Khan had practically not permitted the revered Fatima Jinnah to 
speak on Pakistan radio on the Anniversary, of her great brother vvhat could be 
expected of him for others. Ayub Khan also felt very happy and elated vvhile 
repeating vvhat Liaquat Ali had uttered about Suhrawardy. This contemptuous 
attitude continued through out by the "big bosses" of Karachi and Islamabad, 
right from 1947-1948 against the politicians and people of East Pakistan by the 
"sages" of West Pakistan. 

AYUB PREPARES FOR SECESSION 

The Artificial Field Marshal Ayub Khan vvas scared of Bengalis. Therefore 
surreptitiously he vvas adopting ways and means to separate East from the 



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West. The politically conscious East Pakistan had no feudal or capitalistic 
society and such society was neither envisaged by Mr. Jinnah nor by Mr. 
Bhutto because they vvanted to establish democracy vvhich was not possible 
vvithout socio-economic reforms. Mr. Jinnah was not in favor of such Pakistan, 
vvhich vvas ruled by feudal lords. Bhutto though a big land-ovvner himself vvas 
also fully avvare of state craft, therefore the steps that he had taken in West 
Pakistan for socio-economic reforms, clearly testify that he vvas in complete 
unanimity vvith Mr. Jinnah. As if in unison vvith the hearts of Muslim Bengalis, 
Jinnah spoke on 24th April 1943 in the 30th session of AN India Muslim League, 
vvarning the absentee land lords as under. 

"Here I should like to give a vvarning to the landlords and capitalists vvho 
flourished at our expense by a system vvhich is so vicious, so vvicked and vvhich 
makes them so selfish, that it is difficult to reason vvith them. The exploitation 
of masses had gone into their blood. They have forgotten the lesions of Islam. 
Greed and selfishness have made these people subordinate to the interests of 
others in order to fatten themselves. It is true that vve are not in povver today, 
you may go anywhere to the countryside. I have visited the villages, there are 
millions of our people vvho hardly get one meal a day. Is this civilization? Is 
this the aim of Pakistan? Do you visualize that millions have been exploited 
and cannot get one meal a day! If this is the idea of Pakistan, I vvould not have 
it. If they are, they vvill have to adjust themselves to the nevv modern 
conditions of life. If they don't, God shall help them, vve shall help them!" 

What Jinnah and Bhutto had said, vvas totally in keeping vvith the 
teachings of Islam, and it vvas a clear-cut demand of Islamic Values. But the 
feudal lords and capitalists vvanted to make a Pakistan a state of their choice 
vvhere the poor could have no plače, vvhere the poverty stricken East Pakistanis 
vvould continue to remain their slaves. Thus there vvas vvorld of difference 
betvveen economies of tvvo vvings, socially they stood poles apart and politically 
they vvere a colony, thus the divided houses of Pakistan had lost its defence 
capacity. 

This vvas the correct interpretation of Islam, the aim and object of 
Muslim League on socio-economic side. If this way of life had been adopted as 
ordained by Mr. Jinnah, there vvould have been rivers of milk and honey 
flovving in both the vvings of Pakistan, God had gifted them vvith innumerable, 
sources; they vvould have lived happily and harmoniously like brothers and the 
question of dismemberment vvould not have arisen. The achievement of 
Pakistan by the Quaid-e-Azam vvas nothing short of a miracle, but the 
implementation of socio-economic reforms by Bhutto vvas a stupendous task, 
and no other leader prior to that had made any serious effort to construct 
Pakistan on those lines. And this is vvhat the Bengalis actually vvanted, but 
there vvas none to fulfill their aspirations, to meet their needs, to treat them 
like brothers. The behaviour of the Ruling Junta and the vested interest of 
West Pakistanis vvas far from the Quaid's concept of Pakistan. It vvas not a 
mere slogan, it vvas not a mere cry of Islam vvithout its essence it vvas not for 



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branding Mr. Jinnah and Mr. Bhutto as kafirs (infidels), they proposed to 
change destinies of the poor. 

General Ayub belonged to a family of mediocre means, but after 
becoming President, he was the ovvner of Gandhara and what not. Mr. 
Mohammad Muneer (Retd. Chief Justice of Pakistan) has stated that Ayub did 
stand for secession of the East Wing. 

"When in 1962, I joined Ayub's cabinet for a short tirne. ..Every day was 
spent in listening to the long speeches of the East Pakistan members, of 
exploitation of East Pakistan and step-motherly treatment of that province... 
none of the members or ministers of the Assembly vvhether from East Pakistan 
or from West Pakistan rose to rebut those allegations. I spoke to Ayub and 
suggested that there could be no fusion or common good betvveen the two 
provinces and vvhether it vvould not be better that instead of putting up vvith 
this nonsense, East Pakistan is to take their affairs in their hands. He 
suggested to me that I should talk about it to some influential leader from East 
Pakistan. One day vvhile I vvas talking to Mr. Ramizuddin, vvho had been a 
Minister in Bengal or East Pakistan, I brought the matter to him. His reply vvas 
prompt and straight. He asked me vvhether I suggested secession. I said yes, 
or something like it as confederation or more autonomy. He said "Look here, 
vve are the majority province and it is for the minority province to secede 
because vve are Pakistanis." 

From the above version, about the truth, of vvhich there can be 
absolutely no doubt, it is abundantly clear that Ayub vvas for secession and he 
had no mind to mitigate sufferings of Bengalis. The Bengalis vvere opposed to 
secession they vvere true patriots, more than Ayub him self, vvhich is apparent 
from the honest and straightforvvard reply of Ramizuddin. 

Field Marshal President Ayub Khan vvas in fact afraid of physically vveak 
but morally strong Bengalis. His friend Altaf Gauhar vvrites: 

"The main threat to Ayub's system, hovvever began to develop in East 
Pakistan, vvhere the feeling of economic exploitation and political repression 
vvas taking the form of a secessionist movement." The irrefutable fact is that 
the seed of secession had been sovvn in West Pakistan, but the undeniable 
reality is that the Bengalis vvere deadly opposed to his system, vvhich vvas 
purely authoritarian and suicidal. 

Ayub Khan proposed to appoint merciless Governors in East Pakistan in 
order to crush the politically articulate Bengalis; it is why he removed General 
Azam Khan from the Governor ship of East Pakistan. Major Jilani vvho had 
vvorked as ADC to 15 Governors of East Pakistan says: 

"General Mohammad Azam vvho vvas Governor of East Pakistan from 
15th April 1960 to lOth May 1962 vvas most popular and successful amongst 



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ali but it appears that he could not be tolerated by Ayub Khan, hence was 
removed on the ground that he was seeking cheap popularity." He had to 
resign. In East Pakistan people called him mother, father of the poor and 
dovvntrodden, veritable Messiah. In their reception, the students said "your 
selfless devotion to duty, selfless efforts and boundless energy to building up 
the nation will be vvritten in letters of gold, in the pages of history." Monem 
Khan the Bengali Governor appointed by Ayub was perhaps the most hated 
Governor to be continued for 6 1 /2 years, from 25 October 1962 to March 1969. 
His Governorship ended with the President ship of Ayub. He was a nail in the 
coffin of Ayub regime." 

There can be no better and stronger proof than Jilani's vvriting who was 
eyewitness to every thing happening in East Pakistan. It proves that Bengalis 
did not want separation, but it was forced upon them by Ayub. The matter 
does not rest here; there are irrefutable fact of history and politics on record 
vvhich prove beyond any shadovv of doubt that there was a preplanned scheme 
of Ayub Khan and some Generals to get rid of East Pakistan. There is further 
evidence, vvhich is provided by Altaf Gauhar. In 1968 he vvas discussing about 
East Pakistan vvith Ayub because he happened to be the nearest person to 
Ayub Khan and vvas also the Information Secretary of Pakistan. According to 
his vvriting, Ayub Khan had plainly told him that East Pakistan vvould not 
remain vvith West Pakistan; as such he had given them a nevv capital in Dacca. 
VVhile speaking to Altaf Gauhar, he said, "My dear fellovv, I gave them the 
second Capital because they are going to need it one day. They are not going 
to remain vvith us." 

Some people are suffering from this misunderstanding that Ayub Khan 
had developed Dacca as a matter of a generous and graceful act to East 
Pakistan, but the disclosure (conscious or subconscious) by Altaf Gauhar 
makes it clear that behind the development of Dacca, there vvas a sinister idea 
of Ayub Khan to separate East vving from the West in a planned method. It vvas 
not love for Bengal but a preemptive act of separation in action. 

SHIFTING OF CAPITAL 

Ayub Khan's most political punches vvere aimed at the poor Bengalis. He 
knevv that his dream to rule Pakistan as long as he vvas alive, could not 
materialize so long Bengal, the majority vving vvas part and parcel of Pakistan. 
The Bengalis though badly stricken by poverty vvere by nature both sensitive 
and revolutionary; they vvere not the follovvers and vvorshippers of Sardars, 
Navvabs and the Army Generals; and the vvere good Muslims, bovving before 
only Almighty Allah. The feudal lords and capitalists, possessing vast vvealth 
vvould make Ayub Khan their worldly god but not the people of East vving. This 
fact vvas evident from the presidential election of 1965 against Miss Fatima 
Jinnah. 



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Ayub Khan ordered the shifting of capital from Karachi to the Potohar 
area, vvhich is now called Islamabad. This move served dual purpose. Karachi 
was 1000 miles away from Dacca, now for Bengalis Islamabad was 2000 miles 
away from Dacca. In Bengali, the vveather is not cold but in Islamabad, it is 
extremely cold, in vvinter, it is a snovv-covered area. The Bengalis are very 
averse to the cold vveather, because it is not bearable for them. What to speak 
of a common Bengali to visit Islamabad, it vvas even difficult for the Members 
of National Assembly to attend it, they vvould fall iN. The result of Ayub Khan's 
policies vvas that Bengalis did not visit the West and the West Pakistanis did 
not frequently visit the East. This behaviour gave rise to tendency of 
alienation, as if vve vvere living in different countries, vvith different languages 
vvith different cultures, vvith conflicting economies, vvith opposite social set up. 
Pakistan had in fact provided us a golden opportunity to be blood relations, to 
speak the language common to both and to have the identical values of life. If 
Karachi vvas becoming over crovvded, there vvere vast tracts of even and 
leveled land betvveen Karachi and Hyderabad vvith best climate ali the year 
round, and to build a capital there, vvould have been financially a much 
cheaper proposition. But Ayub Khan had his ovvn intentions, he constructed 
such a costly capital vvith such palatial buildings that it proved disastrous for 
the economy of Pakistan. Bengalis had no food to eat, they vvere flooded vvith 
tidal cyclones causing colossal damage and Ayub did nothing to vvard off the 
permanent calamity of the fellovv citizens, and brothers. About the expenditure 
on Islamabad Robert Pyne vvrits: 

"Built at a cost that Pakistan could iN afford, it seemed to symbolize by 
its immaculate tali buildings and air-conditioned luxury the gap betvveen the 
rulers and the ruled." 

This opinion is shared by many foreigners belonging to rich countries. 
Islamabad vvas built at the cost of mortgaging the country. 

East Pakistan, novv Bangladesh is really a beautiful land, full of greenery 
and superb scenes, its people are clean hearted, but the smile of their life vvas 
gradually and cruelly robbed by the ruling junta headed by Ayub Khan. 

If the historical facts are clearly and honestly brought on record, there 
vvill be no tvvo opinions about this national tragedy that Ayub Khan vvas mainly 
responsible for tearing the largest Muslim country, vvhich Jinnah had attained. 
Ayub Khan and some of the important Generals, vvhose duty vvas to preserve 
the frontiers of the country, vvere responsible for breaking it. 

SENSE OF INSECURITY 

In the vvar of 1965, the entire Pakistan Army vvas engaged in West 
Pakistan, and in East Pakistan, only one division vvas there to protect, vvhere as 
it vvas surrounded by hostile India on ali sides. If India had vvished, it could 
over-run East Pakistan in hours and it could not have been defended by the 
one division of Pakistan Army. 



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Serious apprehensions were raised by the members from Bengal in the 
National Assembly that they had been left undefended, but to this charge, 
there could be no other satisfactory reply that China had threatened India that 
in čase, Indian Army invaded East Pakistan, China vvould not hesitate sending 
its forces to rout the Indian Army. The Indian Army was already demoralized 
so far China was concerned, therefore it did not undertake the adventure of 
conquering East Pakistan due to China's fear. Hovvever, this explanation was 
far from being logically satisfactory from Bengalis' point of view; they did not 
want to be at the mercy of any other povver how much friendly that might be. 

AGARTALA CONSPIRACY ČASE 

On every front, conditions were vvorsening for Ayub Khan after 1965; 
even his own Electoral College, that is the army was not behind him. In 
December 1967, Ayub Khan visited East Pakistan, vvhere an attempt was made 
to kidnap and assassinate him, but it proved abortive. The news was hushed 
up in Pakistan, but it was published on foreign media, including Radio 
Broadcast in India. The version of Altaf Gauhar who had accompanied Ayub 
Khan to East Pakistan, is as under: 

"Ayub Khan was in East Pakistan in December 1967. He was due to visit 
a paper factory in Chandragona, but the visit was called off because of a report 
that an attempt was likely to be made to blow up Presidenfs plane/' 

The famous Agartala conspiracy čase was disclosed in January 1968, to 
the effect that a conspiracy was hatched for secession of East Pakistan with 
Indian aid at Agartala. In this čase, some 28 persons were arrested. 
Investigation was made by the agencies and they were challaned in the court 
for trial. There was an attempt to kidnap and assassinate Ayub in December 
1967 vvhile he was on tour in East Pakistan. The plot was unsuccessful and ali 
India Radio also broadcast it with the usual exaggeration. It affected Ayub's 
image with his armed forces: he was no longer regarded as "supreme boss." 
This plot and the proposed action did not cause much stir or resentment in 
Bengal, though the list of accused contained the names of Government 
officers. Agartala is a plače in India, vvhere it vvas alleged that the plot vvas 
hatched vvith the assistance of the first secretary of India namely Mr. Ojha. 

But the čase took a very serious turn vvhen Mujib-ur-Rehman vvas also 
implicated as the leader of conspiracy at the tirne, vvhen the čase vvas about to 
proceed. AN the papers and people alleged it vvas a false čase to victimize the 
Bengali Leader vvho vvas innocent and on the date vvhen the conspiracy vvas 
said to have been hatched, Mujib-ur-Rahman vvas in jail. The people got so 
much out of control that they attacked the state guesthouse Dacca, vvhere 
Justice S. A. Rehman, head of the Tribunal vvas staying. With the assistance of 
a loyal Bengali servant, he could escape absconded and saved his life. Mr. 
Manzur Qadir, of Lahore the former Minister of Ayub's Cabinet, vvas the 
prosecutor. As such the Bengalis vvere under this ineradicable impression that 
there vvas a heinous conspiracy to kili Shaikh Mujib-ur-Rahman - the judge 



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was Punjabi, prosecutors were Punjabis and the prosecution counsel was a 
Punjabi. It may be noted that Ayub Khan "had throvvn him into prison in 
October 1958 and released him after two years. Later in April 1966, Ayub Khan 
again threvv him into prison until January 1968. Then again he was arrested by 
some military officers...." 

Under these circumstances, the Bengalis were constrained to think that 
Ayub Khan had decided to kili their national hero Shaikh Mujib-ur-Rahman at 
any cost. 

Ayub Khan was held responsible for ali that he had done against 
BengaTs most popular leader Shaikh Mujib-ur-Rahman. The pages of history 
clearly provide ali evidence that during his regime of more than a decade, he 
had antagonized the Bengalis, at the instance of the most unpopular Governor 
Monem Khan; he was never in favor of Governors like Azam Khan who killed 
the Bengalis with kindness, and won their hearts by generosity. Fact of the 
matter is that the entire country was in suffocation, and especially the East 
Pakistan was converted into a prison camp. 



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CHAPTER 17 
The Abject Surrender 



"He is not dead who depart from life with a high and noble farne; 
but he is dead, even while living, whose brows is branded vvith 
infamy. " 

Tieck 

"Do not be afraid of death, our religion teaches us to be always prepared 
for death. We should face it bravely to save the honour of Pakistan and Islam. 
There is no better salvation for a Muslim than the death of a martyr." Jinnah 
knew well the secret of rise and decline of a nation, therefore, he had exhorted 
the Muslims to be prepared for death because unless the citizens of the 
country and especially the Army / is prepared for death the State cannot 
survive with honour and dignity in the comity of nations. You cannot kili your 
enemy unless you are prepared for death. VVhile returning from England in 
December, 1946 after the dismal failure of negotiations with the British 
supported All-India Congress, he stayed in Cairo (Egypt) and vvarned them in 
clear vvords against the designs of the Hindu leadership in the follovving vvords: 

" I told them of the danger that Hindu Empire vvould represent for the 
Middle East and assured them that Pakistan vvould tender cooperation to ali 
nations struggling for freedom vvithout consideration of race or colour... if Hindu 
Empire is achieved it vvill mean the end of Islam in India, and even in other 
Muslim countries. There is no doubt that spiritual and religious ties bind us 
inexorably vvith Egypt. If vve are drovvned ali vvill be drovvned." 

By the end of April, 1971 the Mukti Bahini forces vvere defeated and 
driven, and they crossed over to India along vvith a number of other Avvami 
League leaders and reached Calcutta vvhich vvas the Capital of Bangladesh 
Government in exile. In the month of May, there vvas superficial peace in East 
Pakistan, in fact it vvas lull on the surface of the political ocean of Bengal but 
there vvere strong currents beneath the surface. According to G.W. Chowdhury: 

"Of course the Bengali Muslims as I have already pointed out, did not 
like to see Pakistan destroyed particularly by Indian forces but Army's 
atrocities left the Bengalis-vvhether Avvami Leaguers nationalists vvith no 
choice. The army's actions particularly Tikka's and subsequently Niazi's policy 
of collective punitive actions" under vvhich village after village vvas burnt and 
destroyed, turned the entire population against the Pakistan Government. " 



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VVhether he was Tikka or Niazi, it made no difference for Bengalis. For 
these generals, there was no distinction betvveen the patriot and a traitor, 
betvveen innocent and murderer, betvveen fair and fovvl because they vvere so 
intoxicated that they had lost judicious discretion and distinction. 

General Niazi enjoyed the self-styled title of "Tiger" and he seemed to be 
an apt choice to tame the Bengal Tigers, "His failings vvhich vvere to be 
highlighted by the December debacle vvere generally hidden from the people." 

About his high character Siddiq Salik vvrites: 

"General Khadim Raja, GOC told me later that vvhen he had handed over 
the command of troops, General Niazi had asked him "vvhen are you going to 
hand over your concubines to me?" 

The Generals of such credential, characteristic qualifications vvere sent 
by Yahya to remedy the vvrongs in Bengal. Birds of the same feather flock 
together. It vvas by the end of November, 1971 that Indian forces started 
surreptitious entry in East Pakistan but openly they had started on December 
3, 1971. In six months' tirne that Pakistan had at its disposal, no serious and 
sincere efforts vvere made by General Yahya and His other friendly Generals to 
gain the sympathy of the people and try to solve the most serious problems. 

The cruel rod of authority and atrocity continued its operation against 
the Bengalis instead of adopting a policy of appeasement, love and affection 
tovvards them - the deeply vvounded Bengalis. The important army officers of 
Pakistan vvho administered East Pakistan, vvere unfortunately short-sighted, 
heartless and ignorant of evil designs of India thinking that ali trouble vvas over 
in Bengal and India vvas sleeping. They vvere foolishly making ali efforts to 
destroy the vestiges of East Pakistan. They Army Generals vvere under this 
self-deceptive, false and misleading impression that East Pakistan had no 
genuine grievances. Their rights vvere intact and it vvas simply on the Indian 
instigation that the disruptionists had risen in revolt and they had been so 
crushed that the crisis had ended forever. But the fact vvas that India vvas 
making every preparation to destroy the Army of Pakistan and dismember 
Pakistan. Unfortunately this impression of ignorance vvas shared even by 
General Yahya before August, 1971. Such vvarnings vvere given but they vvent 
unheeded. Sajjad Hyder vvas the Ambassador of Pakistan in India at the crucial 
hour. He reports that vvhen he got audience vvith Yahya Khan he submitted: 

"After I had explained at some length why I thought vvar vvas so 
inevitable and why my estimation, the month of November vvould be a month 

of peril for us, President Yahya Khan proceeded to dismiss my fears as 

baseless through and through. He said that he had received so many 
assurances from President Nixon to the effect that there vvould be no vvar.... I 
replied vvith respect that preservation of peace betvveen Pakistan and India 
depended besides Americans, on one other party namely the Russian.... This 



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clear enough reference to our unvvise act of summary rejection earlier in the 
year of President Podogorny's proposal to reach a political settlement with our 
brethren seemed to have touched a raw nerve." 

It was enough to annoy Yahya and he ordered to recall Mr. Sajjad from India 
by way of punishment. General Gul Hasan was the Chief of the General Staff at 
that tirne. According to Sajjad Haider he broke into a torrent of complaint 
about the "airy fairy" reports coming out of New Delhi Mission "What is this 
about Sam Manek Shaw threatening to wrap up the vvhole Pakistan in three 

vveeks" I told Gul Hasan, he was free to believe as he liked but that vvould 

not prevent us in New Delhi from sounding the alarm bells, we had been doing 

since March 29 The air of unreality in Islamabad had to be seen to be 

believed." 

THE ROLE OF OUTSIDE POVVERS 

"By July the Pakistan Government had received reliable reports from 
friendly great povvers to the effect that the Indians had begun to prepare for 
military confrontation. The most immediate factor was Henry Kissenger's 
secret trip to Peking via Ravvalpindi. Further Kissinger was reported to have 
told the Indian Ambassador in VVashington after his visit to Peking that China 
vvould intervene if India attacked Pakistan, and the United States might not 
come to India's help as it had done in 1962 and 1965, vvhen it had vvarned 
China against intervention. This caused consternation in India, as their plan to 
dismember Pakistan by direct military intervention vvas placed in grave danger 
by the so-called "Sino-US-detente". Sirir Gupta of Nehru University, Nevv Delhi, 
vvrote, "Hovvever, great the reluctance of the Indian optimist to admit it, the 
fact is that the Sino-US rapprochement has altered the international context in 
vvhich India has to conduct its local struggle and that on the specific issue of 
Bangladesh, the entire vveight of this development can be throvvn against our 
country." 8 On learning about Sino-US contacts, Indira Gandhi vvas at once on 
her alert and she anxiously entered into a treaty vvith Russia for fracturing 
Pakistan. 

Mrs. Gandhi lost no tirne in accepting the proposal vvhich the Russians 
had been pressing vvith little success since 1969 and vvithin a month signed 
vvith them a treaty of peace, friendship and cooperation. Clause IX of the 
Covenant vvhich India admittedly invoked on the eve of her military offensive, 
in East Pakistan, stipulated that in the event of either party being subjected to 
an attack or threat thereof, high contracting parties shall immediately enter 
into mutual consultations in order to remove such threat and to take 
appropriate effective measures to ensure peace and security of their countries. 

After this treaty there vvas perennial flovv of arms to India, thus India 
vvas fully equipped and trained by the Russian experts; even the Ministers 
came to look after the preparations made by India to invade East Pakistan. 
Even othervvise Soviet Russia had reasons to settle her old scores vvith Pakistan 



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and teach Pakistan a lesson for its close political friendship and alliance with 
hostile China; this unholy alliance suited both the big countries. "On this 
serious occasion the aid from China was only verbal or nominal, for vvhich it 
had strong reasons: 

"China gave Pakistan strong verbal support through the period of tension 
but did not give India an ultimatum comparable to the one she had delivered in 
1965. The main reason of course, was that this tirne she definitely vvould have 
to reckon with the Soviet Union, who in 1965 had taken a neutral stance, in 
the Indo-Pakistan dispute. Obviously China did not wish to give that super 
povver a pretext for preemptive strike against the nascent China's atomic 
capability vvhich the Soviet Military Commanders are said to desire so much." 

There vvere only tvvo super povvers in the vvorld i.e. America and Russian, 
Undoubtedly, China had abiding friendship vvith Pakistan but it vvas surrounded 
by its ovvn limitations. China's forces vvere there on the border of India but 
Russia brought 45 Divisions of her army on the border of China. China 
genuinely feared that Russia vvould certainly attack her in čase China attacked 
India. China vvas stili in its initial stages of building up, therefore, it vvould have 
been fatal to fight against Russia directly. 

Though President Nixon of America vvas not in favour of Indira Gandhi, 
his attitude tovvards Pakistan vvas lukevvarm. No material help vvas advanced to 
Pakistan and on the contrary an embargo vvas placed on supplying of arms to 
Pakistan. Thus Pakistan vvas deprived of help both from China and America. 

India had and has never recognized and tolerated Pakistan because it 
stands in the way of her policy of expansionism. Mr. Nixon had talked vvith 
Pandit Nehru on the subject: 

"Nehru spoke obsessively and interminably about India's relationship 
vvith Pakistan. He spent more tirne railing against India's neighbour than 
discussing either US-Indian relations or other Asian problems. He strongly 
opposed controversial proposal of U.S. aid to Pakistan and I vvas convinced 
that his objection ovved much to his personal thirst for influence, if not control 
over South Asia; the Middle East and Africa." His greed for domination and 
expansion vvas insatiable. 

In the very first page of this chapter Mr. JinnafVs opinion about the 
designs of the Hindu leadership as explained in Cairo have been mentioned. 
What he said in 1964, has been proved true in toto by the Memoirs of Nixon. 
His daughter Indira Gandhi vvas even vvorse than her father in this respect. She 
vvas not a brilliant politician like her father but more despotic and cunning than 
her gifted father. To crush her opponents she did not even hesitate to apply 
state of emergency and suspend fundamental rights, send her opponents to jail 
and did not hesitate to put her father's efficient and elegant sister Viiyalakshmi 
Pandit in extreme harassment and misery. President Nixon vvrites about her; 



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"Mrs. Gandhi had purposely deceived me in our meeting. I was also 
concerned that the Soviets had ignored several clear signals from us that we 
vvould react very unfavourably if they supported India in an invasion of 
Pakistan. I felt that one of the primary Soviet motives was to show the vvorld 
that, despite much heralded Sino-American rapprochement, the U.S.S.R. was 
stili the premier communist povver. In fact the Soviet moved troops to the 
Chinese border in an unsubtle attempt to tie up Chinese forces and prevent 
them from going to the aid of Pakistan/' 

After living in fooTs paradise for a considerable tirne, Yahya Khan 
realized that East Pakistan was indefensible, and the military Junta headed by 
him had made the country friendless, and the people of East Pakistan isolated 
from West Pakistan. But the damage so caused was now beyond repair. 

"Finally, Yahya Khan recognized that he should follovv the course of 
action. We had been recommending that he could no longer defend East 
Pakistan and that he should concentrate his force in the defence of West 
Pakistan, in vvhich event, I indicated he vvould have my complete support. On 
December 9, Pakistan accepted the U.N. General Assembly call for a cease-fire. 
India rejected it. Hovvever, and tension vvas stili rising along the border in West 
Pakistan, as I vvrote another letter to Brezhnev, calling on him to join me in 
ending the crisis before vve ourselves vvere dragged into it. I began by stating 
that in our vievv his proposal for political independence of East Pakistan had 
been met by Pakistan's ovvn action. " 

According to Mr. Nixon a question of principle vvas involved and it vvas 
this: 

"It involved the principle of vvhether big nations supported by the Soviet 
Union vvould be permitted to dismember their small neighbors. Once that 
principle vvas allovved the vvorld vvould have become more unstable and unsafe. 

The fact is that America vvas in a position to help Pakistan effectively as 
against Russia but it did not vvant to involve herself in East Pakistan and 
advised Yahya for some kind of settlement vvith Bengalis. Hovvever, in order to 
pacify Pakistanis, he did send his Task Force but everybody knevv vvhat vvas 
that, and it vvas nothing more than a false shovv of sympathy. "At the height of 
fighting in Pakistan, President Nixon ordered the U.N. Task Force of Seventh 
fleet to patrol the Indian oceans, ostensibly to evacuate American citizens, if it 
became necessary, in fact to relieve the pressure on the beleaguered Pakistani 
Forces/' 

But the USA exerted her influence, vvhich ultimately proved fruitful in as 
much as, India refrained from invading Azad Kashmir as it had originally 
planned. Hovvever, Muslim States vvere quite concerned about the integrity, 



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solidarity and future of Pakistan but due to their limited capacity, and the 
countless follies of Pakistani rulers they were helpless. 

"The Muslim states of Middle East felt especially concerned at the danger 
Pakistan faced at the hands of India. Saudi Arabia lent Pakistan 75 war planeš 
in October 1971 and Jordan sent 10 during the war." 

ZULFIKAR ALI BHUTTCS ROLE 

Mr. Bhutto had tried his level best to impress upon General Yahya Khan 
and his cohorts that the problem of East Pakistan vvould never be solved 
through operation and repression. He was openly against the killings of the 
innocents, burning of villages, and rape of the Muslim girls, and thus playing a 
satanic and shameful role. But he was helpless and on the contrary his 
opponents carried on false, and malicious propaganda that he was involved in 
the dismemberment of Pakistan. Had it been so, Yahya Khan vvould not have 
sent him to Tehran for seeking help: 

"Yahya sent Zulfi to Tehran in July to seek more support from the Shah 
for the vvar in the East, vvhich vvould have become more costly and militarily 
exhausting than any of his generals had anticipated. The democrat-controlled 
U.S. Congress had imposed an embargo on shipment of arms to Pakistan as 
nevvs of the genocidal murders reached the vvest. Iran vvas one of the closest 
major storehouses of U.S. weaponry that could be tapped vvithout publicity. 
The Shah, moreover, vvas especially friendly to his Shiite neigbours, Yahya and 
Zulfi. From this tirne at least Zulfi became a close friend of the Shah, inviting 
him regularly to Larkana, feeling he could rely on this nevv Persian "King of 
Kings" for ali sorts of financial as vvell as military help." 

President Yahya also requested Mr. Bhutto to approach China for help in 
this critical hour: 

"Zulfi accepted Yahya's urgent invitations to fly to Peking as Pakistan's 
Special Envoy to request China's Military support. Should India invade in the 
East he vvas promised "everything" by Mao and Chou" 

Bhutto publicly spoke in favour of East Pakistan trying to convince the 
ruling junta that "East Pakistan is in flames, the vvhole country is in ruin. Hovv 
vvill Pakistan be rescued if fires erupt in either parts of the country. And they 
vvill erupt if the people's rights are not reconginsed." 

But Bhutto vvas simply helpless. His heart vvas burning and bleeding at 
the apathy and cruel behaviour of the rulers. Later on Bhutto vvas sent to the 
Security Council to plead the čase of Pakistan, as there vvas none else efficient 
enough, conversant vvith global affairs to fight for Pakistan in the council. His 
role in the council vvas that of a great patriot, an exceptional orator vvith 
impressive and logical arguments, but the matters in the council are never 



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decided by justice, fair play and equity. Hovvever, his historic role was 
unforgettable and vvould form part of the history of United nations. The details 
of his performance will be given to some extent later on in this chapter at the 
appropriate plače. 

From the facts narrated above it is clear that no major povver was 
prepared to help Pakistan in war against India vvhich was supported by ali its 
might and men by Russian. Russian's policy tovvards Pakistan had been hostile 
from the days of Liaquat Ali Khan who had annoyed and insulted Russia and 
preferred to be the Camp follovver of America. Muslim countries though 
numerous in number, were helpless against the super povver Russia. Under 
these extremely exacting circumstances it vvas seemingly impossible for the 
solitary Pakistan to face the joint onslaught of Russia and India. The hostile 
Russian attitude vvas abundantly apparent from the threat issued by Kosygin to 
Yahya "It vvas this meeting that the Russians made it plain to Pakistan that 
simultaneous friendship vvith Moscovv and Peking vvould not be tolerated. Yahya 
asked Kosygin hovv the Soviet Union could insist on simultaneous friendship 
vvith India and Pakistan. The reply vvas "What is possible for Super Povver is not 
possible for a smaller povver/' 

The same unfriendly attitude continued even there after vvhen Pakistan's 
astute Prime Minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto visited Moscovv in March 1972. He vvas 
told bluntly by his Russian hosts. u If history vvere to repeat itself vve vvould 
again take the same position referring to the Soviet role in the dismemberment 
of Pakistan because vve are convinced that it vvas correct." 

WAR 

Jinnah the far-sighted statesman and founding father of Pakistan had 
vvarned the people in his speech on March 21, 1948 in a public meeting at 
Dacca attended by over three lacs of people: 

"But I vvant to teli you that in our amidst there are people financed by 
foreign agencies vvho are intent on creating disruption. Their object is to 
disrupt and sabotage Pakistan. I vvant you to be on your guard and not to be 
taken in by attractive slogans and catch vvords". But neither the future rulers of 
Pakistan, East Pakistan nor the Muslim Leaguers vvho vvere in political povvers, 
listened to the Quaid-e-Azam, vvith the result that Pakistan vvas novv breaking. 

On the morning of 22nd November, 1971, the India troops fully 
equipped and organized vvith a master plan in their hands, crossed into East 
Pakistan under the command of General Jagjeet Singh Aurora on the false 
pretext of emancipating the oppressed Bengalis on humanitarian grounds. It 
vvas a patent high handedness and breach of International lavv by the povverful, 
and unprincipled neighbour vvho othervvise had no right to enter East Pakistan, 
as it vvas an internal affairs of Pakistan. On the other hand, the reigns and 
destiny of Pakistan vvas in the hands of such Army Generals vvho vvere drovvned 



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in lavish luxuries and did not even know the ABC of politics and much about 
their own profession. 

G.W. Choudhury had advised General Yahya in a personal meeting with 
him lasting for three hours: 

"There could be no military solution to the crisis. Mujib must be released 
and talks must begin with him and his exiled Government in Calcutta. The 
Americans with his knovvledge and approval, had already started talks with the 
exile government and the Americans were also being given facilities to 
negotiate with Mujib.... Yahya then told me that he was relying heavily on 
Nixon for the success of this final attempt; the help of Shah of Iran was also 
referred to. 

"Pakistan has a total of 14 F-86 E Sabres so far the Air Force is 
concerned but these few planeš could not participate in the duel because they 
had no night capability. Pakistan had nominal Naval Force. Therefore it was 
impossible for them and unthinkable to face the huge Indian Naval Task force 
vvhich was fully equipped. The East Pakistan was hinging on forty-five 
Thousand military and Seventy Thousand Para Military troops. General Niazi 
was the incharge of the war on behalf Pakistan. Now it was for him to prove his 
moral courage coupled with his guiding ability; and his troops have to prove 
their physical and moral courage and decide the issue. 

The actual war had started on 3rd December and on the first day passed 
vvithout causing damage to runway. On December 6 the Indian M. I. G. 21S 
escorted by fighters came over. The anti aircraft guns tried to meet the 
challenge but in vain. 

The enemy bombers released six modern Russian bombs, vveighting 500 
Kilograms each, two of vvhich fell on the runway." So povverful and damaging 
vvere they, that they made the runway unusable. 22 to 24 Indian aircrafts of 
vvar vvere rendered useless and seven Sabres vvent out of use. On 7th evening 
there vvas vvaive of another attack leaving damaged the airport vvhich vvas 
being quickly repaired. Due to heavy bombing by the Indian Airforce both old 
and nevv airports of Dacca vvent out of action. The fact is that PAF vvith its small 
force had done its duty as such it has no regrets. Under the circumstances they 
could not have vvithstood for more than 24 hours but it vvas creditable that 
they held the fort for 60 hours. Dacca vvas vvithout air cover, the gunners had 
done their duty and their capability vvas novv exhausted. Similarly, the small 
Naval, Air Force vvas practically vviped out by the Indian Task Force. Novv it ali 
depended upon the military and the para military troops to face the enemy for 
quite a number of days. 

General Niazi had pinned ali his hoes of break-through on the West 
Pakistan border but they had failed to cause substantial damage to the enemy, 
therefore by December 6, General Niazi had lost ali his hopes. His courage vvas 



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questionable, he had no planning and he never moved out of his Headquarters 
in Dacca to encourage his Army, vvhich was fighting with ali valour and courage 
in the East Pakistan vvithout guidance and planning. 

TIGER GENRAL NIAZI LOSES ALL COURAGE 

"General Rahim realized that the enemy was advancing along the 
Chandpur road and vvould soon hit his Headquarters. He asked for orders. 
When the request reached Headquarters, Eastern Command on the night of 
December 8, General Niazi was informed about the predicament of his ace 
General. He came out of room vvearing a dressing gown of printed Stain. He 
gave the historic decision. 

"Teli Rahim to comeback to Dacca. How can he stay in Chandpur with 
his back to the river." 

That is how he was conducting war against a superior povver. He was 
perhaps busy with his beautiful concubines that he must have got in heritage 
from his predecessor General Khadim Hussain as stated by Siddiq Salik. But 
the readers will notice that the Pakistan army was fighting heartlessly in spite 
of their inferiority in number as well as arms: 

"It was during this period that Brigadier Klere of the Indian Army sent a 
letter to Lieutenant-Colonel Sultan, asking him to surrender. Sultan gave a 
soldier's reply enclosing a bullet in his letter. He asked him to give up the pen, 
take up the sten and fight it out. This confident reply was enough to prove that 
it was ali well there in Jamalpur Fortress. But something went vvrong in Dacca. 

During the same Period, the British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC) 
announced that General Niazi had flovvn to West Pakistan leaving his troops in 
the lurch. This directly effected his public image and he felt bitter about it. He 
made surprise appearance at the Hotel Inter-Continental on 10 December and 
said to the first man he saw in the lunge 'VVhere is the BBC man"? I want to 
teli him that by the grace of God almighty I am stili in East Pakistan I never 
leave my troops." (It was on the morning of 8 December that Headquarter 
Eastern Command for the first tirne admitted that the situation was extremely 
critical. 

Why had General Niazi gone to West Pakistan? The only reply to this 
question vvould be that he had gone to meet his fellovv Generals in Islamabad. 
He had no guts to fight, no strategy to formulate, no plans to execute and visit 
the fighting areas. The Pakistan Army vvas fighting on their ovvn vvith much 
lesser quantity of arms and number of soldiers and above ali they vvere 
leaderless. General Niazi had no vvill, no špirit, no brain and no heart to 
continue fight. He proved to be a paper tiger. "From ali the evidence available, 
General Niazi kept the surrender negotiations to himself. The troops in the field 
and even most of the officers in his Headquarters did not have any inkling of 



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the messages being exchanged betvveen him and the President and 
arrangements being made for a cease-fire. The discipline of the forces was stili 
intact. Their morale was unshaken. The troops present in Dacca vvhich were 

mostly service troops, were keenly preparing to fight the battle for Dacca 

Colonel Lodhi, GSO-I Operations, was advising everyone that they should fight 
till the last man and be killed rather than surrender. He maintained that such 
an action vvould serve as an example to our future generations. 

The Razakars were offering an example to future generations. "by 
December 10 the vvriting on the wall was so clear that Major General Jamshed 
started exercising his duties as the defender of Dacca. General Niazi was thus 
relegated further to the background. 

Now the options open for Martial law General Niazi were 

(1) to make merry and pas a jolly life or 

(2) to defend his country and die an honourable death. But the continuous 
Martial Lavv, right from 1958, had totally deprived many officers 
specially the senior ones of such bravery and courage; though there had 
been stili a number of officers and soldiers prepared to sacrifice their 
lives for the honour and dignity of their country. 

On llth December, the journalists bombarded him with barrage of 
questions. Replying them he said: "I will fight to the last man, last round." 
"Dacca will fall over my dead body. They will have to drive a tank over this 
(indicating his chest). 

General Fazal Muqeem has made a useful appraisal: 

When the war came in 1971, the armed services were no longer 
professionally oriented. Their involvement in Martial Law and the country's 
politics had seriously harmed their professionalism. The greed of certain 
officers who took advantage of the prevailing atmosphere during 1970 and 
1971 to grab land and money and the wide spread misuses of man-power and 
equipment had obliterated the sacredly held values of a soldier." 

BHUTTCS WARIMINGS AND HISTORIC BATTLE IN THE SECURITY 
COUNCIL 

To give a semblance of democracy in Pakistan, Yahya appointed Nurul 
Amin as Prime Minister and Mr. Zulfikar Ali Bhutto was appointed Deputy Prime 
Minister on the eve of war betvveen India and Pakistan. It vvill be remembered 
that Mr. Bhutto had already "opposed a military solution of the East Pakistan 
problem and he had proposed reconciliation betvveen East and West Pakistan. 
Once he remarked that he vvas vvilling to attend the National Assembly if 
necessary vvith Shaikh Mujib as Prime Minister. 



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Though Mr. Bhutto enjoyed the support of 86 member from West 
Pakistan and Mr. Nurul Amin had no support from East Pakistan yet he agreed 
to be the Deputy Prime Minister under Nurul Amin. 

Opportunism, intrigues and self-aggrandizement were the rules that 
governed Pakistan's politics after demise of Mohammed Ali Jinnah. When rats 
were made free to play foul, when the principles of political science and history 
were throvvn to vvinds; it was natural that survival of such a coterie a national 
coterie-vvould be nothing short of a national calamity. VVithout naming 
anybody, Z. A. Bhutto vvarned: 

"We have been inherited a terrible legacy of unforgivable mistakes. We 
have become ansvverable for the sins of the Old Guard. Superficial minds 
vvithout an elementary knovvledge of politics, vvithout any sense of history, 
have made fundamental political decisions vvhich have brought Pakistan 
perilously close to ruin." 

He vvarned the Generals incharge of East Pakistan, not to take action 
indiscriminately, but take to task the persons vvho acted as Indian agents, thus 
he shared the vievv of G.W. Choudhry: 

"The Army vvill have to act vvith alacrity but not vvith brutality. The rebels 
vvill have to be fretted out individually. Mass destruction vvill not do. It vvill only 
aggravate the problems. Innocent people vvill get exposed to military action 
thereby making them enemies, and further military action necessary." 

The situation in East Pakistan had become so complicated and so serious, that 
the Military Junta felt totally helpless to face it, Even the defeated political 
parties vvere not in a position to save integrity of Pakistan by any stretch of 
imagination. The only ray of some hope vvas Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, vvho by his 
diplomatic skill and experience vvas able to do something for Pakistan, vvhich 
vvas on the brink of breaking. 

He accepted to be the Deputy Prime Minister purely in the best interests 
of state and in order to save the country from total collapse. It may be borne 
in mind that in Pakistan there vvere no diplomats of vvorld class, nor any foreign 
policy vvas there to guide the direction. Therefore, the nervous President Yahya 
Khan requested Zulfikar Ali Bhutto to present Pakistan's čase in the Security 
Council of United Nations. Accordingly he proceeded to Nevv York on 8th 
December. In the Security Council he fought valiant and memorable battle full 
of povverful arguments and marvelous courage as a bravest and seasoned son 
of his soil before the statesmen of the vvorld. The vvord surrender vvas not in 
the dictionary of Bhutto. 

He simply knevv hovv to fight courageously like a hero and die a martyr's 
death. Bhutto had to bear the entire brunt and fight the lost battle on the 
platform of the Security Council. The highly seasoned and practical Foreign 



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Affairs Secretary of America, namely Mr. Kissinger, who knew every politician 
and diplomat of the vvorld thoroughly, made the assessment of Mr. Bhutto as 
under: 

"Elegant, eloquent, subtle Bhutto was at last a representative who vvould 
be able to compete with the Indian leaders for public attention. The legacy of 
distrust engendered by his flamboyant, demeanour and occasionally cynical 

conduct haunted Bhutto with our Government I found him brilliant, 

charming, of global stature in his perceptions. He did not suffer fools gladly 
since he had many to contend vvith, this provided him with more than ordinary 
share of enemies. Kissenger advised him that 'that Pakistan vvould not be 
saved by mock tough rhetoric'. It is not that vve do not vvant to help you. It is 
ali to very vvell proclaimed principles, but finally vve have to assure your 

survival the next 48 hours vvould be decisive. We should not vvaste them in 

posturing for the history books Bhutto vvas composed and understanding. 

He knevv the facts as vvell. He vvas a man vvithout illusions prepared to do 
vvhatever necessary, hovv painful to save vvhat vvas left of his country." 

Here vvas the assessment by vvorld-renovvned politician Henry Kissenger, 
totally free from sentiments, realist and no reason to flatter Bhutto. Mr. 
Kissenger, an expert of highest order, representing the world's Super Povver 
vvould never vvaste his vvords and pay tributes frequently and cheaply. It vvas a 
unique honour for Pakistan to be represented by Z. A. Bhutto in the mightiest 
forum of the vvorld. But the behaviour of the rulers vvas so sad and bad that 
Bhutto could not help his country. On his arrival, they vvere greeted by Agha 
Shahi vvith a copy of message from the East Pakistan Governor. It had been 
delivered at 9:00 a. m. on 10 December, to Niaz Naik, a member of the 
Pakistan delegation by Robert Guyer, Lernder, Under Secretary General for 
Political and Security Affairs at the United Nations. It contains the follovving 
startling proposals. "The details are given in later pages. The proposals 
virtually amount to admission of defeat. Mr. Bhutto fully grasped the advice of 
Mr. Kissinger and he proceeded vvith his performance to plead Pakistan's čase 
vvith his unusual ability and exceptional flair in the Security Council, keeping in 
vievv the advice of Mr. Kissinger. Bhutto rose to speak on the subject after Mr. 
Svvaran Singh, the Indian foreign Minister had finished his arguments. 

"Time is running out I knovv Mr. Svvaran Singh very vvell I am not 

going to indulge in glib rhetoric or semantic contrivances because the situation 

is for too serious. The fat is in the fire and the tirne has come for us to act 

Either vve act individually or collectively.... We have made mistakes, man is not 
infallible, mistakes have been made everywhere.... By the Roman Empire, by 
the British Empire, by every state in the vvorld but states are not penalized for 

their mistakes We are prepared to rectify those mistakes in civilized špirit, 

in a špirit of understanding and cooperation. 

We are too poor. There is too much misery It is unfortunate that 

today vve should be pitted against each other and one of us should dream semi 



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barbarically of the liquidation and annihilation of another It is simply not 

possible, because then India will be pitted against 120 Million people, valiant 
people with a great past, fighting for independence, fighting for their dignity. 
So we are prepared to die. We are not afraid to die. Our people are brave and 
India has a shared thousands years of history.... Believe Mexico might occupy 
Unites States. Denmark might occupy Germany, Finland might occupy Soviet 

Union but Pakistan will not be occupied by India in any circumstances. 

Remember that we shall fight and we shall fight and we shall fight for one 

thousand years as we fought one thousand years in past. We can continue 

So I offer a hand of friendship to India/' The spirited scholarly and emphatic 
statement of Bhutto made a very convincing, and conciliatory impression on 
the Security Council but it vvould not move from its pre-determined designs, 
decided in collaboration and consultation with the ruthless super povver Russia. 

On the other hand General Niazi (Tiger) commander of the East Pakistan 
Armed Forces vvhile ansvvering the questions in Hotel International in Dacca, 
said: "What you fellovvs don't know is our hidden strength. I teli you things are 
going to happen very quickly, amazing things. By tomorrovv the next day the 
vvhole situation will be changed .... It does not matter vvhether we have enough 
men to defend the city. If you stay around, you will see our men dying 
gloriously.... We know what we are dying for. What does the enemy know? 
Remember, even one Muslim is vvorth ten Hindus." 

"We shall give a good account of ourselves. Gentlemen the great battle 
for Dacca is yet to begin." How many knew the 'tiger' of Pakistan was 
simultaneously in communication with India? "When General Niazi returned to 
the Governor's palače, he had many urgent affairs to attend to. The most 
urgent of them was to save his own skin, for he had no faith in the great blovvs 
from the north and south. He was already in secret correspondence with the 
Indians, and he was already preparing to surrender, a fact vvhich he had not 
communicated to Islamabad. 

It was obviously hypocritical and boastful speech of the General Niazi. 
Not a single drop of blood was shed in defending Dacca. Infact, this historic 
city vvhere the Muslim League was born, went undefended and handed over to 
the Indian army as a Christmas gift in a golden plate. What a matter of shame! 
Mr. Bhutto by his eloquent and irrefutable arguments was defending and 
putting to shame the Indian Foreign Minister Sardar Svvaran Singh and super 
global supporter on the floor of the Security Council. Challenging the Sardar he 
roared: "Listen Sardar Svvaran Singh golden Bengal belongs to Pakistan, not to 
India. You can not take away Bengal like that from Pakistan. We vvill fight to 
the bitter end, vve vvill fight to last man. 

Mr. Zulfikar Ali Bhutto knevv that the ruling junta of Pakistan had 
absolutely no political sense and vvas spineless. It had lost ali of valour, honour 
and technique on the very day vvhen they had imposed Martial Lavv in the 
country, they started indulging in the vain luxuries of life. The coterie vvas 



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vvithout any national vision, and imagination. A country vvithout such leadership 
must perish. Therefore, General Niazi's speech was merely misleading, raising 
an empty slogan when he said that ten Hindu were equal to one Muslim. The 
proposition might be basically correct but it applied to real Muslims and not to 
hypocrites and covvards. This was amply proved by General Niazi. Again why 
should Svvaran Singh čare for Bhutto's povverful speech when he knew the 
Pakistani Generals better. They were hand in glove with India. 

Mr. Bhutto did not know what was happening in Pakistan in his absence. 
He did not know that they had virtually surrendered when he was making his 
spirited speech in the United Nations. 

"So what if Dacca falls? What if vvhole of East Pakistan falls? If the vvhole 
of Pakistan falls? We shall build a new Pakistan. We will build a better 
Pakistan.... Mr. President you referred to the "distinguished when his hands are 

full of blood, his heart is full of venom I extended a hand of friendship to 

him the other day.... I am talking as the authentic leader of West Pakistan, who 
elected me at the polls in a more impressive victory than the victory of Mujib- 
ur-Rahman received in East Pakistan.... But he did not take cognizance of it.... I 
say what Cato said to Romans "Carthage must be destroyed". If India thinks 
that it is going to subjugate Pakistan, East Pakistan was well as West Pakistan, 
we shall teli our children, their children (At that tirne Ms. Benazir, his daughter 

was sitting just behind him) we will fight thousand year's war India is 

intoxicated today with its military success So you will see This is the 

beginning of the road. Today it is Pakistan. We are guinea pigs today. But 
there will be other guinea pigs.... You want us to lick the dust. We are not 
going to lick the dust.... I am not a rat. I have never ratted in my life. I have 
faced assassination attempts. I have faced imprisonment. I have always 
confronted crisis. Today I am not ratting but I am leaving Security Council. I 
find it disgraceful to my person and my country to remain here a moment 

longer, legalise aggression. I will not be party to it. We will fight, we will go 

back and fight. My country beacons me.... You can take your Security Council, 
here you are, I am going "Mr. Bhutto had every reason to get angry. He 
contemptuously tore his papers on the Resolution in the Security Council and 
vvalked out of the Council Hali. Ms. Benazir's version is that her father said 
"Now Pakistan will have to face the shame of surrender to India. There will be 
a terrible priče to pay." 

AN that Mr. Bhutto had demanded from the Security Council, "was cease 
fire, the withdrawal of Indian forces from Pakistan territory the stationing of 
U.N. forces and means to ensure that no reprisals take plače in East Pakistan. 
But his pleas fell on deaf ears. 

There could be no better advocate than Bhutto to plead the čase of 
Pakistan against the Indian atrocious invasion. He argued a very important 
brief of his political life vehemently strenuously and logically, but the nasty 
game of povver politics played its part against Pakistan and the members of the 



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Security Council were reluctant to adjudicate this čase of naked high 
handedness and heinous act of aggression with any sense of justice and 
equity. 

The tenor of the Council appeared to be tilting in favour of the 
aggressive India. The vveaker and smaller nations though victimized by the 
bigger, stronger and high handed nations, have never been able to get justice 
from any International forum as proved by the history and their sufferings are 
indeed irremediable. 

Mr. Bhutto had not only to face the problems in the Security Council but 
his own people had created insurmountable hurdles for him. Out of personal 
rancor Asghar Khan and others started criticizing that Bhutto had torn the 
cease fire resolution in the Security Council; vvhile the fact was that he had 
torn and threvv away his notes on the draft resolution of December 14, vvhich 
could not be acceptable to any Pakistan. 

General Niazi who was the incharge of the East Wing Command and 
boastful of his bravery, started shovving the signs of covvardice and defeat. A 
devastating note was handed over to Mr. Henry Mark Paul, Assistant Secretary 
General to the U.N.O. by Major General Farman Ali, Advisor to Dr. Malik, 
Governor of East Pakistan on 10 December: 

Note begins: "It was never the intention of the Armed forces of Pakistan 
to involve themselves in all-out war on the soil of East Pakistan. Hovvever, a 
situation arose vvhich compelled the Armed Forces to take defensive action. 
The intention of the Government of Pakistan vvas always to decide the issues in 
East Pakistan by means of a political solution for vvhich negotiations vvere 
afoot. The Armed Forces have fought heroically against heavy odds and can 
stili continue to do so but in order to avoid further bloodshed and loss of 
innocent lives I am making the follovving proposals. As the conflict arose as a 
result of political causes, it must end vvith a political solution. I therefore 
having been authorized by the President of Pakistan do hereby call upon the 
elected representatives of East Pakistan to arrange for the peaceful formation 
of the government in Dacca. In making this offer I feel duty bound to say the 
vvill of the people of East Pakistan vvould demand the immediate vacation of 
their land by the Indian forces as vvell. I therefore call upon the United Nations 
to arrange for a peaceful transfer of povver and request. One: An immediate 
cease-fire. Tvvo": Repatriation vvith honour of the Armed Forces of Pakistan to 
West Pakistan. Three" Repatriation of ali West Pakistan personnel desirous of 
returning to West Pakistan. Four" The safety of ali persons settled in East 
Pakistan since 1947. Five" Guarantee of no reprisals against any person in East 
Pakistan. In making this offer, I vvould to make it clear that this is a definite 
proposal for peaceful transfer of povver. The question of surrender of Armed 
forces vvould not be considered and does not arise. If this proposal is not 
accepted the Armed Forces vvill continue to fight to the last man. Note ends. 
General Niazi has been consulted and submits himself to your command. 



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Once the cease-fire was before the United Nations, it could not be kept 
secret from the vvorld. Some important foreign stations broadcast its contents. 
It at once vveakened Pakistan's čase at the United Nations vvhere Mr. Z. A. 
Bhutto. Deputy Prime Minister (designate), was pleading our čase to obtain a 
favorable decision. Consequently, a Government spokesmen in Ravvalpindi 
denied outright the cease-fire proposal, at a press conference on 13 December. 
He said, 'I vvould like to challenge anybody to produce a document or 
statement in vvhich even the idea of surrender has been suggested'. Dacca was 
also informed that 'your proposals have gone too far' and that 'you were 
expected to take the decision vvithin the framevvork of a United Pakistan'. Major 
General Farman Ali, is generally considered to be the author of these 
proposals/' 

This note was prepared with the consent and concurrence of Yahya Khan 
and the Governor of East Pakistan. Obviously this note could not remain a 
matter of secrecy from the members of the Security Council. It vvould be a 
fallacious vievv that vvhen the ruling junta of Pakistan had admitted their 
defeat, the members of the Security Council vvould vote in favour of such a 
country in preference to the victorious India and not the defeated and 
humiliated Pakistan. Thus there could be nothing more damaging and 
destructive than the note delivered by General Farman Ali to Mr. Henry, even 
the masterful representation made by Mr. Bhutto could not help Pakistan. In 
čase the damaging note had not been presented and the Pakistan Army had 
resisted for some tirne as it vvas actually prepared for resistance and sacrifice 
of their lives by the soldiers, there vvas every possibility that Mr. Bhutto vvould 
have been able to save the situation and maintain honour and integrity of 
Pakistan. After ali America and China vvere not in favour of dismemberment of 
Pakistan. They vvere keen about some sort of permanent settlement betvveen 
the East and West, therefore they vvere prepared to help Pakistan. But every 
country has its global interests and the American President had to take stock of 
the internal constraints. The Congress in America vvas dominated by the 
Democrat Party, vvhile Nixon belongs to the Republican. Therefore, the latter 
vvas not free from limitations. The cease-fire resolutions vvere also placed in the 
Security Council but they vvere vetoed by Russia as the Russian leadership vvas 
vvaiting for the fall of Dacca. 

PREPARATION FOR SURRENDER 

Yahya Khan had lost his interest in the affairs of the country and 
specially so after 3rd December; and never came to his office." 

Major General Fazal Muqeem vvrites: "The tirne came vvhen the President 
attended the office only from 1100 hours to 1300 hours and as a normal 
practice called for certain files after sunset." 



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The ruling junta through the Governor Dr. Malik sent a flash message to 
General Niazi vvhile disclosing the unclassified signal said: The Governor's flash 
message to my reference. "You have fought a heroic battle against 
overvvhelming odds. The Nation is proud of you and the vvorld full of 
admiration. I have done ali that is humanly possible to find an acceptable 
solution to the problem. You have now reached a stage vvhere further 
resistance is no longer humanly possible nor will it serve any useful purpose. It 
will lead to further loss of lives and destruction. You should now take ali 
necessary measures to stop the fighting and preserve the lives of the Armed 
Forces personnel, of those from West Pakistan and of loyal elements. 
Meanvvhile I have moved U.N. to urge India to stop hostilities in Pakistan 
forthvvith and to guarantee the safety of Armed Forces who may be the likely 
target of miscreants." 

This important telegram originated from Ravvalpindi at 13-30 hours on 
14 December and arrived in Dacca at 1530 hours (East Pakistan Standard 
tirne). What did the presidential telegram signify? Did it mean surrender orders 
for General Niazi or could he continue fighting if he so desires? I leave it to the 
readers to construe the above telegram for themselves and draw their own 
conclusion. Was this conduct in keeping with the courage, dignity and patriotic 
špirit of the Head of the State? Or was a matter of shame. 



SURRENDER 

General Niazi, was very anxious to say good-bye to arms and 
surrendered with ali humiliation and disgrace before Lieutenant General Aurora 
of India. The Indian General entered Dacca with a handful of soldiers and lot of 
pride. That was the virtual fall of Dacca. It fell quietly like a heart patient. 
Neither its limbs were chopped nor its body hacked. It just ceased to exist as 
an independent city. Stories about the fall of Singapore, Pariš or Berlin were 
not repeated here. It was 16th December when Dacca fell calmly vvithout 
resistance, vvithout any scratch Dacca vvas gifted in silver plate to General 
Aurora. 

Thus the "Brave Tiger" of Pakistan Army vvithout shedding a single drop 
of blood made Dacca the old historic city, capital of Bengal a Christmas gift to 
India vvithout breaking even a brick of it. The golden Bengal vvas novv in the 
hands of India. In the 2nd VVorld War, vvho knevv that the Germany vvould not 
be able to defeat Russian, but the Russians fought fearlessly and valiantly, 
there vvas even hand to hand fight in the city and ultimately the Russians 
emerged gloriously triumphant. It vvas better for General Niazi and the 
Pakistan Army under his Command to have died honourable death and lived 
eternally in the vvorld history and the paradise of Almighty Allah. But the ninety 
thousand Pakistanis vvere the prisoners in the hell of Indian j a i I s vvhere they 
vvere insulted, abused and disgraced by the Indians as covvards and shameless 



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people. In the early afternoon, General Niazi drove to Dacca Airport to receive 
Lt. General Jageet Singh Aurora Commander of the Indian Eastern command. 
He arrived with his wife by helicopter. A sizeable crovvd of Bengalis rushed 
forvvard to garland their liberator and his wife. Niazi gave him a military salute 
and shook hands with him. It was heart breaking sight for the Pakistani 
patriots. The victor and the vanquished stood in full view of Bengalis who made 
no secret of their sentiments of love and hatred for Aurora and Niazi 
respectively. 

Amidst shouts and slogans they drove to Ramna Race Course 
(Suhrawardy Ground) vvhere the stage was set for the surrender ceremony. 
The vast ground bubbled with emotional leaping Bengali crovvds. They were ali 
keen to vvitness the pubic humiliation of the West Pakistani General who 
represented Pakistan. The occasion was also to formulate independent state of 
Bangladesh. 

A small contingent of Pakistan Army was arranged to present guard of 
honour to the victor, vvhile a detachment of Indian soldiers guarded the 
vanquished. The historically humiliating "surrender deed" was signed by Lt. 
General Aurora and Lt. General Niazi in full view of nearly one million Bengalis 
and scores of foreign media men. Then they both stood up, General Niazi took 
out his revolver and handed over it to Aurora to mark the capitulation of 
Dacca, with that he handed over East Pakistan/' Ninety Thousand prisoners of 
war were taken, including General Niazi. 

Lt. General Niazi, Major General Farman Ali, Rear Admiral Sharif were 
taken as prisoners of war to India. The vvriter and Army Officer Siddiq Salik 
was also amongst the prisoners. Dacca the capital of East Pakistan, once the 
center of Muslim culture and civilization vvhere Muslim league vvas founded in 
1906, vvas novv in the hands of General Aurora. Siraj-ud-Daula the ruler of 
Bengal had not surrendered and fell martyr to the Britishers along vvith his 
army, never caring to preserve their lives, but novv there vvas no Siraj-ud- 
Daula, there vvere only traitors like Mir Jaffer. Never in history of the vvorld, 
such a large number of the army personnel had throvvn itself unto the mercy of 
the enemy and accepted ignominious conditions. It vvas ali to save their 
temporary lives. Lt. General Amir Abdullah Khan Niazi, the so-called Tiger of 
Pakistan army, had perhaps come for holidaying and taken charge of 
concubines from Maj. General Khadim Hussain. He did not go in the interior of 
Bengal to organize the Army and plan any strategy against a very formidable 
enemy but preferred to remain in Dacca ali the tirne according to Siddiq Salik. 
He enjoyed the hospitality of Indians in the Cells of their prisons and thereafter 
came to Pakistan and tried to become National leader vvith his past glorious 
record in East Pakistan. Had he fought for a fortnight more, the relentless fight 
by Mr. Bhutto for United Pakistan might have proved fruitful. 

The tragedy of Bengal reminds this vvriter about the exhortations that 
the dying Mr. Jinnah, founding Father of Pakistan had administered to this 



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Nation in a mammoth meeting at Lahore University Stadium on October 30, 
1947. "Do not be afraid of death. Our religion teaches us to be always 
prepared for death. We should face it bravely to save the honour of Pakistan 
and Islam. There is no better salvation of a Muslim than the death of a martyr 
for a righteous cause." 

How unfortunate it was that the Muslims of Pakistan and specially the 
Generals of the Army Junta had so conveniently and quickly forgotten the 
solemn will of the Founding Father of Pakistan. 

Z. A. Bhutto had done his best in the Security Council, but it is not the 
United Nations that decides the fate of a country, it ali depends upon the 
inherent strength of a nation as Mr. Jinnah had said. 

TWO NATION THEORY 

Some people vvould argue that the breaking of Pakistan belies tvvo- 
nation theory propounded by Mr. Jinnah but the argument suffers from logical 
and historical fallacies. A true and practical Muslim firmly believes in justice, 
equity and fair play; according to him, "justice is an attribute of God". The 
theory vvould not apply to those Muslims vvho believe in injustice, atrocities, 
tyrannies, immoral acts and their misdeed. It is very correctly put: 

"It is not so much the concept of Islamic solidarity vvhich has been 
proved vvanting, as the un-Islamic conduct of those vvho purported to follovv 
that idea. If West Pakistanis had behaved like true Muslims, they vvould have 
displayed greater brotherly love tovvards their eastern brothers, during the last 
quarter of a century and greater vvillingless to share their vvealth vvith them." 
Mr. Bhutto has very convincingly and strongly repudiated the charge. He says: 
"Despite the fact that Pakistan vvas created by the free vvill of Muslims of the 
Subcontinent, there are many foreign observers, vvho stili persist in saying that 
Pakistan is an artificial state. One may vvell ask: What is natural state and vvhat 
an artificial state? If Pakistan is an artificial state, hovv is Czechoslovakia or 

Yugoslavia for instance to be considered natural states? On of the most 

important states of Europe, indeed of the vvorld, is Germany. Having one race, 
one language and one culture vvith enormous pride in its destiny, Germany is 
today nonetheless divided into the states. Then again the origins of Germany 
are not exactly natural. Had it not been for Bismark and the vvars he fought in 
1964 against Denmark, in 1866 against Austria in 1870 against France, the 
German nation might not have come into existence." 

If Pakistanis have not learnt any lesson from the catastrophe of 1971; 
and fail to follovv the Islamic principles of life, continue in bickering, then the 
survival of the present day Pakistan is too doubtful. No nation can afford to 
break the lavv of nature and expect to live vvith honour, dignity and 
respectability in the comity of Nations. Justice is an attribute of God; and no 
state can prosper or even survive vvithout justice to its components. The pitch 



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dark night of dictatorship for over thirteen years, resulted in the 
dismemberment of Pakistan. God alone knovvs what is in store in future! 

"There is no doubt that the army action had led to the break up of 
Pakistan. Political observers had rightly anticipated that the atrocities had been 
such that it will never again be possible for East Pakistan and West Pakistan to 
live together in a single state. Army action in Pakistan proved to be the last 
stravv on the proverbial camel's back. Consequently, it turned even the pro- 
Pakistan elements hostile and tarnished Pakistan's image ali over the vvorld, as 
well. Yahya and his junta had visualized that the Army action vvould ensure 
Pakistan's unity, but infact it marked the end of United Pakistan/' United we 
stand, divided we fall. 

DR. HENRY KISSINGER ON U.S. ATTITUDE - ALLIANCES WITH U.S. 

"Yahya made numerous concessions at the urging of the U.S., most 
important was his agreement to restore Civilian government in East Pakistan 
before the end of 1971; this in turn vvould surely lead to autonomy. To calm 
the situation, he also agreed to vvithdravv his troops from the borders vvith 
India. Yet Nevv Delhi rejected the moves as inadequate. On November 22, Just 
17 days after Mrs. Gandhi left VVashington. Pakistan broadcasts reported that 

India had launched an ali out offensive against Pakistan But vvhat caused 

the vvar vvas India's determination to establish its preeminence on the 
subcontinent 

Yet our paramount concern transcended the subcontinent. The Soviet 
Union could have restrained India; it chose not to . It had actively encouraged 
India to exploit Pakistan's travail in part to deliver a blovv to our system of 
alliances... 

Nor vvere vve defending abstract principles of international conduct. The 

victim of the attack vvas an ally Clear treaty commitment reinforced by other 

undertakings dated back to 1959. One could debate the vvisdom of these 
undertakings, but vve could not ignore them. Yet vvhen Pakistan invoked the 
1959 bilateral agreement betvveen US as the basis for U.S. aid, the State 
Department vvas eloquent in arguing that no binding obligation existed. The 
image of a great nation conducting itself like a shyster, looking for legalistic 
loopholes, vvas not likely to inspire other allies vvho had signed treaties vvith 
US. The issue burst upon us vvhile Pakistan vvas our only channel to China; vve 
had no other means of communication vvith Peking.../' 

There could be no statement more authoritative than that of Henry 
Kissinger. It vvas a clear čase of betrayal of Pakistan by the U.S. A/ at such a 
crucial hour vvhen the very existence of Pakistan vvas being fractured by India, 
enemy number one of Pakistan. Such sad experiences and tragic events vvere 
bound to guide the Foreign Policy of Pakistan, formulated by its President and 
subsequently Prime Minster Bhutto, after the exit of Yahya Khan vvho had 



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desired to be a descendent of Nadir Shah. But what has been the policy of the 
U.S. during the last three decades? She has always been vvooing India and 
looking down upon Pakistan: It is for the politicians and intellectuals of the 
country to think and act, else Pakistan mighty have to face another tragedy- 
much bigger and much vvorse. 



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CHAPTER 18 

Bhutto Presides Truncated And 

Humiliated Pakistan 

Uneasy lies the head that wears crown! "Statesmanship is the art 
of changing a nation from what it is into what it ought to be." 

VV.R.AIger 

The Quaid-e-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah had achieved Pakistan single 
handed in the teeth of opposition, both from the Indian National congress and 
the Britishment Government, and also by a number of Muslim leaders and 
parties. It was at the cost of this aged and ailing statesman's svveat and tears 
that had reduced him to bones. But in spite of that fatal physical state he had 
to assume the onerous responsibilities of the Governor General of Pakistan to 
kili himself, but save the country. Was it greed of povver as maliciously alleged 
by his malevolent political enemies? No sane man vvould be prepared to accept 
such a malicious charge. The vvhole vvorld knew that India, the inveterate 
enemy of Pakistan, had not mentally accepted the existence of Pakistan and 
they had decided to liquidate it vvithin six months. This unquestionable leader 
of the Muslims of United India and thereafter of Pakistan, who lived lonely in 
the vvorld of his ideas, concepts and national construction, continued his 
relentless struggle to save Pakistan and he did succeed. But after him, started 
the process of political degeneration and debacle vvhich finally and 
unfortunately culminated in the fall of Dacca on December 16, 1971, the 
blackest day in Pakistan's history. The country that vvas presided over by 
Yahya Khan and his military Junta stood dismembered after a most shameful 
defeat of Muslims in the vvorld history. 

In December, 1971, vvhen Dacca vvas about to fall, Yahya Khan 
appointed Nurul Amin, a veteran leader from East Pakistan as Prime Minister of 
his newly formed Government, and Z. A. Bhutto, as Deputy Prime Minister and 
Foreign Minister of Pakistan. Bhutto accepted the Ministership much against his 
vvill, and his acceptance vvas purely from national point of vievv. He vvas sent to 
Nevv York to fight the losing battle of his country in the Security Council, as 
there vvas no other Pakistani vvith such strong nerves and exceptional ability to 
face the heavy odds in the council. VVhile he vvas performing this historic and 
memorable job so courageously and efficiently, the Government of Pakistan 
surrendered vvith ali humiliation before its vvorst enemy India, and Mr. Bhutto 
vvas novv helpless; but stili he refused to be party to such ignorable surrender. 
Yahya vvas not prepared to step dovvn and stili he vvanted to continue as 
President in spite of such an ignominious defeat, a vvar in vvhich most of the 



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soldiers had not even fired a single shot. Most of the officers and army general 
were not prepared to allovv Yahya to continue; and he was forced by Air 
Marshal Rahim and Lt. General Gul Hasan to step dovvn, vvhich he did 
reluctantly. Bhutto met President Nixon who pledged his support to him, and 
he returned to his country as he received message after message to come 
back, for there was none else in the vvhole of Pakistan, neither any politician, 
nor any general, nor any high bureaucrat to take over the charge of the 
truncated Pakistan, vvhich vvas on the brink of disintegration. It vvas not Bhutto 
vvho asked for povver, but the circumstances vvere so serious and critical that 
there vvas no option but to request him for taking over the charge of Pakistan. 
On December 20, 1971, he took charge of the country as the Martial Lavv 
President in plače of Yahya. Since there vvas no constitution, he had to assume 
the charge as Martial Lavv President. He had to accept this office in the same 
way as Mr. Jinnah had accepted the Governor Generalship of Pakistan, their 
mission being the protection of Pakistan. A moment of reflection over the 
historical events vvould lead a person to think that providence had perhaps sent 
Jinnah for creation and Bhutto for preservation and redemption of Pakistan. Sir 
Morrice James vvho had remained in diplomatic services as High Commissioner 
and Deputy High commissioner of India and Pakistan for several years, vvrites: 
"Like Churchill at a similar near-catastrophic point in British history, Bhutto 
possessed the qualities of leadership vvhich his country novv suddenly and 
desperately needed: courage, drive, energy, imagination, eloquence, long 
experience of men and affairs and sense of history." To it, Lavvrence Ziring 
adds: "The scene vvas set for a saviour and Bhutto moved to fill the role vvith 
enormous energy and self confidence. He vvas an indefatigable vvorker and his 
domestic programme and foreign tours vvere ali calculated to create a dynamic 
atmosphere as vvell as a nevv course." The decision of history, backed by the 
political thinkers is that it vvas Bhutto vvho stood betvveen death and Pakistan. 

THE NEVV ERA - BASIC POLITICS ENUNCIATED 

With the assumption of office by Bhutto as President of Pakistan, a nevv 
era ushered in the country, and the nation felt thankful to God that He had 
sent Bhutto as saviour of his motherland. The speech of the nevv President 
vvhich briefly enunciated the future policies and plans of his Government, vvas 
broadcast to the nation on television on December 20, 1971 though due to 
paucity of tirne, he had not been able to reduce it to vvriting. Though it is not 
possible to reproduce his full speech, but some excerpts are given here for the 
benefit of readers. They are applicable even to the present day political and 
economic conditions of the country. He proposed to transform the very destiny 
of the nation and make Pakistan a model and modern state in the vvorld. The 
speech is reflective of his concept, ideas and the future edifice of Pakistan. 
Appealing for cooperation, he said: 

"I need your cooperation, I am no magician, I am a fallible individual 
and vvithout your cooperation, I simply cannot succeed. But vvith your 
cooperation and vvith your support, I am taller then the Himalayas. I must 



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have that cooperation, your cooperation and understanding. You must give me 
tirne my dear countrymen and I will do my best. Ever since my return, I have 
been vvorking round the clock and that is why I have not been able to prepare 
a text for this important statement." It was extempore. 

The humiliating surrender of the Pakistani forces before India, its enemy 
number one, and dismemberment of Pakistan were most painful to honour- 
loving Bhutto. He expressed: "In the first instance let me teli you, I wish I 
were not alive today... I never knew that I vvould live to see the day when Mr. 
Jagjivvan Ram, the Defence Minister of India vvould be saying vvhat he is saying. 
But Mr. Jagjivvan Ram should knovv that this is not the end of the vvorld. This is 
the beginning and he should not gloat over temporary military victory. In the 
vvhole history of the subcontinent, from the beginning of the tirne vvhen 
Muslims set foot on the subcontinent, from the beginning of the tirne of 
Mohammad Bin Qasim, Muslims have not faced such a difficult situation as vve 
are facing today. But the Muslims have a proud heritage in the subcontinent 
and this is only the beginning/' Such vvords of national honour and the past 
history of the Muslims could come only from the falcon of Pakistan. The vvound 
caused by India on his mind could be healed only vvhen he vvould be in a 
position to right the vvrong inflicted by India. 

He vvas novv speaking as a true representative, and an authentic leader 
of the people of Pakistan. Their hearts vvere vvith him, and he opened his heart 
to them." 

"I have been summoned by the nation at this critical hour vvhen vve are 
at the edge of precipice to lead this nation... I am speaking to you today as the 
authentic voice of the people of Pakistan and not by virtue of office that I hold, 
but by virtue of the verdict that you gave in the national elections. I am not 
povver hungry. If I vvere povver hungry I vvould have compromised at 
Tashkent... I have been in jail, I stili have on my back the marks of lathi 
charges. I vvas tear-gassed. Five assassination attempts vvere made on my life. 
I stood by the people. I vvas isolated from those vvho matter in the land. The 
press gave ali sorts of vvrong impressions. They distorted my statements... I 
vvant the flovvering of society. I vvant initiative in the hands of people... This is 
the way, civilized countries are run. Civilizations means civil rule. Civilization 
means institutions. Civilization means democracy... vve have to rebuild 
confidence. We have to rebuild hope in the future. We have to rebuild situation 
in vvhich common man, the poor man in the street, can teli me to go to hell. "I 
do not believe you" and "I do not like you." We have to make government 
accountable." This vvas the voice of his heart. He vvanted to make a state of 
that pattern, in vvhich people vvould be masters of the state and run it in a 
most civilized manner, and make Pakistan blossom like a flovver. 

But the leader of the people (Quaid-e-Awam) had not forgotten his 
mothers and sisters in East Pakistan, vvho had suffered beyond any calculation. 
He had never forgotten their sacrifices for Pakistan. He vvanted to be vvith 



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them. He said with heavy heart: "Novv my heart and the heart of my friends 
are with our brothers in East Pakistan. East Pakistan is an inseparable and 
indissoluble part of Pakistan. The heroic people of East Pakistan had a great 
role to play in the creation of Pakistan. They are the majority of our land and I 
am fully convinced that they want to remain with us. I appeal to them not to 
forget us but forgive us if they are angry with us. "Is it imaginable that the 
false allegations leveled against Bhutto by the "false friends of East Pakistan 
could be true. "His heart was bleeding over the separation of his sincere and 
sad brothers and he was pleading to them for forgiveness. 

He had not forgotten the Armed Forces of Pakistan who were rotting in 
the prisons of India for the commissions and commission of their luxury-loving 
Generals. He now vovved to do every thing possible for them. "I have just 
taken over, but I will see that there is an honorable return to normal conditions 
and that you are not humiliated. Your humiliation is our humiliation, and we 
will bend backvvards to see that not a moment is vvasted for the correct 
results... But we must be given opportunity to negotiate settlement betvveen 
ourselves vvithin the concept of one united Pakistan But having said that, I say, 
we are prepared to discuss the modalities for future arrangements vvithout 
conditions. The only condition is that this should be vvithin the framevvork of 
one Pakistan. It can be very loose arrangement but must be vvithin the concept 
of Pakistan and vve must be given opportunity to that. Settlement betvveen 
East and West Pakistan, must come about betvveen the leaders and people of 
East Pakistan and leaders and people of West Pakistan, vvithout any foreign 
interference and certainly vvithout Indian occupation." 

It vvas a very vvise and statesmanly suggestion as he believed in one 
Pakistan and any intervention by India according to him vvould create further 
complications. Encouraging his Armed Forces, Bhutto said "The truth is that 
Pakistanis are one of the best fighters in the vvorld. And vvhen I say that, these 
are not the vvords of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto. These are the vvords of a distinguished 
foreign General, a great British General vvho said that the vvorld has not seen a 
better infantry soldier than the Pakistani. So please do not lose heart." 

"I appeal to my young friends in the armed forces. I appeal to the 
Javvans that vve vvill redeem this day. We vvill take revenge and vve vvill see to it 
that this temporary humiliation is put right, if of course India vvants to go on 
the path of revenge, if India does not vvant cooperation and understanding 
based on justice and equity; based on the rights of Pakistan and rights of the 
subcontinent, because vve live in the same continent." It vvas crystal clear that 
Bhutto undoubtedly felt himself vvounded deeply, but he vvas neither subdued 
nor demoralized. He stood for revenge, not based on hatred but for justice and 
equity. He never considered his life dearer than the national honour of his 
motherland. 

The Quaid-e-Awam squarely and stoutly pleaded for the political, 
economic and social rights of the labourers and the tillers of the soil. He keenly 



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desired a very substantial increase in the production for vvhich the cooperation 
of the toiling class was badly needed; he was the last man to tolerate the 
merciless attitude of the big landlords and the industrialists tovvards those who 
formed the backbone of Pakistan's economy. He seriously vvarned: "For 
economic and social justice, I will move as fast as necessary to see the burden 
of the common men lifted. I will move as fast as necessary to see that the 
disparities are removed. I will move as fast as necessary to see to it that 
corruption, nepotism and mal-administration are handled, and when I say I 
mean that. I mean it. I know we have been using these vvords loosely in the 
past. But I will come down with a very heavy hand on corruption. I warn the 
bureaucracy to do its job, to do its duty like I work day and night. I expect the 
bureaucracy to day and night. I am a man who vvorks 24 hours a day. For me, 
there is no question of sleep or rest and I expect the bureaucracy to do the 
same. The tea parties must come to an end. The bluff and bravado must stop." 

It was a very plain speaking; he was one of the most hardvvorking 
politicians in the Indo-Pakistan subcontinent. He was against corruption and 
nepotism like Founder of the State. Here we see him speaking in the similar 
vein and tone. 

Zulfikar Ali Bhutto assured the common men that they vvould be 
respected and never humiliated, as was always being done ali along in the 
past. "First thing is that I want to ensure the security of the common man, the 
respect of the common men/' The common men, the poor men, the peasants 
and the laborers have been subjected to too much humiliation. The vvhole 
nation has been humiliated for 24 years, Pakistan as a nation vvould not have 
been humiliated today." 

It is also very important to note that he assured the common man that 
his family members vvould never interfere vvith the administration, and no favor 
vvould be given to them. It has always remained a prominent feature in 
Pakistan's political life that the "Charity at home" vvas the firs and the foremost 
principle, and it is being acted upon vvith vengeance after the Quaid-e-Awam 
(leader of the people), "My family is the people of Pakistan. No body vvill do 
"Sifarish" through my relations or through people knovvn to me or through my 
party. I vvill never brook that, because the people of Pakistan are my family... 
You can rest assured that I have got children and I have got vvife. They vvill not 
come into the picture. They vvill be novvhere in the picture and if my children 
and my vvife think that they can exploit my position, they are sadly mistaken" 
Everybody knovvs that neither his spouse nor his children exploited or misused 
the high position of Mr. Bhutto, and no stigma vvas caused by them; and none 
in Pakistan could claim to influence his decisions. 

He appealed vvith ali earnestness to the industrialists to behave as 
humanitarian and true patriots vvith the labourers. "I vvould novv appeal to the 
industrialist class. I vvill teli the industrialist class. "Do not have lockouts, do 
not throvv out labourers, because labourers are our masters". I vvill teli the 



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labour community "Please be a little patient. We will do every thing in our 
povver to put resources of the nation at your disposal, because you are 
producers of vvealth, and have nothing to fear". To ali those who work with 
their hands, ali those who toil, "Please do not fear, our Pakistan has came into 
being today. This applies to every segment of society. Also I teli the farmers, 
"You are the backbone of our nation. You will not be ejected by VVaderas. You 
will not be ejected by Zamindars. You will have your rights". Thus President 
Bhutto pledged to guarantee the rights of the labourers and the peasantry; and 
it was some thing novel in Pakistan. He further vvarned the industrialists and 
capitalists against flight of capital from Pakistan, because they had been 
transferring their assets from Pakistan due to uncertainty, due to lack of any 
financial and economic system in the country. It had become a land of looting 
and dacoity as if it was being run vvithout any constitution. Jungle Law was 
prevailing ali along and throughout the country. 

He was never oblivious to the študent community, because he knew that 
"Child of today is father of tomorrovv" These students vvould be the leaders and 
run the country vvhile thanking them, he assured the students, "I am thankful 
to you, My students are my children. I told the študent community that we will 
not interference with your internal politics. I have no party in the študent 
community. VVhichever party wins elections, vvhichever party gains in the 
students community we will allovv the študent community to flourish, to come 

to its own decisions. Those are the elite They are the masters of tomorrovvs. 

I am going to every university in Pakistan To the students I say " I am 

going to bring many reforms in educational fields, and I will make you the 
masters of your destiny, but that destiny is the destiny of Pakistan, so that I 
know that you will reciprocate with the same sense of responsibility" He 
vvanted to inculcate the sense of responsibility, hard work and patriotism in the 
študent community in order to make Pakistan a land of glory and greatness. 

President Bhutto was an exceptionally hard-working genius. Therefore 
he vvould love talented Pakistanis to serve the nation. He appealed them to 
come back and make Pakistan a real Paradise. "I vvant the talent of Pakistan 
internally. I vvant the talent of Pakistan that is outside Pakistan. I vvant to dravv 
in the talent of Pakistan to responsible positions. Not on the basis of "Sifarish" 
or favouritism but on the basis of talent. I appeal to the talent of Pakistan to 
come and help me. I am an individual. I can not do this ali by myself. I vvant 
you ali to come and help me. 

After assuming the responsibilities as President of Pakistan he decided to 
remove the ban on the National Avvami Party that had been founded by Khan 
Abdul Ghaffar Khan, father of Wali Khan. Bhutto had acute political differences 
vvith them as they had opposed the creation of Pakistan and vvere propagating 
for "Pakhtoonistan". But as a matter of good-vvill and for the smooth running of 
the country he lifted the ban, saying "I vvill also like to say that I am 
vvithdravving the ban on the National Avvami Party. Novv, I knovv that there are 
misgivings, many controversies, but I have done it in good faith. I am doing it 



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in good-faith. I will start with a clear slate. I am assuming that we ali are 
patriots and that we ali want to serve Pakistan. So I am withdrawing the ban 

on the NAP " President Bhutto had differences with the NAP and many 

persons were against it. It had the reputation of being pro-India, and specially 
on the tragic occasion of dismemberment of Pakistan by India through a highly 
aggressive invasion and armed conflict. This was clear evidence of his 
magnanimity and liberality. 

Foreign policy of a country is a most delicate and difficult subject and is 
to be dealt with ali čare and caution; every Tom, Dick and Harry cannot handle 
it. President Bhutto had ali experience of it. VVithout committing himself, he 
said, "Foreign policy has to be recast and redone. It will be naturally an 
independent foreign policy motivated tovvards the higher interest of Pakistan. 
Foreign policy vvhich is positive and vvhich is constructive. I do not want to say 
much more on this sensitive subject. But this much I like to say that we want a 
constructive and a positive foreign policy". He had ali experience and ability in 
the maters of foreign affairs and he was the most competent man in Pakistan 
on this subject. 

Finally he held out an assurance to the depressed citizens of his country 
vvithin the broad and precious Islamic principles to serve his country with ali 
devotion and vvorking day and night for it. "I am simply nobody. I cannot be 
carried on a gun or a bayonet; I can only be carried in your heart. I will never 
deceive you. I will not betray you. I will stay by the people. We will march to a 
great and more glorious Pakistan. This we will do because we have faith in 
Islam vvhich is the last message of God. Islam that gave brotherhood, equality 
and a feeling of tolerance and association. Inshallah Ta'ala vve vvill triumph. I 
have no doubt in my mind." Bhutto had very strong faith in Allah Almighty and 
his message that came in the shape of Islam. He vvas looking for the day vvhen 
Islam vvould be the driving force of the vvorld politics. But the Islam that he 
had spoken of, vvas not the narrowly interpreted religion consisting of mere 
dogmas and rituals but a povverful polity and an irresistible force that vvould 
give guidance and happiness to the anguished mankind. Bhutto vvas true to his 
promise. He did not deceive any one but he vvas deceived by others. 

APPOINTMENT OF HIS LIEUTENANTS 

It vvas his immediate necessity to appoint the Governors and his cabinet 
for running the country. He made follovving appointments. 

CABINET. 

Mr. J.A. Rahim, Minister for 

Presidential Affairs, Culture, Planning and Agrovilles 
Mian Mahmood Ali Qasuri 

Minister of Lavv and Parliamentary Affairs. 



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Mr. Justice (Retd) Faizullah Kundi, 

Minister for Establishment 

Dr. Mubashir Hasan, 

Minister for Financial and Economic Affairs, and Development 

Shaik Mohammad Rashid, 

Minister for Social VVelfare, Health and Family Planning 

Raja Tridev Roy, 

Minister for Minority Affairs 

Mr. Ghulam Mustafa Jatoi, 

Minister for Political Affairs, Communication and National Resources 

Malik Meraj Khalid, 

Minister for Food, Agriculture and Underdeveloped Areas. 

Mr. Abdul Hafeez Pirzada, 

Minister for Education, Information and Broadcasting 

Mr. Mohammad Hanif, 

Minister for Labour, VVorks and Local Bodies. 

Minister from N.VV.F.P and Balochistan, Minister for the portfolios of 
Commerce and Industries, Tribal Affairs and Kashmir were to be made shortly. 

GOVERNORS OF THE PROVINCES 

Mr. Ghulam Mustafa Khar 

Governor of Punjab 

Mr. Mumtaz Ali Bhutto 

Governor of Sindh 

Mr. Hayat Mohammad Sherpao 

Governor N.VV.F.P. 

Srdar Ghous Baksh Raisani 

Governor of Balochistan 

Mr. Yahya Bakhtiar, prominent Barrister from Quetta was appointed 
Attorney General of Pakistan. Mr. Nurul Amin, the Veteran Politician and former 
Chief Minister of East Pakistan, was svvorn in as Vice President, though the post 
was not specified anywhere. 

RELEASE OF MUJIB-UR-RAHMAIM 

In March 1971, Mujib had been arrested from Dacca for the offence of 
sedition and brought to VVest Pakistan vvhere he was in prison for trial. The trial 
ended in death sentence in August 1971 and Mujib was avvaiting his hanging. 
General Yahya vvanted to execute him, but the sentence could not be carried 
out as Bhutto had strongly opposed such a foolish and impolitic action as its 
consequences vvould have been shocking and shuddering. On January 8, 
President Bhutto released Mujib unconditionally and he was treated with ali 
honour that he deserved as an undisputed leader of the people of East 
Pakistan. Bhutto reguested him very earnestly and emphatically not to 



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separate Bengal permanently and for ali purposes from the West, and appealed 
to him for some type of confederation. He gave option to Mujib to accept any 
of the two main posts in the government, either President or Prime Minister 
But Mujib expressed his inability to commit as he was out of touch with his 
people. The Muslims of East Pakistan were so averse and antagonistic to the 
West, and specially against the Punjabi generals and commanders for their 
atrocities, that it was impossible even for Mujib to manage any kind of loose 
confederation with the West. On January 10, he declared before a big crovvd 
that had gathered at Dacca Airport to greet and vvelcome their great leader, 
that ali links betvveen Bangladesh and the West Pakistan had come to an end 
for good. Several countries of the vvorld, including Britain, recognized 
Bangladesh. Of course the United States, China and the Muslim Countries 
vvithheld their recognition. Compelled politically, President Bhutto took his 
country out of the Commonvvealth on January 30, 1972, due to its recognition 
of Bangladesh vvithout even consulting Pakistan, member of the 
Commonvvealth. 

Novv the people of Bangladesh don't repent for their separation from the 
West They feel happy. They feel that there is equal treatment for ali. There are 
no capitalists, no big landlords, no nationalities and comparatively they are 
better Muslims too. They have been protesting against the anti-Muslim attitude 
of the Indian government in a more befitting manner and holding big religious 
rallies in their country. 



NATIONALISATION AND LAND REFORMS 

In the regime of Ayub Khan and Yahya Khan, the finance and economy 
of Pakistan vvas controlled by twenty-two families and they vvere the defacto 
rulers of Pakistan. In 1959, Ayub Khan had introduced land reforms in the 
country, ostensibly to benefit the peasantry, but virtually these reforms 
benefited the big landlords. So these vvere the eye vvash reforms. President 
Bhutto taking advantage of his unquestionable povvers under Martial Lavv, 
nationalized the big industries under the Economic Reforms Order of January 1, 
1972. 

Resultantly iron and steel, the assembly and manufacture of automobiles 
and trucks, heavy engineering, cement, gas, electricity oil refineries and basic 
Chemicals vvere brought under the state control. Later, on 18th March life 
Insurance business vvas also nationalized, and so also the banks. Bhutto vvas 
trenchantly criticized by the industrialists that it vvas not done in the national 
interest but simply to hit hard the industrialists, divest them of their political 
povver and strengthen the landlord community as he himself vvas a big land 
holder. But this criticism could be conveniently repelled as he had reduced the 
holdings of the landlords substantially vvithout any provision for the 
compensation of the surrendered land. His ovvn family had also to surrender 



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thousands of acres of fertile land. By these Industrial reforms, the labourers 
benefited a good deal. They were no more at the mercy of the industrialists 
who could throvv them out at any tirne vvithout any legitimate reason and 
rhyme. The state gave more facilities and provided better vvorking conditions 
for the labour community. There is no doubt that the idea behind 
nationalization was laudable, but many of those who managed the mills after 
nationalization were not efficient and honest enough to look after the business; 
and many lacked motivation from national point of view. But it did not mean 
that no improvement could be brought in the vvorking of the nationalized mills. 
It vvas only a matter of tirne. The aim and objective of Bhutto behind the 
nationalization vvas more production, better facilities for the labourers and 
equitable distribution of vvealth. He had novv taken a silent and peaceful 
programme of economic revolution in hand. But thereby he turned the 
industrialists of his country as his unforgiving enemies. 

Hovvever, the undeniable outcome of these reforms is that the 
industrialists and the landlords lost much of their grip over the labourers and 
peasants. They vvere no more masters of their employees and the peasantry to 
dictate terms and orders. Their relations vvere regulated by a nevv lavv. The 
vvorking class felt itself more secure and confident. Many landless haris became 
small landholders vvithout paying a penny for it. Therefore their economic 
conditions vvere substantially improved. It vvas a healthy step tovvards political 
consciousness and democratic process. But President displeased the big 
landlords too. Hovvever, the fact remains undeniable that the part played by 
bureaucrats in carrying out the schemes remained far from satisfactory. 

HAMOOD-UR-RAHMAN COMMISSION 

On assuming the reigns of Martial Lavv government, President Bhutto 
knevv no rest or sleep; vvhile his predecessor general Yahya and his cohorts 
during the most critical days vvhen the very existence of Pakistan vvas seriously 
threatened, had fully and criminally absorbed themselves in merry-making and 
indulged in shameful luxuries. 

On December 24, 1971, on the 4th day of his office, he appointed a 
commission of enquiry to examine the facts and circumstances that had led to 
the defeat and dismemberment of Pakistan. It comprised Mr. Justices Hamood- 
ur-Rahman, Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of Pakistan and the Chief 
Justices of Lahore and Sindh; it is knovvn as Hamood ur Rahman Commission. 
Mr. Justice Hamood ur Rahman vvas of Bengali origin and a highly reputed and 
hard vvorking Judge of Pakistan. They made thorough enquires as far as 
possible and submitted their report on July 8, 1972 to the President. On return 
of the prisoners of vvar from India, and eight vveeks vvere allovved to them to 
record the evidence of prisoners, as a result, more facts vvere added in the 
report. This vvas a very important report prepared by the Chief Justices after 
full enquiry about the most humiliating national tragedy that shook the people 
of Pakistan. 



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It was a matter of utmost importance to take the people of the country 
into confidence, and apprise them how and why the Pakistani nation suffered 
such a degradation and humiliation vvhich had made them a laughing-stock in 
the vvorld. The commission was appointed with this purpose of informing the 
nation how this tragedy had happened. But the report did not see light of the 
day and President Bhutto did not make it public. His adversaries started tirade 
of misleading propaganda that Bhutto did not publish the report because he 
himself was responsible for the miseries of East Pakistanis and the 
dismemberment of the country. It is absolutely untrue. The fact was that the 
army generals were against the publication of the report, and President Bhutto 
could not disregard their stand. He had his own limitations. If Bhutto had really 
been responsible for tearing Pakistan asunder as alleged by his opponents, he 
vvould not have appointed the Chief Justices on this commission immediately 
after the dismemberment. Many, and especially the leftists had been 
demanding the publication of commission's report for judging the role played 
by the army, because there was intensely venomous international propaganda 
that three million people had been butchered by the army. A documentary film 
was shovvn in those days by the Pakistan T. V regarding the humiliating 
surrender of the Pakistan armed personnel before General Aurora of India. 
President Bhutto had hosted a dinner in Murree, and he had invited senior 
army officers also in that function. After dinner, the Army officers strongly 
protested against the exhibition of the documentary, vvhich vvas nothing short 
of a shameful and scandalous spectacle. Thereafter, it vvas never shovvn on the 
P. T. V. The vvhole vvorld had vvitnessed the dismemberment drama through 
films outside Pakistan; but the Pakistan, vvho vvere most concerned vvith this 
heart-renting tragedy vvere kept in dark about it. The readers knovv it vvell that 
the report vvas not published even after the exist of Bhutto from povver. If 
Bhutto had been responsible for the separation of East Pakistan by the 
commission, his most hostile successors vvould not have hesitated from 
publishing it. It is a most shameful and totally unbelievable lie of his 
adversaries to shift the charge for vvhich Bhutto vvas not at ali responsible. 



ORGAIMISATION OF THE ARMED FORCES 

Pakistan vvas novv reduced to West Pakistan only, vvhich vvas not even 
half of the original Pakistan. As a result of clumsy and cowardly behaviour of 
the general incharge of Pakistani forces in East Pakistan, the Pak military had 
to surrender before the Indian general vvithout real resistance against the 
enemy and they vvere lodged in Indian prisons. This disgraceful surrender had 
a very demoralizing effect on the entire armed forces of Pakistan. 

Bhutto vvas avvare of these facts more than anybody else. In his very 
first speech as President he had encouraged the armed forces that they are 
always guardians of the frontiers of their country. He had vovved to take 
revenge, in čase India did not decide the mutual disputes in a just and 



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equitably manner. It is rightly said that to a void a vvar, the best way is to 
prepare for War. Now President Bhutto proposed to reorganize the disarrayed 
forces on modem and scientific lines. Pakistan had the best stuff, but the 
vvoeful lack of organization, equipment and encouragement had rendered it 
ineffective. 

There was one Commander-in-Chief for ali the Forces, that is Land 
Forces, Air Force and Naval Force. The job and duties of each force are of 
different in nature and character. As such the Pakistan military was now 
reorganized and headed by different Chiefs and they were. Chief of the Army 
Staff, Chief of the Naval Staff and Chief of the Air Force. These Chiefs were 
now made directly responsible to the Chief Executive of State, that is the Prime 
Minister. This division was in fact necessary for greater efficiency and better 
discipline. In numbers and equipment, India had a much superior force, and it 
was aided and supported by povverful countries. Bhutto had to invent means 
and methods to face India successfully and restore national honour that had 
been lost in the wars of 1965 and 1971. He therefore re-organised the Armed 
Forces of Pakistan that were in a torn and tattered form. Some people allege 
that it was a blunder on the part of Bhutto to make the Army so povverful. 
According to them, the Province of Sindh had no representation in the army, 
they vvere hardly one percent. Therefore Bhutto vvas unprotected in čase the 
army instead of fighting for a cause, thrust coup on country. They contend that 
his fate vvould not have been so tragic if he had thought of his ovvn survival 
and Sindh had given representation in the Army like N.VV.F.P. another minority 
province of Pakistan. Bhutto did not belong to this school of thought. He vvas a 
brave national leader vvith broad thinking. He always kept national interests 
above regional, provincial or personal interests. As a študent of history and 
politics he vvas fully avvare of frailties and treacheries but as head of the state, 
he had to take čare of his country first. Kashmir vvas always upper most in his 
mind and he vvanted to capture it and emancipate its people at any cost. And 
he had decided to fight for their righteous cause. Fruitless talks and 
negotiations vvere merely vvasting of tirne and they vvere meaninglessly 
continuing for decades. The cause of Kashmir, according to Bhutto, could be 
solved only through force; and the use of force for a right cause, and dying for 
a right cause is sine qua non for an honourable nation. Perhaps he did not even 
imagine that regionalism vvould prevail over nationalism for some tirne. 

For the sake of discipline, President Bhutto had to change the 
commanders. The attitude of General Gul Hasan and Air Marshal Raheem Khan 
vvas that of a king-maker; they vvould try to foist their ovvn vievvs, go their ovvn 
way and even flout the President at times. President Bhutto could not be taken 
for granted like the past Prime Ministers of Pakistan. Their attitude tended to 
vveaken the Army organization, and affect the recently started democratic 
process quite adversely. Therefore, they vvere ousted out of the army and 
dispatched as ambassadors to Europe much against their vvill. Thus they vvere 
left vvithout the stinging teeth. President Bhutto appointed General Tikka Khan 
as Chief of the Army Staff in plače of General Gul Hassan. After four years, 



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General Ziaul Haque, seemingly a pious, religious, obedient and purely a 
professional soldier was appointed in plače of Tikka Khan. Prime Minister 
Bhutto had failed to understand Zia ul Haque, who was apparently very humble 
and meek in his ways. He was promoted to this highest rank in preference to 
the other senior generals in the Army. The astute Prime Minister failed to read 
the mind of a sinister general. 

INTERIM CONSTITUTION 

After the abdication of Ayub Khan, General Yahya Khan had imposed 
Martial Law on the Country, and abrogated the constitution of Ayub Khan. The 
Country was now vvithout constitution. President Bhutto felt that the 
constitution was a 'must' vvithout vvhich no politically civilized country could be 
run. He desired an interim constitution to be framed first, and then a 
permanent constitution be prepared by the Assembly for the country. The 
People's party vvas of course the largest political party in Pakistan but there 
vvere other smaller parties like NAP, JUI, and the Muslim League vvhich vvere 
again divided in tvvo factions, that of Qayum Khan of the N.VV.F.P. and Mian 
Mumtaz Mohammad Daultana of Punjab. President Bhutto desired a unanimous 
constitution for vvhich he had to reach at some settlement vvith the other 
parties, especially the NAP of Wali Khan, and JUI of Mufti Mahmood, as they 
had united and thus commanded majority in the provinces of N.VV.F.P. and 
Baluchistan. Though he could impose his constitution by the force of his over- 
vvhelming majority in the Assembly but the President Bhutto vvould not prefer 
that course to be adopted. It proved that he vvas not only democratic, but also 
believed to rule the country by taking the other parties vvith himself. The PPP 
leaders vvith instructions from President Bhutto, had continuous talks vvith the 
NAP-JUP leaders, and finally on March 6 they reached an accord vvith main 
features as under: 

1. The interim constitution vvill be for presidential system at the center, and 
parliamentary system in provinces. 

2. The National Assembly vvill meet to adopt the interim constitution, pass 
vote of confidence in the President, and approve the continuation of 
Martial Lavv up to August 14, 1972. 

3. In Baluchistan and N.VV.F.P the ministries vvill be formed jointly by the 
NAP and JUI, and the persons, nominated by them vvill be appointed as 
Governors of the tvvo provinces. 

The interim constitution vvas passed unanimously on April 17, 1972, 
along vvith the vote of confidence in President Bhutto. It came as a happy 
surprise to ali, Assembly members as vvell as the common people, vvhen the 
President in his speech announced the immediate end of Martial Lavv instead of 
vvaiting for August 14, 1972. The constitution came into force vvith effect from 
21st April. AN the Assembly members including the progressive, had voted for 
continuation of Martial Lavv. 



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PROVIIMCIAL GOVERNMENTS IN N.W.F.P 
AND BALOCHISTAN 

In these two provinces, the PPP had no majority; vvhile the NAP-JUI 
combination had majority in these areas. Khan Abdul Ghaffer Khan and Mufti 
Mahmood who had opposed the creation of Pakistan tooth and nail, were the 
architects of the National Avvami Party and the Jamiat-ul-Ulema-I-Islam 
respectively. As a majority combination, they claimed their right to form the 
cabinets in these two provinces, and have Governors of their choice. These two 
provinces are boardening with Afghanistan that had been hostile to Pakistan 
and had refused to accept the Durand Line as an international border betvveen 
Pakistan and Afghanistan. India had been playing the dubious game of 
instigation against Pakistan, thus trying to keep the two adjoining Muslim 
countries at daggers dravvn. 

Ghaffar Khan was ready to make N.VV.F.P. as part and parcel of India, 
but not of Pakistan, therefore the bogey of "Pakhtoonistan" was raised exactly 
at the tirne of partition. Ghaffar Khan's hatred against Pakistan was beyond 
any limits; he did not even want to be buried in the soil, of his motherland 
vvhere he was born, but in Afghanistan. In Balochistan, the young nationalists 
and Sardars had demanded independent Baluchistan at the tirne of partition of 
United India. Some of them went even to the extent of visiting India for 
accession, but Maulana Abdul Kalam is said to have impressed upon them that 
it vvould be a great folly on their part to seek accession with India. They, 
hovvever, could not meet the Indian Prime Minister Javvahar Lal Nehru. AN 
these facts were vvithin the knovvledge of President Bhutto. It vvould be 
relevant to state that Pakistan had been broken very recently and some 
influential political elements vvere hoping for the total disintegration of 
Pakistan. No doubt, Bhutto enjoyed support of overvvhelming majority of the 
National Assembly members, he vvas the most popular leader of Pakistan and 
the only politician of his country knovvn throughout the vvorld. But heavy 
responsibility to save, consolidate and strengthen his country vvas squarely on 
his shoulders. People had voted his party to povver because of their implicit 
faith in him. In spite of ali these factors and the historical back ground. Bhutto 
vvas insistent on introducing the democratic process and handing over political 
povver to his adversaries in the two-strategically provinces. This step could be 
taken only by a democratic minded statesmen; especially in a country vvhere 
democratic process vvas practically dead for ali the years of its existence. 

On April 29, 1972 the President Bhutto appointed Ghous Bakhs Bizenjo 
as Governor of Balochistan and Arbab Sikandar Khan Khalil, Governor of 
N.VV.F.P, both of them vvere members of the N.A.P. In N.VV.F.P Mufti Mahmood, 
leader of the JUI formed coalition cabinet and in Balochistan Ataullah Khan 
Mengal N.A.P leader vvas made Chief Minister of the coalition Ministry vvith the 
JUI. They vvere also offered posts in the Federal Cabinet, but they refused to 
accept. Bhutto did ali that he could to patch up vvith the NAP and the JUI and 



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accommodated them, hoping that they vvould also reciprocate in a friendly 
manner for smooth running of the country. 

In area, Baluchistan is the biggest Province of Pakistan, but in 
population, it is the smallest. The population of Baluchistan is sparse and 
scattered; education, communication and political consciousness have been in 
a state of infancy except of course the big tovvns. The tribal sardars of 
Balochistan, who rule the uneducated masses in the deserts and arid areas of 
Balochistan, are against the introduction of mass education, modem culture 
and politics. Sradar Ataullah Khan Mangal, instead of adopting a policy of 
cooperation with the Federal government, for improving the lot of backvvard 
Balochistan, resorted to confrontation and refusing to attend the meetings 
called by the Prime Minister. He started using his position for achieving 
independence for Balochistan, James Morrice vvrites: 

"Balochistan was and is a land of vast spaces arid hills and feuding tribes 
of vvhich the most prominent are the Bugtis, the Marris and the Mengals. What 
little the Balochis know of Pakistan, they did not much like. Their loyalties were 
narrovv and they looked for the leadership to their Sardars or tribal Chieftains 
who vvielded wide povvers over them including taxation and imprisonment... 
Because of these sentiments, the Balochis were receptive to anti-Pakistan 
propaganda and subversion from neighbouring Afghanistan with its irredentist 
claim to those portions of Pakistan territory that were occupied by the Pathans 
and Balochis" 

Balochistan was not peaceful even in the days of Ayub Khan. But with 
the ushering in of democratic era under the liberal leadership of Z. A. Bhutto 
and compromise with the NAP, it was hoped that a new chapter of peace and 
amity vvould open in the history of Pakistan. Hovvever, it did not happen. Again 
there vvas unrest and clashes in Pakistan betvveen the militia and the 
tribesmen. Arms from the Iraqi Embassy for Balochistan vvere discovered by 
the Government of Pakistan. Bhutto's fund of patience vvas novv exhausted, he 
had not come to preside over the liquidation of Pakistan. 

He had no option but to dismiss the NAP cabinet in Balochistan; and 
Governor Bizenjo due to the unpatriotic and unbecoming conduct of the NAP 
Sardars. 

The dismissal of Balochistan^ Governor and the cabinet on February 15, 
1973 by the President Bhutto had a sharp and prompt reaction in N.VV.F.P. 
Provincial government here, too resigned in protest. Thus the alliance betvveen 
the PPP and the NAP vvas short lived. In politics, especially in Pakistan vvhere 
the political atmosphere vvas surcharged vvith suspicious and mistrust, the 
adversaries of Pakistan vvere in search of occasion to tear Pakistan in pieces. 
An astute politician and a statesman of global character vvith falcon's eye, 
refused to give long rope to the sentimental and the self-conceited leaders of 
the NAP to play vvith the destiny of Pakistan. If they had conducted themselves 



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like true patriots and seasoned politicians in the national interest, it vvould have 
proved a blessing, not only for the parties, but for the vvhole country. 
Resultantly, the relations betvveen the parties went on straining. 

SIMLA SUMMIT 

There were very complicated negotiations betvveen the Prime Minister of 
Pakistan and Indira Gandhi the Indian Prime Minister, from June 28 to July 3, 
1972 at Simla, the biggest hill resort and the summer capital of India. The 
talented Prime Minister Bhutto vvas empty handed, vvithout any card to play, 
vvhile Indira Gandhi, the conqueror of East Pakistan, vvith her pride of 
performance, had ali trump cards vvith her. More than five thousand square 
miles of Pakistan's land vvas in Indian possession and nearly one hundred 
thousand Pakistani officers and men vvere rotting in the Indian Jails, suffering 
every insult and humiliation. They closest relations of the prisoners mostly 
belonging of Punjab vvere in a state of deep grief and anxiety for the release of 
the prisoners. It vvas a test of Bhutto's diplomacy, a trial of political acuman 
and vvar of vvits. The nature of talks vvas so delicate and difficult, that there 
appeared remote chance of success but the leader of the vanquished country 
did not return vvithout substance in his hand. It vvas his memorable and historic 
diplomatic victory in those tough negotiations and in circumstances that vvere 
personally most disadvantageous to him. He vvas the man vvho had fought for 
Kashmir ali along. He vvas the man gave very tough tirne to the Indians in the 
security Council, and he vvas the man vvho had called Indira Gandhi "a 
mediocre." Nevvsvveek vvrote: 

"Until novv, Indira Gandhi and Zulfikar Ali Bhutto having not been on 
speaking terms. The Indian Prime Minister is knovvn to harbor a profound 
distrust of the 49-Year old Pakistan President, and vvho has got record on 
holding her in outright contempt "I have always seen her like this; a diligent 
and hardvvorking študent, a vvoman devoid of intelligence and imagination." 
Bhutto recently told Italian journalist Oriana Fallasi "vvith ali her saris and red 

mark in the middle of her forehead, her little smile She irritates me. God! 

Don't make me think about it... Mrs. Gandhi holds the high cards, six months 
after the cease fire, Nevv Delhi stili occupies 5139 square miles of vvhat used to 
be Pakistani territory and perhaps more important, holds more than 91,000 
Pakistani Prisoners of vvar... Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, the Prime Minister of 
Bangladesh has announced that he vvill demand a voice in any repatriation 
agreement. And Mujib's terms are tough. Not only does he insist that 
Bangladesh must be compensated for destruction visited on it by the Pakistan 
Army, he also vvants partial compensation for the foreign exchange, vvhich East 
Pakistani Jute and tea earned for the Pakistani government in the years before 
Bangladesh broke away... Mujib's determinations to hold a massive vvar crime 
trial- A sort of Asian Nuremberg - to punish the alleged misdeeds of 1500 
Pakistani soldiers and civil servants. Asked last vveek if he vvould consider 
abandoning plans for such trial, Mujib thundered; "How can you expect it? 
There million people vvere cold bloodedly murdered. Tvvo hundred thousand 



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girls have been raped by the Pakistani Army. Ten million people had to migrate 
to India, and 15 million moved from plače to plače out of fear. The vvorld 
should know what has happened. Given this emotional climate, no major break 
through is expected to emerge from the conference at Simla 

"Don't expect too much" continued Bhutto before leaving for India. And 
one Indian diplomat reflecting a vvidespread view in New Delhi remarked" It 
will be sufficient if the two talk rationally and the summit goes to its conclusion 
vvithout a vvalkout" such was the tense and hostile atmosphere at the Simla 
Summit; was any breakthrough possible for Bhutto? Obviously not. 

In this background and with such mounting tension sentiments, hatred 
and personal rancour, it was very difficult, rather impossible to expect any 
tangible and favourable results. Bhutto had rightly cautioned his people not to 
be too optimistic. Bhutto had been vvorking day and night vvithout any respite 
but the dust had not yet settled in Pakistan; the civilian authority had not yet 
fully established. In a short tirne of six months. Bhutto had settled number of 
complicated problems, but stili there remained many to be solved, especially 
the release of prisoners and threat to try the Pakistani officers vvere occupying 
the mind of Punjab and the Army. Benazir vvas vvith her father in this important 
trip to Simla. 

The heights of Bhutto's diplomatic skill could be judged from the Simla 
Accord, vvhich vvas his singular and most significant diplomatic victory. Talks 
vvere held by the tvvo leaders, sometimes in presence of the delegation, some 
times in presence of their inner cabinets and sometimes one-to-one. Indira 
Gandhi vvas in a position to dictate Pakistan, vvhile Bhutto vvas to advance his 
arguments, his logical and political grounds to convince her about the 
correctness of his stand. Nobody vvas optimistic about the results of the 
Summit, because Indira felt and rightly felt that she vvas at the peak of povver, 
vvhile Pakistan had been humiliated vanquished and torn into pieces on account 
of their unpardonable follies, and blunders in the eyes of the vvhole vvorld. It 
seemed at one stage that the talks had failed and there vvas dead lock in the 
negotiations. But the hard fact is that one-to-one talk betvveen Z. A. Bhutto and 
Indira Gandhi had resolved the issues, according to Rafi Raza an important 
aide of Bhutto "on the last evening he had an hour long meeting vvith Indira 
Gandhi, their famous vvalk in the garden. It vvas their main one-to-one 
meeting. Reports later circulated that it vvas this, vvhich led to the successful 
out come at Simla. Hovvever... she remained adamant on the text of the 
agreement prepared by the officials." 

The real unanimity on the accord had been reached by the tvvo leaders, 
in spite of the fact that ali hopes about reaching the accord vvere lost, a day 
prior to the accord. Hovvever, this obstacle vvas also removed by the competent 
aides and officials of both the sides on July 3, 1972. The Simla-accord vvould 
be remembered as a masterstroke of President Bhutto's diplomacy in the 



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history of Pakistan; but credit must also go to Indira Gandhi who listened to 
reason and reached the Accord. 

According to the accord, it was agreed that the Indian forces vvould be 
withdrawn to their international borders. Automatically, the Indian forces had 
to evacuate the territory of Pakistan that had been occupied by them. The 
other important point was that both the countries vvould resolve their 
differences through bilateral negotiations or by any other peaceful means 
mutually agreed upon. The third crucial point vvas that the basic issues and the 
causes of conflict that had bedeviled the relations betvveen the tvvo countries 
for the past twenty-five years vvere to be settled by peaceful means. It vvas 
further provided that in accordance vvith the United Nation's Charter, the 
countries vvould refrain from the threat or use of force, against each other's 
territorial integrity or political independence. 

So far the prisoners vvere concerned, they vvere not released by Indian. 
Their stand vvas that the Bangladesh had serious objection to their release due 
to their heinous and immoral acts of murdering three million Bengalis, raping 
tvvo hundred thousand girls etc, and that they be tried for these offences as 
vvar prisoners. It vvas also urged that Bangladesh vvas not party to the 
negotiations, therefore the question could be settled after talks vvith the 
Bangladesh authorities. Here the most important gain of Pakistan vvas that as 
per agreement in Simla Accord, the Indian forces evacuated the Pakistan 
territory, vvhich vvas more than five thousand square miles, equivalent to the 
area of one district. It vvould have been most problematic if this important 
question had not been resolved in the Accord. So far the prisoners vvere 
concerned, it vvas not possible for India to keep them in detention for long; the 
solution of this problem vvas comparatively much easier for a distinguished 
diplomat and outstanding politician like Mr. Bhutto to resolve. He vvas, of 
course, criticized by some fanatics and his avovved opponents that by entering 
this accord vvith India he had bartered the freedom of Kashmiris. But this 
criticism vvas vvithout any force and foundation. It vvas criticism for the sake of 
criticism. President Bhutto had never agreed to this suicidal condition that 
Pakistan had vvithdravvn from Kashmir issue, for vvhich he had fought ali along 
and had even resigned from the high post of Foreign Minister, and dethroned 
Ayub Khan. There vvas absolutely no detrimental or secret agreement in 
respect of Kashmir. Even after a lapse of more than 26 years, no body has 
been able to substantiate this vvild allegation. Another false charge of not 
getting the prisoners released is nothing short of a fabrication. No body else 
excepting President Bhutto could have gained as much in the Simla Accord for 
Pakistan. Later on he got the prisoners released, and that vvas nothing short of 
political miracle. 

In the vvider national interests, Bhutto vvanted to recognize Bangladesh, 
as vvithout this recognition the question of release of Pakistani prisoners vvould 
have been difficult and complicated. After ali Bangladesh being a Muslim 
country, could not be boycotted and antagonized forever. But he vvould do it 



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only after moulding the public opinion in favour of his point of vievv, and the 
charismatic Prime Minister Bhutto succeeded in his mission. After 
dismemberment, he toured the VVestern Muslim Countries frequently and 
extensively and even extended his help to them in every sphere. He 
tremendously impressed them before the Islamic Summit conference, a 
delegation of seven Muslim countries met Mujib and convinced him to attend 
the summit on February 22, 1974. he agreed and came to Lahore on 22 nd 
February and was warmly vvelcomed by Bhutto like a brother. The Prime 
Minister Bhutto announced the recognition of Bangladesh amongst cheers by 
the participants in this fraternal gathering. The conference proved very 
meaningful and beneficial to ali the Muslim countries. Thereafter, trilateral 
talks betvveen India, Pakistan and Bangladesh were held at Delhi on April 5-9, 
1974, the Bangladesh Foreign Minister made it clear that as a matter of 
clemency, his government had decided not to proceed with the trial of any 
Pakistani prisoner. By April 30, ali the Pakistani prisoners of war numbering 72, 
795 were repatriated and 17, 186 civilian were also released. Thus the 
question of prisoners was amicably resolved with Bhutto's skilful diplomacy. 



PERMANENT CONSTITUTION OF PAKISTAN 

Constitution has been defined as the organic and fundamental law of a 
nation or state, vvhich may be vvritten or unvvritten, establishing the character 
and concept of its government, laying the basic principles to vvhich internal life 
is to be conformed, organizing the government and regulating and distributing 
and limiting the functions of its departments and prescribing the extent and 
manner of the exercise of sovereign povvers. A charter of government, derives 
its vvhole authority from the governed. 

In the matter of 'Constitution/ Pakistan has been one of the most 
unfortunate countries in the vvorld. Any citizen of Pakistan vvho is asked about 
the constitutional history of his country, vvill speak vvith pain not vvith pride. 
The first democratic draft constitution that purported to manifest the vvill of the 
people of Pakistan, did not see light of the day and the Governor General 
Ghulam Muhammad vvas so enraged and annoyed that he dissolved the 
Constituent Assembly under the umbrella of the bayonets of the commander- 
in-chief of Pakistan in 1954. Again in 1956, another constitution came into 
existence during the Prime Ministership of Chowdhry Mohammad Ali vvith the 
blessings of Governor General Iskandar Mirza and Commander-in-Chief Ayub 
Khan. Iskandar Mirza thus became the first President of Pakistan. This 
constitution based on malignant and sinister parity, reduced the 56 % 
populated East Pakistan to 50 %, and 46 % vvest Pakistan's to 50 % in the 
"Islamic Constitution" of Pakistan. But that too vvas scrapped by Mirza and 
Ayub Khan and Martial Lavv vvas imposed upon Pakistan. After tvvo vveeks, 
Iskandar Mirza vvas also expelled from Pakistan, unvvept and unsung, and Ayub 
Khan became the šole master of Pakistan. He thrust his dictatorial and 
bureaucratic constitution on the unfortunate people of Pakistan, but that too 



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did not last long. The mass movement against Ayub Khan forced him to 
abdicate in favour of his friend general Yahya Khan in March 1969, and the 
constitution was abrogated. There was no constitution vvorth name in the reign 
of Yahya Khan, there was law of jungle, and the country was ruled through 
Martial law Rules and Regulations. The vvishes of the founder of Pakistan to 
give top priority to the framing of constitution were throvvn to vvinds, thus the 
problems went on multi-playing and the foundations of Pakistan were shaken 
to its roots. What a mockery of the hardvvon independence was made by the 
politicians and general of Pakistan under these circumstances. It was no matter 
of vvonder that the country was broken, in a state of ali shame and misery, 
with doubts about its future survival. 

It was indeed an impossible task to keep the remaining Pakistan safe, 
secure and united. AN the minority provinces were almost in a state of revolt, 
demanding emancipation and independence from the domination of the vested 
interests of Punjab. In then entire country, there was not a single leader of 
national stature except Bhutto, ali other leaders were of regional or group 
character, not in a position to deliver goods on behalf of the people. He was 
the only man in Pakistan to save the sinking ship of his dear motherland. 

President Bhutto gave interim constitution to his country in 1972 with 
unanimity in consultation with ali other party leaders through the national 
Assembly. This miraculous unanimity on the earliest occasion was a sing of his 
statesmanly act. It was not at ali a smooth sailing. He had to face many snags, 
controversies and complications and these thorny problems required a 
consensus. The atmosphere was surcharged with fear and suspicion against 
each other especially the majority province, therefore the task was not free 
from difficulties. The making and unmaking of the constitutions, promulgation 
of Martial Law from tirne to tirne, deviation from the constitution, political 
intrigues, injustices and consequent dismemberment of Pakistan, had made 
stili made ti more difficult. Under the accord of March 6, a constitution 
committee was provided. Thereafter the committee met under a seasoned 
politician, prominent lawyer and Law Minister Mahmood Ali Qasuri on 22 April 
and 18 May, and discussed various aspects of the constitution and requested 
Mr. Qasuri to prepare a draft constitution report before the year was out, in 
order to submit it in the National Assembly that was vvorking as Constituent 
Assembly also. 

In the mean vvhile, differences arose betvveen the President and the Law 
Minister, vvhich ultimately led to the resignation of the Law Minister. On 
October 5, 1972, the President reluctantly accepted the resignation, as he did 
not like to lose Mr. Qasuri. He was replaced by Abdul Hafeez Pirzada. Looking 
to the slow progress of the constitutional work, Bhutto took up the job in his 
own hands. He had the knack of sorting out even the most complicated 
problems with comparative ease and clarity. He was endovved with an 
extraordinary povver of expression, political knovvledge, understanding; and 
convincing not only his colleagues, but even opponents. He called a meeting of 



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ali shades of the parliamentary leaders on October 17. It was attended by the 
NAP, both factions of Muslim League (Qayum and Daultana), Jamiat-I-Islami, 
JUI, JUP, Tribal Area members and Independents besides the PPP leaders. It 
continued for four days consecutively under the able guidance with 
accommodating attitude of President Bhutto. After labour of four days, a 
constitutional accord was reached on October 20, 1972. A work vvhich vvould 
not be completed vvithin months by other politicians and ministers, could be 
completed in days by Bhutto. This accord was his personal success and goes 
exclusively to his credit. Had he not involved himself, the constitutional tangle, 
the intricacies and complications vvould have multiplied beyond imagination to 
the detriment of the country. The Pakistani constitution could not be prepared 
from 1947 till 1956 by any Prime Minster, political dignitaries and experts of 
constitution inspite of Mr. JinnafVs emphasis and even his dying days 
instructions. This historic and miraculous accomplishment by him in four days 
tirne eloquently speaks about his extra ordinary abilities. Thanking ali those 
vvho cooperated vvith him, he said in his public statement: 

"I am thankful to ali the colleagues from ali the parties vvho have 
participated in these discussions. They have made ali contribution. VVithout 
their understanding, I don't think, vve could have brought about a satisfactory 
compromise. Each one of them has played a part and I am indeed thankful to 
them." 

Again in February 1973, a serious obstacle erupted in passing the 
agreed draft constitution because of the dismissal of the NAP-JUI government 
in Balochistan and resignation of the N.VV.F.P government headed by Mufti 
Mahmood, in protest to the dismissal of the Balochistan government. The 
situation vvas further aggravated by the bloody disruption of the opposition's 
public meeting in Liaquat Bagh, Ravvalpindi. It gave rise to serious differences 
and tension betvveen the PPP and the opposition. 

On March 17, the proposed some insignificant amendments in the 
Constitution Bili. Instead of entering into correspondence vvith them, President 
Bhutto called a meeting for discussing those amendments and asked them for 
fresh proposals if any. Bhutto vvas prepared to accept their demands and 
concessions and left no room for their disagreement. For expediting the 
passage of unanimous constitution, he exercised his personal influence, and 
that it vvas imperative in the national interests to attend the boycotted National 
Assembly and pass the constitution vvith one voice vvhen every demand of the 
opposition had been satisfied. In fact, the amendments vvere incorporated in 
the Bili vvithout any hesitation. The opposition ended its boycott on April 10, 
1973. The speed of Bhutto's vvork vvas amazing. A vvork that could be done 
today, must be done today and not left to tomorrovv. The Bili vvas immediately 
and smoothly adopted by the Assembly vvithout dissent. It vvas landmark in the 
history of Pakistan; everybody vvas surprised hovv President Bhutto convinced 
the opposition so conveniently and got the constitution passed vvith an 
unbelievable speed, vvithout any opposition. The newly passed constitution 



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came into effect from August 14, 1973, and undoubtedly Bhutto was the 
architect of the new constitution. 

With the imposition of Martial Law on July 5, 1977, the constitution 
though not abrogated in theory was painfully and totally mutilated, 
fundamental rights of the citizens were usurped, political activities were 
banned, sending the PPP leaders and vvorkers behind bars, Judiciary was 
crippled and the federation was practically brought to an end. But the 
constitution of 1973 continued even after the discontinuance of Martial Law 
and many of its provisions were kept in tact. VVhatever be the present shape of 
the 1973 constitution, Bhutto, whom the people consider a "judicially 
murdered" Prime Minister, was its architect. He is stili a living factor in the 
country. The constitution is proof of his unchallengeable capability and 
immortality. Even today, the slogans of "Long Live Bhutto" are ringing through 
out Pakistan The vvhite papers and the vast propaganda failed to efface his 
name from the hearts of the people, vvhere he had vvished to live. 

QADIAIMI ISSUE 

The Qadiani issue has remained sensitive from the very inception of the 
sect that was founded by Mirza Ghulam Ahmad Qadiani in 1889. He belonged 
to a town Qadiani in Punjab, now in India. He acknovvledged the Holy Prophet 
Mohammad (Peace be upon him) as prophet but he claimed prophethood for 
himself vvhile accepting the shariat of the Holy Prophet as the final one. In 
1882, he had claimed to have a revelation from God that he had been 
appointed to revive the values of Islam as prophet. 

He shared the Islamic view that Jesus Christ was saved from 
crucification by Almighty Allah, but later on he died in Kashmir. Ghulam Ahmad 
claimed ot be the "promised Messiah", prophet with those attributes. 
Obviously, anyone propagating and professing such un Islamic doctrines, 
vvould be outside the pale of Islam. He enjoyed a substantial follovving in 
Punjab. It must be said to their credit that the Mirzais, as they are usually 
called, have been industrious, educated and well organized. These people were 
in good books with the British government because the Mirza had tvvisted the 
concept of Jehad as a struggle through pen, and not armed struggle. This sort 
of interpretation of Jehad was most suitable to the British government, 
because the Indian Muslims treated it as Jehad to fight against the British 
slavery even by armed conflict. The British government had also shovvered its 
favours upon them by accommodating them in services and providing 
necessary protection to them. 

After independence in 1947, Chowdhry Zafrullah Khan who was a Mirzai, 
was appointed Foreign Minister of Pakistan purely on the basis of merit, and he 
had very brilliantly advocated the Kashmir cause in the Security council in 
1948, and resultantly the plebiscite resolution was passed. Pakistan has been 
relying on the plebiscite resolution for the past half century in support of the 



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Kashmir čase. The Mirzais are true to their faith and belief and never budge an 
inch from their loyalty to their head Mirza Ghulam Ahmad Qadiani. Chowdhry 
Zafarullah did not even offer the funeral prayers (Namaz-e-Janaza) of the 
Quaid-e-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah, though he was present on the occasion. 
After independence, they established their headquarter in Rabvvah, a town in 
Punjab. 

The religious parties had been agitating against the Qadianis or Mirzais 
branding them as enemies of Islam and agents of foreign povvers. In no sense 
they were loyal to Islam. Hovvever their contention was that they were 
Muslims, and their doctrinal interpretations did not make them non-Muslims. 
Amongst Muslim, there were schools of thought that treated, and are treating, 
even Khojas and Bohras as non Muslims. They offer their prayers separately 
and they have their own vvorshipping places and headquarters vvhere the 
common Muslim has no access. Quaid-e-Azam Jinnah had kept these religious 
or sectarian differences and contradictions and conflicts apart from politics, 
because he did not believe in creating more problems and controversies that 
vvould harm the greater cause for vvhich he had been fighting against the heavy 
odds. He vvould not sacrifice the high aims and objective of his political life at 
the altar of his personal, religious or sectarian disliking and vievvs. He did not 
believe in quibbling like pettifogging politicians that vvould damage the precious 
and ultimate ideals of a statesman. 

The Qadiani problem had attained serious proportions and the religious 
parties in Pakistan had refused to recognize them as Muslims. Referring to and 
quoting from the "Punjab Disturbances, Court of Enquiry Report, Rafi Raga 
vvrites; "A distinguished Qadiani Chaudhry Mohammad Zafarullah Khan vvas the 
first foreign Minister of Pakistan. The explanation, he gave of his belief vvhile 
speaking on Islam as a 'Live Religion', before a public gathering at Jehangir 
Park Karachi on 18 May 1952 is noteworthy. He stressed the superiority and 
finality of Islam as a vvorld religion. According to him, Mirza Ghulam Ahmad 
vvas a person commissioned by God for tajdid-e-din, that is for Islam, vvhich 
had been distorted through the years, vvith a vievv to preserving its purity. God 
Himself implemented Ahmadiyyat and the plant had taken roots to provide 
guarantee for the preservation of Islam in fulfillment of the promise contained 
in the Holy Quran, he asserted." 7 What he meant thereby, could be safely 
inferred that: 

(1) There can be more Prophets after the Holy Prophet Mohammad (Peace 
be upon him) as and vvhen found necessary by Allah almighty, on 
account of distortion of Islam, and the finality of Prophets is meaning 
less. 

(2) Mirza Ghulam Ahmad vvas the recipient of message from Allah, to save 
Islam from distortion and revive the same. Islam had been distorted and 
required to be explained correctly. 



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(3) Ghulam Ahmad as Prophet enjoyed the same status as other Prophets 
including the Holy Prophet Mohammad (Peace be upon him). 

Thus it vvould appear that there was not only fundamental difference 
betvveen the Muslims and Mirzais but the Mirza is proposed to cut the very 
roots of Islam. After the speech of Chaudhri Zafrullah Khan, there were 
protests throughout Pakistan, and serious disturbances occurred in Lahore. The 
Government had to impose Martial Law temporally in order quell the riots. 
Peace was restored in Lahore after killings and very substantial damage to 
valuable properties. But violence has never been the remedy of problems, just 
as the imposition of Martial Law in Pakistan, and else vvhere has never 
improved the situation but created more. Complicated problems. The modus 
operandi adopted by the Qadiani's was covert and clever, and their outvvard 
pronouncements seemed to serve Islam, but the fact was othervvise. It is a 
historical fact that the Muslims are never prepared to hear any insulting or 
blasphemous language against their Holy Prophet (PBUH) and they have killed 
number of such persons who have indulged in such behaviour. Even a slight 
talk against the Holy Prophet (PBUH) is intolerable even if it comes from the 
mouth or pen of any person professing Muslim faith. In my opinion the 
religious anarchy thus created by Qadianis was also the result of political 
indiscipline after the death of Jinnah, Zafarullah could hat have made such 
speeches during lifetime of Jinnah. 

Prime Minister Bhutto was a liberal type of Muslim. He himself had 
admitted that he was not a devout Muslim but proudly pronounced that Islam 
was running in his veins and bloods and he proposed to bring back that light 
glory and greatness vvhich was preached and practiced by the Holy Prophet 
(PBUH). He had Qadiani friends also and had tolerance for ali inspite of 
differences. But the fact remains that Qadianis are aggressive vvhile Khojas and 
Bohras have peacefully vvorked for the vvelfare and prosperity of Muslims. 

Even during his Prime Ministership, there were same riots against the 
Qadianis, though they were controlled. He thought dispassionately over the 
issue and came to conclusion that this chronic and serious problem be referred 
to the National Assembly for its final verdict. On June 13, 1974, he announced 
that the issue vvould be referred to the Assembly. The National assembly held 
its session in camera and after fully discussing it, declared the Qadianis as a 
minority and non-Muslims. Such amendment vvas incorporated in the 
Constitution of Pakistan. After this decision the Qadianis became his vvorst 
enemies, though the decision vvas taken by ali parties unanimously. The Prime 
Minister had no personal grudge or grievance against the Qadianis, but this 
issue had to be decided permanently, in the national interests. In those days, I 
vvas sitting vvith some friend in his house, vvhere a Qadiani also come and 
started talking about the adverse decision taken by the Assembly. He vovved 
that they vvould not forgive Bhutto and the day vvas not far vvhen he vvould pay 
heavy penalty for it. No doubt, the Qadianis are intelligent, influential, 
secretive and organized. They must have been very happy vvhen the agitation 



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had been started against Bhutto by the very religious parties in the name of 
Nizam-e-Mustafa, who had been appealing to and urging upon Bhutto to 
declare the Qadianis as infidels. Later on, the same religious parties labeled 
Bhutto as Kafir in 1977. The Prime Minister made it very cleat on the Assembly 
floor "There should be no ambiguity in anyone's mind that we will not tolerate 
any kind of vandalism or insult and humility of any citizen of the country". He 
said that his government believed that every citizen of the country had right to 
practice his religion vvithout any fear. This guarantee was also given by the 
constitution of Pakistan. 



BMURDER OF SHERPAO AND ITS AFTER EFFECTS 

Hayat Mohammad Khan Sherpao of N.VV.F.P was one of the closest 
friends and colleagues of Bhutto. He had the honour of being one of those few 
who formed nucleus of the P.P.P's foundation. After dismissal of the Mengal 
Government in Balochistan and resignation of Mufti Mahmood Government in 
N.VV.F.P, differences and tension went on mounting and the process of frequent 
bomb blasts had started in the N.VV.F.P. VVali Khan's bitterness against Bhutto 
had touched its limits. In Balochistan, the situation was already tense and the 
Sardars were in revolt. Escalation of the same situation in N.VV.F.P was bound 
to deteriorate the law and order situation from bad to vvorse. It was a clear-cut 
threat not only to Bhutto's povver but to Pakistan's integrity too. Unfortunately, 
VVali Khan stated in a public meeting near Charasadda that ":the tirne of 
appeals had passed and they vvould now meet 'force with force' to realize their 
rights."9 The activities, agitation, attitude and speeches were clearly indicative 
of NAP's determination for final and total showdown with Bhutto. Only Ghous 
Baksh Bizenjo was the seasoned, sober and farsighted leader in the NAP but 
the sentimental NAP leadership was not prepared to hear him. It was no 
politics but vvarpath and relentless enmity. 

On February 8, 1975, Hayat Mohammad Sherpao was assassinated in 
Peshavvar. He was one of the sincerest and thickest friends of Bhutto and had 
the credit of planting the PPP in NVVFP. AN the circumstances leading to the 
assassination of Sherpao proved that bullets and bayonets had entered the 
arena of politics. 

Those who had been preaching for nonviolence ali along, had resorted to 
guns and bombs. Bhutto who was in the United States at the tirne of 
assassination of Sherpao, hastened to return to Pakistan, as his personal friend 
and strong supporter had been killed as a result of political conspiracy that was 
infact directed against Bhutto. The murder of his lieutenant was a direct 
challenge and threat to Bhutto. He directed the arrest of ali the NAP leaders, 
criminal čase was registered against them and ali of them were dispatched to 
the Central Jail Hyderabad, vvhere they were to be tried by a Special Tribunal. 
VVhen the 1977 agitation against Bhutto had subsided, there were talks of 
conciliation and compromise betvveen the PPP and PNA representatives. Gen. 



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Ziaul Haq flatly refused to release them and thus created an obstacle for the 
parties to reach a final understanding. But surprisingly after the imposition of 
Martial Lavv, the General not only abolished the Tribunal, released the NAP 
leaders but also withdrew the criminal conspiracy čase under vvhich they had 
been charged. Wali Khan, who had always been blovving the trumpet of his 
unlimited love for democracy and had been opposing the military rule 
vehemently, strongly supported the foisting of Martial Lavv, praised Zia like his 
ardent admirer for his anti-democratic actions and promulgation of Jungle Law. 
His vvords as reported in the nevvspapers are: "He praised General Zia ul Haque 

for rescuing the country from the clutches of a ruthless dictator Unless the 

traces of Bhuttoism are removed from the body politic of the country, no 
positive achievement could be made in any direction." 

But to the chagrin of Khan Abdul Wali Khan, Bhuttoism is stili very much 
there in the N.VV.F.P even after more than two decade of his death. That is the 
sign of true leadership, it is for the experienced Khan to think! 

POLITICS - DEMOCRACY - HUMAN RIGHTS 

Z.A.Bhutto was neither an industrialist nor an agriculturist by profession, 
though he was one of the biggest landholders of Pakistan, belonging to a 
wealthy family. He was a born politician, remained politician ali his life, and 
died as a martyr-politician of Pakistan. He was scion of a most prominent, 
povverful and influential politician of Sindh, and his father Sir Bhutto had 
trained him to occupy a very high plače in the political life of Pakistan. A man 
of tremendous potentials, most hardvvorking vvorking, fully acquainted with the 
modem politics, possessing deep sense of vvorld history, gifted with rare 
charisma and eloquence, Bhutto was the most popular leader of Pakistan and 
saviour of his country after dismemberment. He was leader of the Muslim 
vvorld and one of the most outstanding political leaders of the Third vvorld. 
Since he vvas the Prime Minister of comparatively a smaller country, torn 
recently, politically and economically in shambles and an avovved enemy of 
exploitation of the third vvorld and the Muslim countries, he vvas not given his 
plače by the vvestern political vvriters that he really deserved. On the contrary, 
a dark and dismal picture of this brave, brilliant and scintillating statesman is 
painted by most of the vvesterns vvriters and his adversaries. 

DEMOCRACY IN PAKISTAN 

In Pakistan, democracy vvas just like a dream, as the achievement of 
Pakistan vvas a dream in the United India. Achievement of Pakistan seemed an 
impossible task, but it vvas achieved. Hovvever its achievement vvas not an end 
by itself but the happiness and prosperity of the people vvas the real goal. This 
objective vvas to be attained through democracy; but in Pakistan democracy 
became elusive, and no chance vvas given to it before 1972, vvhen Bhutto 
assumed the charge of Pakistan. It is rightly said "democracy is both the best 
and the most difficult form of political organization. The most difficult because 



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it is the best". The country vvhich Bhutto had to look after is varied in 
population, area, geography, society and economic conditions; vvhile 
Bangladesh though small in area is a compact vvhole, politically, socially and 
economically homogenous in nature, with no fear from outside povvers. 
Pakistan had of course India adjoining Punjab and Sindh, Afghanistan as its 
neighbour with N.VV.F.P and Balochistan. Under these circumstances it is much 
easier to establish democracy / stability and economic equality in Bangladesh, 
but in Pakistan Bhutto had to face mountainous and multifarious problems in 
running the country, as such it vvould not be a matter of surprise if errors and 
excesses were committed in its administration. In many cases they put the 
Prime Minister Bhutto in a critical position and he had to right their vvrongs. 
Take for example the čase of Mr. Jinnah, a man of very strong character. After 
independence he appointed the best possible stuff to look after the country as 
Prime Minister and Ministers of Pakistan. But was he satisfied with their 
vvorking and with their performance? As governor General of Pakistan, he was 
only a constitutional head of the country, but every important policy matter 
was to be approved by him. A perusal of Mr. Jinnah's speeches vvould convince 
the readers that such vvere the conditions and circumstance of Pakistan that he 
had to play the role of the defacto ruler of Pakistan. He had many grievances 
against his ovvn men on vvhom he had placed full reliance before independence. 
He had realized that his lieutenants had failed to come up to his expectations, 
therefore he had to interfere as the country vvas in crisis. Bhutto vvas in vvorse 
situation, vvhich he had inherited after the secession of East Pakistan. He had 
to face the same traumatic conditions like Mr. Jinnah. Most of the leaders of his 
party thought that they had come to rule vvithout corresponding responsibilities 
but Bhutto vvas a thoroughly occupied man; he had no leisure hours, he 
vvorked day and night, and vvas almost sleepless. Due to hard vvork and vvorries 
the handsome Bhutto appeared older than his age. He vvas not angel, he vvas 
not in fallible, if some excesses vvere committed, they vvere condonable. As a 
citizen of Larkana Tovvn, having opposed him for years, I realized that for most 
of the omissions and commissions, he vvas not responsible. On the contrary 
vvherever he vvent people rushed to him for the solution of their problems and 
he vvent to the extent of obliging even his opponents. That vvas the right way 
to establish a democratic and an egalitarian state. But the dust of the chaotic 
conditions takes its tirne to settle. If Mr. Jinnah vvas not happy vvith the 
performance of his colleagues and the latter had complained about their 
leader's attitude demanding quick, efficient and just performance, Bhutto had 
also to face not only his opponents, but even his ovvn party leaders vvho lagged 
behind in speed, hard vvork and knovvledge of the practical side of things. So 
the establishment of democracy and total protection of human rights takes its 
tirne. Before 1972, the question of democracy and human rights hardly arose; 
people vvere throvvn in j a i I s vvithout trial, vvithout reason and rhyme and even 
the judiciary could not come to their rescue. Before 1972, it vvas a totalitarian 
state and the lavv of savagery vvas rampant in Pakistan. 

Prime Minister Bhutto had taken over the charge vvhen the country vvas 
in a very unsafe and sensitive political situation. There vvas no politics, no 



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economy, no institutions, no safety and no organizations. There was vvoeful 
lack of cooperation to build the state; most of the leaders either vvanted to 
destroy the state or build themselves. When Mustafa Kamal pasha (Father of 
Turkey) was passing through the turbulent times after defeating the Greeks, 
the resorted to very drastic action against those who opposed him. He openly 
threatened to do away with them if they did not abondon their negative 
attitude. History is replete with the violation of human rights in Turkey during 
those days, Bhutto's priority was the protection of Pakistan, based on 
democracy and establishment of democracy in a society that was divided in 
segments against each other in every field. The plant of democracy is very 
delicate, it grovvs and develops after years of čare, patience, tolerance and 
hard work. It is not the arbitrary povver like Martial Lavv, vvhich can be easily 
established on the ruins of liberty. Happiness of the people is the supreme 
object of a good government, and that can be attained gradually and not 
overnight. Bhutto was trying his utmost. He vvorked day and night for the 
vvelfare of the people and the stability of his country vvhich vvas threatened by 
the outside povvers, through their inside agents. And he vvas extremely 
cautious in the matter of sovereignty and independence. Pakistan vvas 
presenting a most repulsive and shaky spectacle after its dismemberment. 
Therefore there vvas a heavy responsibility on his shoulders to see that none, 
hovv so ever high he may be, should be permitted to play vvith the destiny of 
Pakistan. 

There vvas tremendous rather intolerable economic disparity betvveen 
rich the poor. Though numerically the capitalists, industrialists, chieftains and 
big landovvners vvere fevv, but they had a very strong grip over the government 
in the past. The poor vvere innumerable, but they had absolutely no voice or 
vvill. Rich vvere getting richer day by day and the poor getting poorer. Bhutto 
brought reforms to ameliorate the economic condition of the peasant and the 
labourer, and made them politically conscious to speak out their inner agonies 
and vote independently. The change thus brought about vvas economic, social 
and political. In Pakistan's society, poor man vvas being treated as criminal and 
a wealthy man, though a real criminal, vvas respectable. "through tattered 
clothes, small vice do appear, robes and furred govvns hide aH". This vvas the 
state of affairs rampant in Pakistan, vvhich Bhutto vvanted to change and did 
change considerably. But he did not believe in bloody revolution, through 
evolution, he proposed to bring revolution. His greatest and the valuable 
contribution and service to the cause of democracy vvas that he gave 
avvakening and self respect to the common man and prepared him to fight for 
his rights. But this vvas not acceptable to the small but most influential 
segment of the population, that vvas ruling the country vvithout any 
accountability and responsibility, and the common man vvas virtually their 
slave. After the martyrdom of this dashing hero of the people of Pakistan, the 
society has again reverted to the old miseries. It is very true, if I say; "society 
is comprised of tvvo great classes; those vvho have more dinners than appetites 
and those vvho have more appetites than dinners". That is why the people of 
Pakistan stili remember Bhutto. He did not vvant to see any Pakistani vvith a 



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begging bowl in his hand. Such a government could be termed as government 
of the people, by the people and for the people. 

In the polity of Pakistan no other system except democracy is suited to 
the nation. Mr. Bhutto stated categorically in his affidavit "Democracy is 
certainly... like a breath of fresh air, like the fragrance of a spring flovver. It is 
melody of liberty, richer in sensation than a tangible touch. But more than 
feeling, democracy is fundamental right, it is adult franchisee, it is the secrecy 
of ballot, free press, free association, independence of the judiciary, supremacy 
of the legislature, controis on the executive and other related conditions vvhich 
are conspicuously absent in the present regime's system." Many political 
thinkers and statesman have defined 'democracy', but Bhutto's definition has 
its own beauty, colour, fragrance and substance. But it is a universally 
demitted fact that democracy is both the best and the most difficult form of 
political organization. The most difficult because it is the best. 

HUMAN RIGHTS 

Human rights do not mean the so called rights of a privileged class in 
Pakistan that has always been victimizing the common people, and there has 
been no hearing against such tyrannies. It was for the first tirne in the history 
of Pakistan that the general elections were held in the country on the basis of 
adult franchise in 1970-71; and Bhutto took over as Martial Law President on 
December 20, 1971 when the country was passing through fire. He introduced 
many reforms, solved several complicated political and economic problems, 
gave democratic constitution to his country; and made Pakistan an honourable 
state in the vvorld. But it was a grave error to think that vvithin a short span of 
tirne, rivers of milk and honey vvould start flovving in Pakistan. He had started 
from a scratch, and took Pakistan to unbelievable heights. The Prime Minister 
Bhutto was gifted with many qualities of head and heart. He loved the people 
and the people loved him. At least eighty percent members elected on the PPP 
ticket to the National Assembly and Provincial assemblies totally owed their 
election to Bhutto's popularity, hard work and dynamic leadership. Almost ali 
the Ministers of his cabinet and the provincial Chief Ministers and other 
ministers were inexperienced. They had no knovvledge of administration of the 
country. Security of the state was the highest law of the state; as such the 
integrity and consolidation of his country were articles of faith with him. 

India is knovvn as the biggest democracy in the vvorld. But hovv many 
Sikhs have been killed in India, the sacred temple and hovv their Golden 
Temple in Amritser vvas desecrated by the secular Indian Army, hovv the tanks 
and planeš vvere used to attack, the head quarter of Sikhs and blood vvas 
spilled in the vast area of their most sacred temple by the Indian rulers. This 
vvas the treatment by the secular India vvith Sikhs vvhom the Hindus call their 
co-religionists. Hovv vvas the Babri Mosque demolished and more than tvvo 
thousand Muslims vvere killed vvhile saving the mosque? And the injunction 
orders of the courts against occupation and demolition of the mosque vvere 



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flouted arrogantly, and above ali the provincial and central governments of the 
" biggest democracy in the vvorld" were the sponsors and the instigators of this 
havoc against Islam and its follovvers. Most of the Hindu have inborn 
abhorrence for the Indian Muslim. "Betvveen 1959 and 1954 and 1959 only, 
367 clashes were recorded... In 1967 alone, there were more than 200 out 
breaks. The number almost doubled last year, the vvorst since independence. 
'It is very difficult, asserts Professor Balraj Madhok of the Pro-Hindu Jana Singh 
party, 'for Muslims to be patriotic-Islam does not believe in territorial 
nationalism". The Hindu leaders are not prepared even to recognize Muslims as 
Indians simply because they are Muslims. The Muslims are even prepared to 
merge themselves with Hindus and accept their anti-Muslim heroes as their 
heroes, but this offer too has been contemptuously rejected. "Bhiwandi's most 
prominent Moslems agreed to join the Hindus in an anniversary procession, 
honouring the 17th century vvarrior Shivaji who is remembered for his rout of 

the Muslim Moguls who dominated India for over 200 years Midway through 

the parade, hovvever a few marchers began to shout scurrilous slogan calling 
the Muslims thieves. Soon stones, acid-filled light bulbs and Molotov cocktails 

began flying A force of 600 policemen firing teargas and then bullets were 

unable to keep the fighting from spreading". Thus the Hindus were not 
prepared to accept the Muslims even if they accepted ali their terms and 
conditions. 

Citing another example, the same Magazines vvrites: 

"In Jalagoon, 200 miles away, Hindus forced an entire Muslim vvedding 
party into a building and set it a fire; 19 Muslims including small children died. 
In the town of Baroach, 300 people rioted after a pedicab knocked down an 
eight-year old boy. In Bhivvandi, Hindus chased six Muslim moneylenders into a 
thicket, set it fire and hacked the men into death as they fled the flames". 

The Indian governments, vvhich claim to be democratic and secular in 
their nature and outlook, are not what they claim to be vvhether it is congress 
government or non-congress one. Their attitudes are similar. They have an 
inborn hatred for their Muslim citizens. This class-ridden Hindu society has not 
abandoned their beastly behaviour even tovvards the untouchables (shudras) 
who are their co religionists. "Prime Minster Indira Gandhi admitted last week 
at a congress party meeting in Dehra Dun "untouchability persists". India she 
said "must hand her head in shame" reports Times, Dr. Ambedkar, the most 
prominent Acchut leader gave the gift of constitution to India as Law Minister 
had no option but to embrace Budhism along with his half a million follovvers. 
Even Javvahar Lal Nehru the most popular and the strongest Prime Minister of 
India failed to get them the guaranteed constitutional rights, in spite of his 
continuance as Indian Prime Minister for 17 years. But it is surprising that in 
spite of ali the blackest record the vvestern vvorld certifies India as "secular" 

Indians vvith ali pride in the vvorld, claim that theirs is the biggest 
democracy and the human rights are vvell guarded. Dr. Radha Krishnan, the 



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philosopher President of India had to admit: "What we have in India, is not real 
democracy, only a phony-democracy. If we were real democrats vvhich I may 
say we are not, there vvould not be much dissatisfaction and iN will." I think 
there can be no better authority on Indian democracy / and human rights. I 
think that it vvould be a very mistaken vievv to assume that Bhutto could give 
an unadulterated democracy to Pakistan as it exits in England. The Britishers 
had attained their democracy after a prolonged struggle for it. Pakistan vvas 
passing through a perilous stage, and the people could get their legal and 
constitutional rights only after they fulfilled their obligations; and that too in a 
state of peace and patience and not in tumult and turbulence. It must be 
admitted that the PPP government had its ovvn failings like other parties and 
democratic government. But the tremendous services rendered by Bhutto in a 
short span of tirne cannot be conveniently and ungratefully ignored. After the 
Quaid-e-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah, the founder of Pakistan, I don't think 
that there vvas any other Head of the State, Prime Minister, or any one else 
vvhose performance vvas so scintillating as that of the Prime Minister Bhutto. 
Like Mr. Jinnah, speed, action and implementation vvere the essence of his 
politics. Therefore if there had been any minor errors, they vvould not affect his 
greatness. 

THE INIMITABLE PRIME MINISTER 

The Prime Minister Bhutto vvas indeed inimitable - he vvas prince 
amongst politicians. The more you read, understand and knovv about his 
statesmanship and genius the more you vvill be convinced of his greatness. But 
surprisingly you might get confused seemingly about his complex personality 
vvith many facets. He had not only seen every inch of his land and knevv most 
of the people but many of them by their names, as no other politician has been 
so conversant vvith and close to his people. He vvas unquestionably the most 
popular leader of his country vvith his exceptional charisma and courage. It vvas 
nothing short of miracle that he formed his party under most severe 
circumstances but he made it the largest and the most popular movement of 
West Pakistan (Novv Pakistan) vvithin a year's tirne by his indefatigable efforts 
in spite of ali the obstances by the government of Ayub Khan, Bhutto had 
many colleagues, Ministers, Advisers and Special Assistants Most of them vvere 
under the deceptive impression that they vvere extraordinary intellectuals and 
claimed the entire credit for getting the highest political status to Bhutto in 
Pakistan. Later on, quite a number of them left the Prime Minister due to some 
misunderstandings or self-conceit. Prime minister Bhutto's colleagues belonged 
to different shades, thinking and classes and every section thought that the 
Prime Minister vvould be accommodating it to the total exclusion of the rest. 
They vvere respected by the people mostly because they vvere 'friends' of 
Bhutto, but vvhen they left the party, they vvent either into the abyss of 
anonymity or lost much of their importance. 

Politicians like Mahmood Ali Qasuri, Mairaj Mohammad, Rana Mukhtar, J. 
A. Raheem, Khurshid Hassan Mir, Ghulam Mustafa Khar, Abdul Hameed Jatoi, 



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Mir Ali Ahmad Talpur, Rasool Bakhs Talpur, Haneef Ramay and some others 
either resigned or were expelled from the party. There after they started 
opposing Bhutto vehemently, but that did not make much difference so far his 
mass popularity was concerned. But it must be admitted that with their exit, 
there was substantial increase in intrigues and conspiracies against him and 
they proved quite damaging. Hovvever, there were elements in the party, who 
did not differ from the Prime Minister; but it was a matter of convenience and 
not conviction. Neither they had any love for their leader, nor for the nation, 
nor they had any scruples in their political life; their šole aim was to build 
themselves. Unfortunately the unadulterated sincerity has been a rare 
commodity in the politics more especially that of Pakistan. Such self conceited 
attitudes and sycophancy have proved most damaging to the country. 

After the martyrdom of Bhutto, quite a number of prominent leaders like 
Ghulam Mustafa Jatoi, Mumtaz Ali Bhutto and Pirzada Abdul Hafeez said 
goodbye to the PPP and formed their own parties, but they have not been able 
to cut much ice. 

The vvorkers of PPP and the masses acclaimed Benazir Bhutto as political 
successor of her father as she was endovved with most of the qualities that 
Bhutto himself had possessed. Though young and inexperienced, she fought 
fearlessly for more than a decade and had to undergo countless sorrovvs and 
sufferings. 

Bhutto was a politician and nothing else; but a politician, continuously 
struggling and ultimately dying for the objectives of his life and that was his 
destiny. He held those immensely precious objectives dearer to his heart than 
anything else in the vvorld, even dearer to his own life. He was neither a 
barrister, nor a landlord, nor an industrialist by profession. He was every inch a 
politician. His opponents criticize that he had lust for povver, but definitely not. 
Political povver vvas not his end but it vvas means to the end. He vvanted to 
achieve the purpose of life that he had set before himself and stated them in 
unmistakable terms in his speech of April 1, 1948 on "the Islamic Heritage" in 
the University of Southern California at Los Angeles, U.S. A, as a študent. He 
had virtually repeated it in the Islamic Summit Conference held in February 22 
to 24, 1974 at Lahore. That vvas, in my opinion, the manifesto of his life. The 
objectives of this great leader in my opinion vvere briefly as under: 



i) Transformation of Pakistan as an egalitarian and democratic state on the 
basis of the broad Islamic Principles and socialistic doctrines in 
conformity vvith Islam. But this objective did not find favour vvith the 
narrovv-minded religious Muslims, vvho took him to be a "Kafir" nor vvith 
the so-called "socialists" vvho branded him an "Aggressive Muslim 
Landlord/' Hovv unfounded, unreal and contradictory these vievvs are! 



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ii) Pakistan to be so invulnerable that India, the inveterate enemy of 
Pakistan, from his point of vievv, dare not damage Pakistan in any čase. 
It was therefore, that he chose to make Pakistan a nuclear povver in 
spite of the vvorst opposition from superpovvers. 

iii) Cultivation of friendly relations with India could be possible only when 
the latter agreed for plebiscite and right of self-determination to the 
oppressed kashmirs. As a totally committed leader he vvas, every 
common countryman was rightly proud of his passionate, principled, 
patriotic stand and eloquent advocacy on this all-important issue. Every 
member of the Security council listened to him with apt attention when 
he rose to speak with unusual flair and force on the subject. It was 
indeed a treat to hear him. 

iv) It was his sacrosanct dream to bring back the past glory, greatness and 
renaissance of Islam, not by empty slogans but by concrete steps, 
strong and speedy actions. He vvanted to revive that chapter of the 
vvorld history, when the beacon light of Islam was the guiding force of 
the vvorld. For the achievement of this historic objective, he brought ali 
the Muslim countries of the vvorld on one platform in February 1974 at 
Lahore and took decisions on vital matters affecting the Muslim VVorld. It 
vvas vvithout any precedent. But the dream vvas shattered through a 
"Great Betrayal." He had to sacrifice his life and vvhich ruler has done it? 

v) He vvas determined to unify the Third VVorld and the Muslim VVorld for 
extricating them from the cruel political and economic exploitation by 
the super povvers and the rich industrial states. The process vvas in full 
svving, vvhen the interested povvers brought it to a sudden collapse 
through their agents. 

vi) The criterion of his foreign policy vvas that the friends of Pakistan vvere 
his friends and the enemies of Pakistan vvere his enemies. 

Bhutto vvas a pragmatic revolutionary, bravest statesman and not a 
mere theoretician. The task that he had undertaken vvas uphill but he had his 
solid plans for its implementation. His opposition vvas of international character 
and most povverful. In spite of severe vvarnings, he vvas marching forvvard 
tovvards his goal. Instead of attaining his sacred goal, he vvas sent to the 
gallovv. He preferred to die but not surrender. Hovv truly it is said: 

"It is more difficult and calls for higher energies of soul to live a martyr 
than to die one." 



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CHAPTER 19 
Land Reforms 

"TAie pleasures of rich are bought with the tears of the poor" 

Thomas Fuller 

The backbone of PakistarVs economy is essentially agriculture. Seventy 
five percent population is engaged in this profession, and the politics of 
Pakistan is almost totally dominated by the some feudal lords, who are masters 
of black and vvhite in the rural areas. With this state of affairs prevalent in the 
country, the promotion of democracy and economic equality vvould be an 
absurd and ridiculous idea. Democracy means Government of the people, by 
the people, and for the people. It can not thrive in poverty and feudal 
dominance. There are land ovvners who own thousands of acres of land; vast 
areas and villages are under their complete control and with bureaucratic 
complicity, they are the unquestionable kings of those areas and no body dare 
vote against their orders. For the first tirne in 1959. Ayub Khan introduced the 
so-called Land Reforms in the country under Martial Law Regulation 64 of 
1959, curtailing the areas of the big landlords to 36,000 Produce Index Units 
(PIU) plus, but he granted them so many unvvarranted concessions in the 
retention of land. Each family member was given 6,000 units extra, therefore 
they virtually lost nothing and continued to remain the masters of their areas 
and surrendered only that area vvhich was uncultivable, and compensation was 
paid for barren areas to them. The poor tillers of the soil had to pay its priče to 
the landlords; thus the Land Reforms vvorked to the advantage of the big 
landovvners. Moreover, on the pretext of "Shikargahs, u stud farms, live stock 
farms and orchards, hundreds of thousands of finest land was retained by 
them, as they were outside the scope of Ayub Agrarian Reforms. There were 
many "Shikargahs," but in one čase it was more than one hundred thousand 
acres. What a cruel joke! The very purpose of so called reforms was only to 
befool the people. 

Ayub Khan had in fact backed out of his commitment made in 1954: 
"But nothing much will be gained unless we carry out reforms in a scientific 
fashion. Possession of vast areas of land by a few is no larger defensible." Most 
of the landlords were able to transfer on paper, their excess holdings in the 
names of their sons, brothers and close relations. The feudal aristocracy 
emerged from the threat of land reforms almost unscathed. The tenants and 
land less classes were deeply disappointed and public interest and confidence 



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in Ayub Khan's reforms in other fields dvvindled quite rapidly. Thus stands 
proved that Ayub Khan was hand-in-glove with the feudal lords. 

Immediately after coming into povver, the Quaid-e-Awam introduced 
Land Reforms in 1972, vvhich benefited the entire peasantry of the country and 
helped in improving the socioeconomic condition of the country, vvhich traveled 
to the root of the economic system. 

SPEEDY AGRARIAN REFORMS 

Basically, Mr. Bhutto believed in the progressive Islamic ideology and he 
vvas determined bring revolution gradually step by step at the earliest possible, 
vvithout shedding a drop of blood, of any of his country men. But vvith the 
introduction of democracy in vvhich a number of feudal lords had been elected 
in the National Assembly, the task to get the revolutionary bills passed by such 
Assembly's vvas not free from difficulties. At the same tirne, Quaid-e-Awam 
proposed to introduce the reforms in the country vvithout any delay; as the 
people had already heavily suffered for centuries. Therefore he introduced 
Martial Lavv Regulation 115 pertaining to Land Reforms in March 1972 in his 
capacity as Chief Martial Lavv Administrator. Othervvise there vvas apprehension 
of undue delay by the class vvhich vvas going to be affected by the Reforms. 

HAPPYTIDING FOR THE PEASAIMTRY 

"Tonight is your night, as I am speaking to you on land reforms to 
inform you of the vital decisions, vve have taken to change the oppressive and 
iniquitous agrarian system vvhich our people have suffered in silence for 
centuries. The reforms. I am introducing are the basic affecting the life and 
fortunes of the common man, more than any other measure that vve may 
introduce in future. They vvill bring dignity and salvation to our rural masses, 
vvho from today vvill be able to lift their heads from the dust and regain their 
pride and manhood, their self respect and honour." 

AYUB'S LAND REFORMS A FRAUD. 

"The Land Reforms of 1959 vvere basically aploy. They vvere reforms in 
name only, to fool the people in the name of reform. Apart from providing a 
high upper limit of 36,000 units, concessions of ali manner vvere made 
available to buttress and pamper the landed aristocracy and fatten the favored 
fevv. In fact, the units, thus made available ranged from 72,000 to as much as 
80,000 units. Let me explain hovv? Over and above the upper limit of 36,000 
units, individual ovvners vvere allovved to retain an additional 150 acres of 
orchards. 

"Furthermore, an existing ovvner vvas entitled to gift to his heirs, an area 
equivalent to 18,000 units. Even each of his family's female dependent vvas 
allovved, vvithout restrictions, 6,000 units. The runaway scheme did not stop 



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here. "Shikargahs" and stud and live stock farms, irrespective of their size 
were left entirely outside the pale of land reforms. To give an example of one 
of the exempted i.e. "Shikargahs", they were stretched over 100,000 acres. 
Similarly there were stud and live stock farms each of thousands and 
thousands of acres, so also were many trusts indiscriminately exempted. As a 
result of these fraudulent exemptions, peasants were deprived of valuable 
lands running into over one million acres/' 

"We are not permitting such exemptions or concessions. First the 
concerned ovvners will not be permitted to transfer any of the affected areas, 
by way of gift to their heirs or female dependents as was permitted by the 
1959 Reforms." 

"AN Shikargahs will be resumed and land distributed to the peasants 
except for those historical "Shikargahs" vvhich will be run by the state. 
Orchards, stud and live stock farms and defined trusts in excess of the 
prescribed ceiling will not be exempt." 

RESTRICTIONS ON HOLDINGS OF 
GOVERNMENT SERVANTS 

"Government has therefore decided that any Government servant having 
acquired more than 100 acres of land during the tenure of his office or in the 
course of retirement, such land in excess of 100 acres, shall stand confiscated 
to the State." 

PEASANTS GET PROTECTION AND RIGHTS 

"AN state lands will be reserved exclusively for land-less tenants and 
ovvners of belovv subsistence holding, preferably in the same deh, or village in 

vvhich the land is located Arbitrary or capricious ejectments shall stop 

forthvvith. In future, ejectments vvill be possible if tenants fail to pay the batai 
share or rent or meet the requirements of cultivation. The liability of payment 
of vvater rate shall be shifted from the tenants to the landovvner, throughout 
the country. More over ali agricultural taxes shall hereafter be paid exclusively 
by the landovvner. Similarly the present practice of tenant meeting the cost of 
seed shall cease and in future the landovvners vvill be responsible for providing 
and paying for seed. The cost of remaining inputs shall be shared equally 
betvveen the land ovvner and tenant." 

LANDED ARISTOCRACY WARNED 

"I knovv the povver of the landed aristocracy, the overriding authority of 
the tribal sardars, the vvaderas and maliks. They vvill stop at nothing to 
frustrate and circumvent these Land Reforms, Let me declare that this vvill not 
be permitted." 



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The full vveight of Martial Law will visit ali enemies of the people. The art 
of your Government in defence of the peasant and in pursuit of justice of these 
reforms will run as much in the rolling plains of Punjab and Sindh as in the 
rugged mountains and hills of Balochistan and N.VV.F.P., but to succeeded, I 
need your help, I need your support, I need your courage and resolution. It is 
a momentous day, because with one stroke we have exercised the evil that 
had blighted this fair and beautiful land of ours for ages past. We have opened 
a brave new vvorld for our children and their children. We have rescued the 
future of generations to come." 

The above speech was delivered by Mr. Z. A. Bhutto on March 1, 1972 as 
Chief Administrator of Martial Law. In his historic speech, he made it 
abundantly clear; 

"And the most important, I am transferring ali the resumed land to the 
tillers of the soil. The tiller of the soil will not be required to pay a paisa for 
lands given to him under these Reforms. They will be the new ovvners free of 
cost. They will be the new ovvners vvithout any encumbrances or liabilities. Only 
they are to be compensated under these Reforms by free transfer for their 
svveat and toil throughout the past centuries. Furthermore, any balance of 
installments due from farmers under 1959 Land Reforms vvill not be 
recovered." 

Mr. Bhutto, though educated in United States and United kingdom, had a 
thorough knovvledge of Islamic teachings, values and principles; and vvas fully 
conversant vvith the trends of economics and politics and social science. He vvas 
a great political thinker; and he richly possessed the qualities, vvhich are 
essential for any Head of a State. He knevv it fully vvill that politics could not be 
run vvithout the vvelfare and support of masses, and the achievement of their 
support vvas not possible, unless the Government provided prosperity and 
equality for them and their children. Therefore the socioeconomic reforms vvere 
a must for a popular government. He also provided better living and vvorking 
conditions for labour class in cities and else vvhere. Before the introduction of 
these reforms, the landed aristocracy treated the tenants contemptuously as 
their serfs and servants, and they dared not speak against, or even vote 
against the vvishes of their land lords. Even the dogs and svvines vvere much 
better treated, than the human beings, best creation of Allah. It is said that 
some of the big landholders provided the luxury of air conditioners to their 
dogs vvherever they vvere kept or even traveled; it vvas a mark of their 
"greatness". It vvas an unpardonable insult to a Sardar or big Zamindar, if any 
tenant occupied a chair and sat on a cot in their presence. He had either to 
stand or sit on the floor. Was there any possibility of a true democracy and 
establishment of a just and equitable social system in the country under such 
circumstances? Mr. Bhutto, the untiring campaigner of egalitarian society, 
political avvareness of the masses, gave self-respect, confidence, better living 
and independent thinking to his countrymen. Addressing the National Assembly 
soon after these reforms, Bhutto, the redeemer of peasantry, said: 



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"I am not ashamed of what I have done to the people of Pakistan. I am 
proud of having galvanized them. I am proud that now there is a sense of 
dignity in the common man. I am proud that the hari can teli his Zamindar to 
go to hell and that he vvanted his rights. If there is a chaos in the wake it is 
productive chaos, not negative/' 

Islamic ideology is that "Land belongs to Allah," no individual has any 
divine right to be the master of thousands of acres to the exclusion of millions 
of hungry, shelterless and half-naked human beings with begging bovvls in 
their hand. 

Some big and prominent Maulvis, who also happened to be the political 
leaders of their parties, issued edicts to the effect that according to Islam, any 
land holder could own and possesses any area; and Islam had imposed no 
limitation so far the area was concerned. Thus the slashing of area was 
unlavvful and against the fundamental rights as enunciated by Islam. Dr. 
Mohammed Iqbal the greatest Muslim thinker and the most authoritative 
interpretater of the Islamic concept in the 20th century refused to share such 
reactionary vievvs and declared that such an interpretation was against the 
aims, objects and špirit of Islam. Even the Holy Prophet (Peace be upon him) 
said, "Poverty is my pride/' Dr. Mohammed Iqbal was more conversant with 
the fundamentals of Islam than the "Moulvis" and entertained the most 
profound love for the Holy Prophet (Peace be upon him). He called upon the 
peasantry to revolt against such elements that had deprived them of their loaf 
of bred. Arise and avvaken the people of my vvorld. Shake the doors and vvalls 
of the palaces of the rich! Warm the blood of the slaves with the fire of faith! 
Set the humble sparrovv at the hawk! The field that does not provide the 
peasant with food! Burn away every ear of the corn in such a field! 

Bhutto had rendered very valuable service not only to the peasantry of 
the country but also those who were subjected to the law of jungle or 
dominated by the capitalists and the feudal lords hithero. It was his step-in-aid 
of the democracy and society. 

Arise and avvaken the people the people of my vvorld! 

Shake the doors and vvalls of the palaces of the rich! Warm the blood of 
the slaves vvith the fire of faith! 
Set the humble sparrovv at the halok! 
The field that does not provide the peasant vvith food! 
Burn away every ear of the corn in such a field! 

ESSENTIAL FEATURES OF LAND REFORMS 1972 

The Land Reforms Regulations 64 of 1959 vvas repealed, and in its plače, 
Mr. Bhutto gave a nevv Regulation 115. I vvould like to state its salient features. 



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1. No person shall at any tirne; own or in any capacity posses land in 
excess of one hundred and fifty acres of irrigated land or three hundred 
acres of un-irrigated area. 

2. In čase of tube well or tractor, the ovvner will be allovved an area 
equivalent to three thousand units. 

3. A person who on tvventieth day of December 1971 was in possession of 
an area of land, shall not be entitled to possess any additional area of 
land under this paragraph until he has surrendered to Government land, 
in excess of area equivalent to tvvelve thousand produce index units. 

4. No person who is or had been in the (civil) service of Pakistan and 
has at any tirne, betvveen the lst January 1959 and two years of his 
ceasing to be in civil service, acquired any land or any right or interest 
there in, by any means vvhatever either in his own name or in the name 
of any of his heirs, or any other person, shall own or possess any land 
exceeding one hundred acres. 

5. AN the areas under stud or live stock farms, vvhether state land or 
othervvise, allovved to be retained under the provisions of paragraph 9 of 
the repealed Regulation, shall, [vvhether or not the areas are held by the 
person vvho held them at the commencement of Regulation or by those 
to vvhom the leases vvere granted, there under or any other law] be 
resumed and vest in Government, free from any encumbrance or charge 
vvhat so ever. 

6. AN areas under shikar-gahas in the possession or under the 
management of any person, shall be reserved and vested in 
Government free from any encumbrance or charge vvhat so ever, and 
vvithout payment of any compensation. 

7. Land vvhich vests in Government under provisions of Paragraph 13 or 
Paragraph 14, shall, subject to the other provisions of this paragraph be 
granted free of charge, to the tenants, vvho are shovvn in the Record of 
Rights to be in cultivating possession of it. 

8. Land under orchards, stud or live stock farms, vvhich is resumed and 
vests in Government under the Provisions of paragraph 15, may he 
utilized by the Government as it deems fit. 

9. Subject to the other provisions of this Regulation, a tenant shall have 
the first right of preemption in respect of the land comprised in tenancy. 

The provisions contained in the Martial Lavv Regulation 115 of 1972, 
highly benefited the tillers of the soil, and on the other hand, there vvas a vvave 
of political avvakening among the peasantry, vvhich hitherto had been taking 



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much interest in politics. They had been under the impression that their 
political, economic and social destiny was stili in the strong grip of the big 
landovvners. This step politically popularized Bhutto and the peasant class now 
thought firmly that they had a staunch emancipator in the personality of the 
Quaid-e-Awam who was a statesman of deeds and not merely vvords. Though 
after this legislation, most of the haris became landovvners themselves and 
their economic lot had improved very substantially, yet there vvas a general 
and genuine grievance that it had not been implemented fully, due to the 
corrupt practices of the officials, in conspiracy vvith the big land holders. The 
big landovvners got the lands allotted in fictitious names, vvith the result that 
they remained ovvners of the land themselves, to the exclusion of genuine 
hairs. But to speak frankly, Bhutto vvas like Jinnah and there is no vvonder if 
the complete implementation of the Land Reforms had not achieved for vvhich 
he could not be blamed. Had he lived longer, he vvould not have tolerated such 
land-grabbing. 

The other very important aspect of Agrarian Reform vvas the preferential 
right of preemption that vvas conferred on tenancy basis. After fourteen years, 
the supreme court of Pakistan vvhittled the right of preemption that had been 
granted to the hairs, holding it as un-Islamic. This judgment deprived 
thousands of tillers of soil of their right to preempt but novv Bhutto vvas in his 
grave, haris vvere helpless, and damaging verdict had come from the Supreme 
Court of Pakistan vvhatever be the consequences. But it had to be obeyed 
implicitly. 

LAND REFORM OF 1977 

As already stated, Mr. Bhutto vvho vvas novv the Quaid-e-Awam and man 
of ideas and actions, proposed to bring more land Reforms. He believed in the 
vvelfare of people and prosperity of country. He vvas determined to prepare and 
train his nation for some historic and glorious task. His fertile brain vvas full of 
ideas and programmes to reach the pinnacle of glory, but that vvas not possible 
so long the demon of economic disparity and extreme poverty vvere rule of the 
day. Z. A. Bhutto novv embarked on fresh reforms, and further slashed the 
holdings. 

Novv he again proposed to curtail the size of holdings of bigger landlords 
in 1977. It vvas a gradual and peaceful programme to cut the size of individual 
holdings, though he himself vvas an important member of the same class, but 
he vvas not big for holdings and vvealth to become a multimillionaire; his aim of 
life vvas to make his country rich and respectable. 

The most "important provision in the nevv lavv that is called Land 
Reforms Act 1977 (Act II of 1977) is as under: 

"Save as othervvise provided in this Act, no person shall, after the 
commencement of this Act, ovvn or possess land, including his share in 



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shamilat, if any, in excess of one hundred acres of irrigated land or two 
hundred acres of un-irrigated land, or irrigated or un-irrigated land, the 
aggregated of vvhich exceeds one hundred acres of irrigated land (one acre of 
irrigated land being reckoned as equivalent to two acres of un-irrigated land) 
or an area equivalent to eight thousand produce index units of land, vvhichever 
shall be greater." 

The purpose of Bhutto was to reduce disparity and by bringing equality, 
but he vvanted to do it in phases and not ali at once. He was a young man, the 
most brilliant statesmen of his country and never knew that an abrupt and 
internationally conspired coup vvould put end to his life and once for ali end the 
missions of his life vvhich he had cherished so deadly. 

The Land Reforms Act of 1977 has not been properly implemented; it 
vvas Bhutto's baby; his opponents vvanted to kili that baby too but not publicly. 
Hovvever, the fact remains that his nevv lavv has been implemented half 
heartedly; and its purpose has yet to be achieved. Had he lived longer and 
remained in povver, I think that the big holdings vvould have come to an end, 
and the nation vvould have advanced to economic equality. The big 
"Zamindars" are stili flourishing in Pakistan and tenants continue languishing. 



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CHAPTER 20 

The Second Islamic 
Summit Conference 



"United we stan d, and divided we fall." 

John Dickinson 

Much before the advent of French Revolution in Europe, Islam declared 
'Equality, Fraternity and Unity' to be the guiding principles of humanity, when 
Europe was groping in darkness and America was yet to be knovvn to the rest 
of the vvorld. Pakistan, the largest Muslim State in the vvorld, came into 
existence under the dynamic leadership of Mohammad Ali Jinnah on the basis 
of 'Faith, Unity and Discipline', much to the opposition and chagrin of the 
Indian National congress and the British Government. The Hindu leadership of 
India had yet to recognize Pakistan mentally; and in December 1971 Indira 
Gandhi, the Indian Prime Minister succeeded in dismembering East Pakistan 
from the West with the active assistance of Soviet Union, though the blaming 
for tearing Pakistan basically lay with the dictatorial rule that was unfortunately 
rampant in Pakistan for more than 13 years. It was after this tragedy, that the 
regions of Government were handed over to Z. A. Bhutto, who was the only 
politician amongst the vvhole lot to save and consolidate Pakistan that stood in 
the danger of dissipation from the map of the vvorld. Such a disaster, 
humiliation and condemnation had hardly occurred in the history of nations. 
Therefore, this crisis vvas a crucial test to prove the genuineness of Bhutto's 
leadership. 

Never in the history of modem age, an Islamic Summit Conference vvas 
called in the vvorld vvith such pomp and grandeur producing such tangible 
results for Pakistan and the Muslim VVorld. It vvas held in Lahore, the heartbeat 
of Pakistan from February 22 to 24, 1974. It vvas indeed a landmark in the 
history of Pakistan; thus Bhutto succeeded in bringing Pakistan from the lovvest 
level to the top of the global politics. It vvas, I think, the fulfillment of the 
dreams of the Quaid-e-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah. 

Bhutto vvas a keen študent of the political history, architect of Pakistan's 
foreign policy. He vvas a practical politician, and not a dravving room 
theoretician vvho lives in dreams and shadovvs. He knevv it vvell that the survival 
of Pakistan and the Muslim vvorld vvas not possible vvithout the unity of the 
Muslim countries. They vvere sandvviched by the West on one side and the 
highly developed India on the other side; and both West and India vvere busy 
in dividing and vveakening the Muslim VVorld; they vvere responsible for 
creating the cancers of Kashmir and Palestine. Both vvanted Muslim countries 



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to be their camp-follower. And the Muslims who had ruled the vvorld for more 
than six hundred years, gave guidance and radiated the light of literature, 
science, philosophy, medicine, civilization and culture to the humanity. They 
were now at the mercy of their adversaries. This fact has been acknovvledged 
and depicted by Richard Nixon, former President of the U.S. A in the follovving 
vvords: 

"Fevv Americans are avvare of the rich heritage of the Islamic vvorld. They 
remember only that svvord of Muhammad and follovvers advanced the Muslim 
faith into Asia, Africa and even Europe and look condescindly on the religious 
vvars of the region. VVhile Europe languished in the Midddle ages, the Islamic 
civilization enjoyed its golden age. The Muslim vvorld made enormous 
contributions to science, medicine, and philosophy. In his book "The Age of 
Faith", Will Durant observed that key advanced in virtually ali fields vvere 
achieved by Muslims in this period. Avicenna vvas the greatest vvriter on 
medicine, Al-Razi the greatest physician, Al-Biruni the greatest geographer, Al- 
Haitham the greatest optician, Jabbar the greatest chemist, and Averroes one 
of the greatest Philosophers. Arab scholars vvere instrumental in developing the 
scientific method. As Will Durant commented "VVhen Roger Bacon proclaimed 
that method to Europe, five hundred years after Jabbar ovved his illumination 
to the Moors of Spain, vvhose light had come from the Muslim East. When the 
great figures of the European Renaissance pushed forvvard the frontiers of 
knovvledge, they savv further, because they stood on the shoulders of giants of 
the Muslim vvorld. These achievements represent vvhat the Muslim vvorld has 
been in the past. They also point out vvhat it could become in the future, if the 
deadly cycles of vvars and political instability can be arrested." 

Such scintillating starš vvere produced by the Muslim vvorld in the past 
vvho gave art, culture and civilization to the vvorld of vvhich the vvest is novv 
presently boasting. Richard Nixon vvhite further elucidating his point states: 

"They cover a 10,000 mile-long svvath of territory extending from 
Morocco to Yugoslavia, from Turkey to Pakistan, from Central Asian Republics 
to the Soviet Union to the tropics of Indonesia. More Muslims live in China than 
on the Arabian Peninsula and more live in Indonesia than the entire Middle 
East. The former Soviet Union vvith over 50 million Muslims has more than any 
Middle Eastern country, except Turkey. At current birth rates, there vvill be 
more Muslims than Russian in the former Soviet Union in the next century. 

Only tvvo common elements exist in the Muslim vvorld: The faith of Islam 
and the problems of turbulence. Islam is not religion but also foundation of 
major civilization. We speak of "Muslim VVorld" as a single entity, not because 
of any Islamic politburo guiding its policies, because individual nations share 
common political and cultural currents vvith the entire Muslim civilization. The 
same political rhythms are played throughout the Muslim VVorld, regardless of 
the differences betvveen individual countries This commonalty of faith and 



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politics breeds a loose but a real solidarity when a major event occurs in one 
part of the Muslim VVorld, it inevitably reverbats in others." 

This vvriting indicates that besides having the knovvledge of history and 
politics of Muslim vvorld, he had read the mind of Z.A.Bhutto; The book was 
vvritten after the martyrdom of Bhutto. This vvriting infact reflects the vision 
and vvill of Mr. Bhutto to harbinger the Muslim renaissance once again in the 
Muslim VVorld. 

It may be recalled that the Hindu politicians of India vvere afraid of unity 
of the Muslim vvorld; and it vvas in pursuance of that fear that Pandit Javvahar 
Lal Nehru vvas vvooing the Muslim leaders in order to vvean them away from the 
idea of Pan-Islamism. It vvould be profitable to reproduce the thoughts of Lala 
Lajpat Rai, the eminent Hindu congress leader of the Punjab expressing his 
misgivings about Muslims to C.R Das, the eminent and liberal congress leader 
of Bengal: 

"I have devoted most of my tirne during the last six months to the study 
of Muslim history and Muslim lavv and I am inclined to think it [Hindu-Muslim 
unity] is neither possible nor practicable. Assuming and admitting the sincerity 
of Mohammedan leaders in the non-cooperation movement, I think their 

religion provides effective bar to anything of the kind can any Muslim leader 

override the Koran? I am not afraid of the seven crores of Musalmans. But 

I think the seven crores in Hindustan plus the armed hosts of Afghanistan. 
Central Asia, Arabis, Mesopotamia and Turkey vvill be irresistible." 

From the passages quoted above, it vvould be crystal clear that the 
terminologies of "Muslim VVorld," Muslim Unity," "Muslim Civilization" and 
"Muslim Renaissance" are very unpalatable to the VVest as vvell as India. They 
vvant to see the "Muslim VVorld" vveak, vvarning and divided. 

UNITY EFFORT ABORTIVE 

Efforts vvere made from tirne to tirne to unite the Muslims, bringing them 
on one platform and vvork together for social vvelfare and political strength of 
the Muslim nations; but the petty differences betvveen the individual nations 
prevailed over the sincerity of purpose; and the policy to "divide and vveaken" 
follovved by the interested povvers proved fruitful and successful. 

"Pakistan made efforts to come closer to the Muslim countries of Muslim 
Asia and to bring Muslim governments closer together. An unofficial Muslim 
VVorld Conference vvas organized in Karachi, vvhich vvas attended in February 
1949 by delegates from 19 Muslim Countries. Prime Minister Liaquat Ali Khan 
emphasized in London that Muslim nations betvveen Cairo and Karachi vvould 

play an important role betvveen the tvvo povver-blocs At the second Muslim 

VVorld Conference held in Karachi in "February 1951, Prime Minister Liaquat Ali 



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Khan talked of PakistarVs "mission" to do every thing in its povver to 

promote closer fellovvship and co-operation betvveen Muslim countries. 

Most of these efforts proved to be abortive, hovvever, and proved 
disillusionment and frustration in Pakistan. "The belief in essential unity of 
purpose and outlook in the Muslim VVorld," to use Callard's vvords, did indeed 
prove to be an illusion. "Other Muslim states did not take the same view of the 
relation betvveen religion and nationalism and the concepts of Islamic unity and 
brotherhood vvere less decisive on the political level than national interests and 
priorities. 

VVhile "Pakistan sought to built an Islamic bloc and to obtain friendship 
and support of Muslim Countries vvhich could be mobilized against its principal 
enemy, India, the leaders of most Muslim states vvanted to avoid involvement 
in Indo-Pakistan disputes. Indeed, Gamal Abdel Nasser seemed more 
sympathetic and closer vvith India than Pakistan/' 

It vvas abundantly obvious that unification of Muslims, though need of 
the hour, vvas not an easy task. Mr. Jinnah did not live long after independence 
but it vvas his earnest desire of life to unite the Muslim VVorld. Even on 27th 
August 1948, vvhen he vvas on deathbed at Quetta he sent Eid greetings to the 
Muslim VVorld in the follovving vvords: 

"My Eid message to our brother Muslim states is one of friendship and 
goodvvill. VVe are ali passing through perilous times. The drama of povver 
politics that is being staged in Palestine, Indonesia and Kashmir should serve 
an eye opener to us. It is only by putting up a united front that vve can make 
our voice felt in the councils of the VVorld. " 

CROWNING SUCCESS OF ZULFIKAR ALI BHUTTO 

Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, though not a devout Muslim, vvas deeply absorbed 
vvith the špirit of the Islam and vvas vvell conversant vvith teachings of Holy 
Prophet (Peace be upon him) and the services that Islam had rendered to the 
humanity at large. In his ovvn vvords his interest vvas soaked in the political, 
economic and cultural heritage of Islam. From the very beginning of his life 
vvhen he vvas a študent he vvas preparing himself to play an important and 
historic role to bring back the golden age of Islam. In his speech of l st April 
1948, at Los Angeles, vvhile he vvas the študent in the University of Southern 
California, he spoke: 

"I am not here to preach Islam to you or to threaten you vvith its 
dominate povvers: I only vvant to teli you of the Islam that vvas a burning light 
of yesterday, the ember that it is today, and the celestial flame of tomorrovv, 
for that is hovv I envisage the future of Islam. I must teli you that religiously 
speaking I am not a devout Muslim/' 



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This spirited and illuminating speech of young Bhutto who was 20 years 
of age at the relevant tirne, sounds like the assertion of Mr. Mohammad Ali 
Jinnah, the šole spokesman of Muslim India against whom the Maulvis had 
announced their edict of "Kafir-e-Azam." It reminds me the speech of Navvab 
Bahadur Yar Jung who was addressing a very largely attended meeting in 
Delhi, vvhich was presided over by the Quaid-e-Azam. When he came to deal 
with the charges leveled by the Maulvis against the Quaid he was so carried 
away by the tide of his eloquence that he declared that the Holy Prophet, 
himself had prophesied that the tirne vvould come when Muslims vvould be led 
to their salvation by a transgressor. At this totally unexpected and complete 
vindication of their great leader, the audience burst into a loud applause. When 
Bahadur Yar Jung sat down after the speech Quaid-e-Azam smiled and said 
"Never has any political leader been so severely denounced as a transgressor 
by one of his any strong supporters and never has such a denunciation been 
marked with such approbation." 7 Perhaps the same thing was applicable to the 
Quaid-e-Awam Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, who in his own vvords, was not a devout 
Muslim but the greatest advocate of the cause of Muslim VVorld. 

The Muslim States in the vvorld had many wise, able and experienced 
monarchs, administrators and political leaders but the most capable amongst 
them to deliver goods could be Zulfikar Ali Bhutto and Zulfikar Ali Bhutto alone. 
He was endovved with extraordinary capabilities by nature. He possessed global 
experience, new ideas, new concepts, exceptional charisma, political sagacity 
and was an unparalleled leader of Muslim VVorld. The brief and indisputable 
assessment of his personality is stated as under: 

"Bhutto was a tireless vvorker and reveled in international activity. 
Numerous trips were made to the Middle-Eastern Countries and relations were 
cultivated with Muslim rulers like King Faisla, Maummar Qadafi and Yasir 
Arafat. Bhutto's tactics paid off. His oratorical abilities, his broad educational 
experience, his familiarity with virtually ali the world's leaders, his long 
experience in political limelight, his stili young dynamic posturing raised him 
quickly to a position of third vvorld leadership. 

VVhat Pakistan did not posses in material advantage, it more than made 
up for in trained and experienced personnel and Bhutto vvas epitome of an 
erudite, sophisticated informed and capable Muslim leader. Moreover, he 
seemed to sense his value in the larger Muslim community, if not the Third 
vvorld itself. At every opportunity he spoke of the need to combine Muslim 
energies and integrate third vvorld efforts." 8 As such it is not at ali surprising 
that the Muslim vvorld that vvas torn by dissentions, vvilling and unanimously 
recognized him as its leader. 

It may be noted that the VVestern povvers and India, the arch enemy of 
Pakistan had spread a netvvork of efficient emissaries and able ambassadors 
through out the Muslim VVorld to divide them and set them up against 



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Pakistan. But by sheer dint of his ability and diplomatic capacity, he thvvarted 
ali their attempts. 

It will be also equally relevant to state that Z. A. Bhutto's arguments to 
unify the Muslim countries and pool their energies to face the enemies of 
Muslim VVorld assumed greater force in view of the 1973 war betvveen Arabs 
and the Israel that had recently ended. The Arab countries now started feeling 
sincerely that instead of Arab nationalism, unity of the Muslim VVorld vvould be 
more effective especially in view of the fact that they had no such capable 
leader like Mr. Z. A. Bhutto. 

HISTORIC CONFERENCE AT LAHORE. 

The Second Islamic Summit Conference attended by 37 counties of Asia 
and Africa, was held in Lahore in February 22-24 1947, four months after the 
Arab-Israeli war of 1973. It was sponsored by Pakistan and Saudi Arabia. The 
keynote address vvhich contained the basic problems faced by the Muslim 
VVorld was delivered by the Prime Minister of Pakistan, Mr. Zulfikar Ali Bhutto 
as a Chairman of the Congress. Though it is not possible to reproduce the 
entire speech but its important features vvhich vvould appeal to the mind of the 
readers are stated as under: 

About the historic importance of Lahore and the deep concern that the 
people of Pakistan felt in respect of Palestine and the Muslim VVorld, Z. A. 
Bhutto said: 

"This ancient city symbolizes not only Pakistan's national struggle but 
also its abiding solidarity vvith the Muslim VVorld. Here in Lahore, lived that 
magnificent herald of Islamic renaissance, Mohammad Iqbal, vvho fathered the 
idea of Pakistan, vvho articulated the Muslims, anguish and his hope and vvhose 
voice sounded the clarion call of revolt and resurgence. Also here in Lahore, 34 
years ago vvas adopted the celebrated resolution that inaugured the glorious 
freedom struggle of the Muslims of South Asian subcontinent under the 
leadership of Quaid-e-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah. It is a fact of no small 
importance that the same session of Muslim League vvhich adopted the 
Pakistan Resolution also adopted unanimously a resolution on Palestine. The 
resolution recorded, and I quote, "the considered opinion, in clear and 
unequivocal language, that no arrangements of a piece-meal character should 
be made in Palestine vvhich are contrary in špirit and opposed to the pledges 
given to the Muslim vvorld; the resolution further vvarned against the danger of 
using force in the Holy land to overavve the Arabs into the submission." 

Referring to the speeches of Iqbal, and Jinnah, he said, 'on that occasion 
he (Iqbal) emphasized that the problem of Palestine, and I quote his vvords, 
'does not concern Palestine alone but vvill have vvide repercussions in the entire 
Islamic VVorld: Later in October 1947, soon after our emergence, the Quaid-e- 
Azam vvarned that the partition of Palestine vvould entail, and I quote his vvords 



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'the gravest danger and unprecedented conflict' and that 'the entire Muslim 
vvorld will revolt against such a decision, vvhich can not be supported 
historically, politically and morally/ 

About Pakistan' attachment with the other Muslim countries, the 
Chairman Bhutto added, "Pakistan's involvement with the issue vvhose scene is 
the Arab Middle East is accompanied by deep attachment to its dear neighbour 
Iran and to Turkey and by friendship and cordiality with other Muslim countries 
and if I specially mention Indonesia and Malaysia, I do not underrate our 
relations with others." 

It was in this conference that the Prime Minister Bhutto declared his 
recognition of Bangladesh on account of the mediatory efforts of the Muslim 
Countries and vvithout the Indian intervention. He said, "My Government has 
extended formal recognition to Bangladesh. We hope this mutual recognition, 
vvhich is in the špirit of Islamic fraternity, vvill novv bury a past that the people 
of both our countries vvill prefer to see forgotten." It vvill be relevant to mention 
that Shaikh Mujib-ur-Rahman had also participated in this historic conference. 

This gesture of good vvill vvas appreciated by every Muslim Country. By 
alienating Pakistan from Bangladesh, Mr. Bhutto vvould have throvvn 
Bangladesh in the lap of hostile India, and hovv vvould he even think of such a 
repugnant idea. 

The Pakistani Prime Minster very adroitly and briefly explained the 
vexing problems that his country had to face. "Your host country, for instance 
has been victim of international conspiracies and unconcerned vvith an intense 
question, in vvhich, it believes, its stand is based on nothing but justice and 
concern for the Muslim rights. Hovvever, vve vvould be doing a disservice to the 
conference if vve sought to exploit this platform to ventilate our national 
standpoints. 

Mr. Bhutto mainly dealt vvith and stressed on the problems of the Arab 
countries created by the planting of Jevvs in Palestine, treating them as his ovvn 
problems. He said: "Let me make it clear from this platform, that any 
agreement, any protocol, any understanding vvhich postulates the continuance 
of Israeli occupation of the Holy City or the transfer of the Holy City to any 
non-Muslim or non-Arab sovereignty vvill not be vvorth the paper it is vvritten on 
... Not to give this vvarning vvould be to encourage an illusion vvhich vvould be 
fatal to the establishment of lasting peace in the Middle East. 

In this respect, there is a fire in our hearts vvhich no skilful evasions on 

the parts of others, vvill ever be able to quench If it vvere not also tragic 

vvhat could be more bizarre than the phenomenon of people being 
dispossessed of the homeland and condemn to live in agony and dispersion, 
not in imperialism's hoary past but in our day and age." 



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MUSLIM WORLD LAMEIMTABLY DIVIDED 

Lamenting our the divided Muslim VVorld, their present quandary, their 
petty differences, the Chairman said: "An intellectual lethargy paralyzed our 

thoughts From became important than substance, we broke ourselves into 

schisms; we became a collection of faction. This brought about the inroads and 
eventually the invasion, of vvestern colonialism from Maghrib to Indonesia, the 
Muslim people came under the domination in one form or another, of VVestern 
Europe. 

Our cultures were fragmented, our traditions captured and our mutual 
communication disrupted. The imperialist povver belittled our heritage, pillaged 
our treasures, denuded us of our resources and the flovver of our man-hood 
was sacrificed to serve their strategy. Muslim was turned against Muslim, 
brother against brother." 

REMEDIES OF THE MALADIES 

The Chairman Z.A.Bhutto dvvelt in detail about the present state of 
Muslims in the nations of the VVorld, their internal divisions and differences, 
internecine disputes and the victimization of the Muslims by the VVest. 
Thereafter, he suggested remedies for these maladies in his thought-provoking 
speech that went-long way to create apprehensions and dangers in the mind of 
U.S. A and the VVest vvhich could emanate from his suggestions of far-reaching 
consequences. 

He had fully studied the strategies of the VVest and the industrialized 
countries that had drained the Muslim countries and the Third VVorld of their 
economic resources and made them politically dependent on them. Zulfikar Ali 
Bhutto asserted; 

"The Third VVorld has emphasized tirne and again that povver and 
affluence cannot co-exist in the vvorld of today. But apart from the scant 
response from the industrialized vvorld, vve ourselves have not fully realized the 
nature and value of economic povver nor grasped the urgent need of 
developing science and technology for our progress, indeed for our very 

survival Some far-reaching possibilities have been opened by the 

demonstrated ability of the oil producing countries to concert their policy and 
determine the priče of their resource. This may vvell be vvatershed in history. It 

may vvell presage the end of deranged vvorld order The Third VVorld can novv 

participate in the economic and financial councils of the vvorld on an equal 
footing vvith the developed countries and vvill be able to acquire a due message 
of influence and control in international financial and economic institutions. 
Indeed for the first tirne, the Third VVorld is potentially in a position to use its 
ovvn resources for financing its development through cooperative effort. It can 
novv forge its ovvn financial institutions for bringing about rapid development of 
the less developed countries. " 



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Z. A. Bhutto did not believe in mere delightful, empty speeches vvithout 
any practical steps and results. He called upon the brother Muslim Countries to 
formulate concrete and practical schemes to achieve the purposes for vvhich 
the conference had been called. His revolutionary programme for the future 
action plan must not have gone unnoticed by the VVestern Povvers, when he 
said: 

"There is danger vvhich must be overcome by positive action. Concrete 
measures have to be evolved, institutions established and machineries devised 
vvhich could channel the resources, novv commanded by the oil producer in 
such a way as to release them from their dependence, on countries outside the 
Third VVorld for their basic needs and services and also strengthen the Third 
VVorld economically there is no povver vvithout economic strength." 

He embarked upon creating a nevv VVorld free from economic and 
political exploitation, that vvould comprise Muslim VVorld, third vvorld, the 
people's of Asia, Africa and Latin America. The VVest considered in an 
unprecedented threat under the leadership of Bhutto, that they vvere likely to 
face in the history of modern age, Explaining the true concept of Islam and the 
underlying špirit of the Islamic principles, he exhorted: 

"Through a conventional opposition, the East has been considered as 
spiritual and contemplative and the VVest materialistic and pragmatic. Islam 
rejects such dichotomies. The Muslims accepts both vvorld, the spiritual and the 

material thirdly it is inherent in our purpose that vve promote, rather than 

subvert the solidarity of the Third VVorld. This solidarity is based on human and 
not on ethnic factors. The distinctions of race are anthema to Islam, but a 
kinship of suffering and struggle appeals to a religion, vvhich has always battled 
against oppression and sought to establish justice. This solidarity reflects the 
similarity of the historic experiences of the peoples of Asia, Africa and Latin 
America. They have ali suffered the same injustices, borne the same travail, 
and are engaged in the same struggle/' 

It vvas the best interpretation of the concept of Islamic Brotherhood, that 
vvas prepared to fight, suffer and sacrifice for the oppressed peoples, 
irrespective of any caste, colour or creed. 

As a realist, Z. A. Bhutto fully realized the existence of nations in the 
Muslim VVorld. He did not deny the nationalism factor, but he effectively 
exposed the bane of nationalism that the VVest had experienced. He vvanted to 
subordinate nationalism to Islam, in order to get rid of its damaging aspects 
and thus promote the vvorldvvide brotherhood: 

"Furthermore nationalism is a necessary tributary, to the broad stream 
of human culture. It takes a full understanding of one's ovvn country, of its 
history and language and tradition to develop an understanding of other 
countries, of their inner life, and of our relations vvith them. Islam provides 



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both the špirit and the technique of such mutuality. Patriotism and loyalty to 
Islam can thus be fused into a transcendent harmony. As Muslims we can rise 

higher than our nationalism vvithout damaging or destroying it Nationalism 

as a breeder of discord and as an agent of untrammeled egoism has brought 
unfold sorrovv to the VVestern people. It has limited mankind's horizons, 
constructed its sympathies. It has spavvned wars. Its history is soaked in 
blood. Not we, the Muslims alone, but ali the peoples of the Third VVorld must 

despise that kind of nationalism But the important thing is our resolve that 

we shall not let these differences ever be so magnified as to impel one Muslim 
nation to go to war with another or interfere in its internal affairs." 

It was a historic speech of Z. A. Bhutto in the historic Islamic Summit 
Conference. It was a very scholarly, most comprehensive and convincing 
address of a leader of international character for the unity of the Muslim VVorld 
and the Third VVorld countries, suggesting ways and means to be adopted for 
the achievement of the objectives. Finally Zulfikar Ali Bhutto reminded the 
distinguished guests that he had been nourishing the idea of Muslim revival 
and unity vvhile he was študent; thereby referring to his speech delivered in 
Southern California University, Los Angeles U.S. A on April 1, 1948, before the 
American citizens; 

"As I survey this splendid gathering, I recall that I was a young študent 
26 years ago, I was asked to address the študent body of a University, almost 
wholly not-Muslims, on the Islamic heritage. After making a youthful attempt 
at defining it, I spoke of Muslim Unity against exploitation and of Muslim 
revival, and sketched a plan for a Muslim Common vvealth. I ventured to 
predict that a movement in this direction vvould take the shape in the next 
twenty years." 

BHUTTCS SINGULAR SUCCESS AS 
INTERNATIONAL LEADER 

The holding of Islamic Summit Conference at Lahore proved to be a 
milestone in the modern age for emancipating the Muslim VVorld and the Third 
VVorld from the yoke of economic and political slavery of the VVest and the 
U.S. A. Prior to this, the Arab countries and the other Muslim states used to 
think in terms of nationalism, and Islam was not the guiding and binging force 
to unite them. 

Bhutto's hectic efforts, convincing discussions and oratorical gifts made 
every Head of the State realize that their survival, and revival depended upon 
their unity as envisaged by Islam, and that the nationalism was to be 
subordinated to the higher aims and the nobler ideas of Islamic polity. This 
was in fact a revolution in the Muslim VVorld and the Third VVorld for vvhich the 
entire credit goes to Bhutto, and ali the participants acknovvledged Pakistan as 
a citadel of Islam, and Z. A. Bhutto, an undisputed leader of the Muslim VVorld. 



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RAY OF REVIVAL AND RENAISSANCE 

The profound address of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, and the touching scenes of 
Muslim unity aroused the hopes of revival of the golden era in the minds of the 
jubilant Muslims of Pakistan and especially those who had vvitnessed the scene 
in the city of Lahore. The extraordinarily talented Prime Minister of Pakistan 
had succeeded in revolutionizing the thinking process of the Muslim VVorld. 
Those who were yesterday the champions of nationalism, had today become 
the torchbearers of Muslim unity and brotherhood. It was the most baffling 
even for India, as it had a tremendous effect on the Foreign relations of the 
Muslim States in favour of Pakistan. An eyewitness author vvrites; "The 
Muslims, particularly the Arabs found in him the leader they were looking 

for The Islamic leaders, when they went to Badshahi Mosque in Lahore to 

offer Juma prayers, were greeted by millions who joined them. Picture of King 
Faisal praying to God with tears in his eyes won the hearts of Pakistanis. Col. 
Qaddafi of Libya went to the stadium, named after him, with Bhutto and there 
he addressed a public meeting. People thronged to the plače and applauded 

vociferously when Qaddafi declared "Our resources are your resources, our 

strength is your strength". Bhutto's name became a household word in the 
Middle Est. Pakistan though reduced in size had gained in strength, and the 
credit for ali this goes to Zulfikar Ali Bhutto." 9 

INCONCLUSIVE BUT AMAZING RESULTS OF MUSLIM UIMITY 

Z. A. Bhutto was not confined to jugglery of vvords, catch phrases, and 
beautifully prepared speeches but was a man of strong determination and 
action. Heads of the Muslim States fully appreciated and recognised his merit. 
He was their friend in need. "He provided material support to the Arabs in their 
war against Israel. Civilian technicians and military personnel from Pakistan 
were to be found throughout the Arab-World. Squadrons of Pakistani piloted 
aircraft were stationed in Syria primarily for purpose of defence. They were 
responsible for destroying a few Israel planeš in Syrian skies. Libyan air 
operations were assisted by a large number of Pakistanis. Kuvvait and other 
Gulf Emirates were also provided manpovver. Training missions went to Egypt 
and also in Saudi Arabia." 

Arabs now treated Zulfikar Ali Bhutto as leader of the entire Muslim 
VVorld and radically changed their political attitudes and ideas, to fit in with 
those propounded by Bhutto. 

"The real victory was won when Bhutto assumed povver after debacle in 
East Pakistan. The Arabs were attracted by his socialist and anti-imperialist 
stance and rhetoric. Pakistan under Bhutto, became the actual leader of the 
Muslim VVorld. Bhutto became the Chairman of the Islamic Conference. He did 
not speak about the problems of his own country. He only mentioned those 
faced by the Muslim VVorld, particularly the Arabs. The Arabs felt dravvn 
tovvards him." 



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"There was a new emphasis on Islamic unity and the beneficiary of this 
change was Pakistan. Before 1973-74 Pakistan was not receiving any direct 
financial assistance from any Muslim country. After the Summit Conference, 
because of the policies formulated by Bhutto a total of 993 million dollars were 
given to Pakistan by the Arab Countries and Iran. And the aid flow after that 
was regular until Bhutto remained in povver. Pakistan exports to Middle East 

increased tremendously Until seventies, Pakistan's ties with the Muslim 

countries were uncertain and at times strained. With the emergence of Bhutto 
on the political scene, the relationship drastically changed." 

MISCHIEF TO DIVIDE OIL AND NON OIL STATES. 

Z. A. Bhutto's hectic activities and efforts to unite the Muslim States and 
Third VVorld could hardly be acceptable to the rich and industrialized countries. 
It was a matter of serious concern for them. 

Therefore underhand methods and diplomatic activities were started 
with full svving to rent asunder the mission that the Prime Minister had initiated 
with ali vigour and valour much against the vvishes of the povverful West. Mr. 
Bhutto decided once again to call the conference of the Third VVorld countries 
to dispel the misunderstandings and nip the mischief of dividing the Muslim 
VVorld and Third VVorld States in bud. "In his intervievv with the "Tehran 
Journal. " Mr. Bhutto said, that the unity could be expressed effectively when it 
was both aligned and non aligned. For this it was necessary that "ali of the 
Third VVorld the oil producing nations, the non-oil producing nations - ali get 
together, to demonstrate their unity for better terms inside and for loans and 
for a change in the monetary system." 

He referred to "deliberate mischief" of the industrialized countries to 
draw a vvedge betvveen non-oil producing and oil producing countries. The 
"vvhispers were telling the oil producers that the moves of the Third VVorld 
countries were to embarrass them and the non-oil producing nations were 
being told that the "Oil producers do not čare for you." The ansvver was to 
close "our ranks" because there was no conflict of interests, Mr. Bhutto said. 

The Prime Minister said a conference of the "Third VVorld Countries vvould 
help stop the "mischief." The rich industrialized countries felt most 
apprehensive of the plans and programmes of Mr. Bhutto; they knew that the 
conferences for the unity of the Muslim and Third VVorld States were being 
master-minded by him and his presence on the political scene was a "sign of 
danger" for them in future. Mr. Bhutto was moving very swiftly to achieve his 
objective of the Muslim Renaissance; but he had to pay the penalty soon after 
it only July 5, 1977. The objectives that were latent in his speech were not 
cancelable and he took the entire Muslim vvorld with himself and the west had 
determined to do away with him. 



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ADDRESSES THE SEERAT CONGRESS 

A very grand first ever International Seerat Congress in Ravvalpindi was 
organized in early March 1976, attended among others, by the Imam of Kaaba 
Sharif Shaikh Abdullah bin Sabeel and more than 100 prominent scholars and 
Ulema dravvn from ali over the Muslim VVorld, America and Europe; some of 
them were Ministers and some with the status of Ministers. VVhile inaugurating 
the congress Mr. Bhutto delivered a very eye opening and thought provoking 
speech on this very important occasion. 

The teachings of Holy Prophet (Peace be upon him), Prime Minister 
Bhutto said, brought mankind, to a decisive turning point in its history and set 
into motion a great revolution in human thought. This was the reason that 
vvherever the message of Holy Prophet (Peace be upon him) reached, it 
launched a new era of social change and intellectual curiosity, he added. 

He said, Islam has been associated in history with the revolt of mankind 
against tyranny and oppression. "VVhile it is a threat to the oppressors, the 
špirit of Islam inspires the oppressed to stand for their rights", Mr. Bhutto said 
the principles of equality and social justice in the Prophefs (Peace be upon 
him) teachings had always reinforced his (Mr. Bhutto's) faith in the relevance 
of his message for the modern men. Prime Minister Bhutto said the purpose of 
convening the International Seerat Congress was to promote, through 
discussion of the life and work of the Prophet (Peace be upon him) the ideal of 
Muslim solidarity and greater understanding of his message by Muslims and 
non Muslims alike. 

He said we are on the right path, therefore need not be on the 
defensive. He said, after 1400 years, this was not the tirne to hold conferences 
merely to throvv light on the true character of Islam and the great personality 
of the Holy Prophet (Peace be upon him). 

Muslims, Mr. Bhutto said, did not owe any explanation to non-Muslims 
on the purity of Islam or the sterling character of the Holy Prophet (Peace be 
upon him). 

Mr. Bhutto said the Holy Prophet (Peace be upon him) was the final 
Messenger of God, who clarified the monolithic concept of God. The Holy 
Prophet (Peace be upon him) continued to preach the Unity of God. 

He said the Holy Prophet (Peace be upon him) did not suppress 
civilization vvhich was just an accusation and was leveled because Islam is a 
challenge to vested interests. The svvord was never used to spread Islam; 
actually it was used against Islam. 

Bhutto cherished inestimable love for Islam and the Holy Prophet (Peace 
be upon him). He had thoroughly studied the VVestern politics, its culture and 



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civilization: he was an unexceptionable orator and master of English language; 
Socialism and Marxism were also his favorite subjects. 

But his vast studies and rich experience had fully convinced that there 
was no remedy of the maladies of the Muslim VVorld and the Third VVorld 
except the teachings and principles of Islam that had been translated into 
realities of life by the Holy Prophet (Peace be upon him). True, he was not a 
devout Muslim, as admitted by him, but his Islam was not skin deep, he did 
not simply pay lip sympathy to Islam, but he had firmly decided to act on the 
golden principles of equality, fraternity and social and economic justice as 
enunciated by Islam. He proposed to shape Pakistan and the Muslim VVorld as 
desired by his leader Mohammad Ali Jinnah; but the achievement of the great 
objective involved risk of his life and he had accepted that challenge. 

He blamed himself and the Muslims for the state of decay and 
decadence, vvhich was the result of not follovving the teaching of the Holy 
Prophet (Peace be upon him). This soul-stirring expression came right from the 
core of his heart; 

"Therefore vvhatever best there is in us, and what ever good we have 
achieved so far, we owe to our adherence to the teachings of the Holy Prophet 

(Peace be upon him) particularly his concepts of equality and social justice 

Then why is it that we are suffering from social injustice, inequality, 

parochialism, prejudice, hate, exploitation and ali such vices. Why is it that 
most of us are stili living under the feudal distinction of tribes and castes? 
Obviously some thing has gone vvrong with us, or we have failed to understand 

the teachings of the Prophet. Indeed it is a very disturbing situation May 

Allah bless this congregation and its deliberations." 

As a result of this conference, the Islamic Bank at Jeddah was 
established at Jeddah, to financially help the Muslim countries, summed up the 
benefits briefly that accrued to Pakistan due to be efforts of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto 
and Islamic Summit Conference: 

"He gave Pakistan this linkage to the countries of the Gulf On 

defence lines, on economic lines, on foreign policy lines, he carved out this bloc 

of Islamic countries united the countries of the Muslim VVorld, vvhich gave 

birth not only to the Islamic Conference but also to the nevv-found 

assertiveness To have unified action he sent soldiers abroad, he sent 

labor abroad After my father's death. Zia tried to say that he vvas a 'soldier 

of Islam/ but he vvas a soldier of the devil." 



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CHAPTER 21 



The Falcon of Pakistan 

"TAie nation's honour is dearer than the nation's comfort, yes 
then the nation's life itself" 

Woodrow W i Is on 

I call Zulfikar Ali Bhutto the "Falcon of Pakistan" because falcon soars 
very high in the sky and knovvs what is happening in the skies as well as on the 
earth. He combats the enemies and vanquishes them eventually. He may be 
criticized, caged or even killed but falcon always remains undaunted vvhatever 
be the circumstances. His qualities are that he possess a deep, sharp and 
matchless vision, he is povverful and indomitable, and fearless in his approach, 
his flying field is unlimited and the vvords like surrender, defeat and impossible, 
are alien to his language, so was Zulfikar Ali Bhutto. Like falcon, he discarded 
the bane of regionalism; he was not a narrovv and negative minded nationalist, 
but an international citizen, with vast God-gifted potentials. 

Mr. Bhutto believed in a life of honour, dignity, equality, prosperity and 
povver for Pakistan. From the days of his school life, he came to believe firmly 
in the renaissance of Islam, and for that, Pakistan vvould be his springboard. 
The rulers of Pakistan had made it economically, socially and politically 
vulnerable and militarily indefensible. Pakistan solely depended on the U.S 
economic and military aid and they did not understand this basic reality that 
the USA and the West were out and out for India, and Pakistan was to play 
second fiddle in the region, virtually subservient to India. 

Pakistan had reached a point of political isolation, economic disaster, 
and total diplomatic disarray by December 1971. VVhich country vvould like to 
be friend of Pakistan? VVhich povver vvill advance any aid or loan to Pakistan? 
VVhich State vvould provide military aid to Pakistan for preserving itself against 
the Indian aggression under these circumstances? None! On December 20, 
1971 vvhen Bhutto assumed the reign of his country, ali had been lost. Every 
thing vvas in doldrums, most of the institutions vvere dead and the rest vvere 
half dead. The military Junta vvho had ali along blamed politicians, vvas no 
more prepared to rule after its dismemberment. No politician vvas coming 
forvvard to shoulder the heaviest possible and dreadful responsibilities, of such 
a vanquished, humiliated and pauper state. 

"The Muslim States vvere reluctant to condemn India, Indian Prime 
Minister Javvahar Lal Nehru vvas a reputed Third VVorld leader and no other 
Muslim country had reason to quarrel vvith India's activities. Pakistan therefore 



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did not receive even the verbal support that it so willingly provided to its co- 
religionists in the Middle East." 

Left with no other option, the Junta delivered the reigns of state to Z. A. 
Bhutto, the youngest politician of Pakistan, who knew what politics vvas, what 
state craft meant; how political stability could be achieved, and what was the 
secret of honourable national survival. He davvned like Messiah on the sad 
political scenario of Pakistan, vvorked day and night. He won support of the 
Muslim vvorld, regained China's full confidence in Pakistan's leadership, played 
pivotal role in the Third VVorld countries, developed vvorking relations with the 
United States and the VVestern countries. He softened the belligerent Russian 
policy. His leadership was recognized throughout the vvorld; and Pakistan 
gained a respectable plače internationally. Before 1974; India had become a 
nuclear povver and tested its nuclear bombs in Rajasthan in May 1974 and it 
could novv annihilate Pakistan at any moment. 

BHUTTCS WARIMING 

Bhutto fully realized the grave threat, vvhich India had posed vvith the 
help of her VVestern friends. He vvas already apprehensive of the proliferation 
of atomic vveapons, and had repeatedly vvarned the United Nations tirne and 
again, but only empty resolutions vvere passed, no concrete steps vvere taken 
to prevent proliferation. On the contrary they encouraged India as the 
subsequent pages vvould reveal. Addressing the first committee of the United 
Nations General Assembly on October 19, 1960, he had stated: 

"The survival of mankind is the race betvveen disarmament and 
catastrophe. The race is heading tovvards the dangerous and accelerating 
crisis. VVe face the avvesome possibility of nuclear vvar. Should it break out, 
civilization vvill be in shambles. Ideologies and social systems vvill be svvept 
away in common ruin." 

The Third VVorld countries vvere utterly helpless. The super povvers paid 
scant attention, rather they provided necessary technology to India for 
developing nuclear povver, in order to prepare her to face China, their potential 
future rival. Pundit Nehru vvas touring the VVestern block countries in hectic 
search for nuclear technology and the necessary material to make India a 
vvorld povver. But Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, the falcon of Pakistan, vvas keenly 
observing Nehru's activities vvhile he vvas Minister in Ayub's Cabinet. 

In his speech in the National Assembly on July 24, 1963 he said: 

"I submit that people of Pakistan are deeply concerned about the 
military assistance vvhich is being given to India. This concern is based on fact 
that India has committed aggression on no less than five occasions during the 
last fifteen years, principally against Pakistan. VVe have therefore every cause 
to feel concerned. Really and fundamentally, it is not because of their global 
interest that the great povvers are giving this massive assistance to India. They 



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are giving it in order to make another Chung King out of New Delhi, to make 
another Kuominatang out of the present India regime. We know the fate of the 
assistance was given to Chiang Kai-Shek." 

Pakistan could not afford to remain a spectator or indifferent, when India 
was equipping herself with ali sorts of vveapons and Pandit Nehru was touring 
Europe and America in search of nuclear povver. The heavily armed India raised 
hue and cry and vvould not even tolerate supply of small quantity of arms to 
Pakistan. Bhutto as Prime Minister was trying to boost up the morale of 
Pakistan's demoralized armed forces and equip the empty handed army 
adequate against her enemy number one-Indian. But the problem was vvhere 
from to procure the vveapons? Muslim countries vvere vvithout heavy 
armaments, Pakistan had fevv small ordnance factories far from catering to the 
needs of the country, the USA and the West vvere not prepared t provide even 
reasonable weaponry to Pakistan, and the Soviet Union vvas out of question. 
The only country, vvhich supplied arms, vvas China, but China had its ovvn 
limitations. Industrially it vvas stili not so advanced and vvas not super povver. 
The task of Prime Minister Bhutto vvas tremendous, stupendous and indeed 
biggerthan Himalaya. 



NEHRUS QUEST FOR NUCLEAR POVVER 

In April 1944, vvhen Pandit Nehru vvas in Ahmad Nagar jail, he vvrote a 
book knovvn as "Discovery of India" in vvhich he made his intentions crystal 
clear about the future role of independent India; he vvould like to make it a 
super povver of the vvorld. 

"The Pacific is likely to take the plače of Atlantic in the future as a nerve 
center of the vvorld. Though not directly a Pacific state, India vvill inevitably 
exercise an important influence there. India vvill also develop as the center of 
economic and political activity in the Indian ocean area, in South-East Asia, 
and right upto the Middle East. Her position has given it an economic and 
strategic importance in a part of the vvorld vvhich is going to develop rapidly in 
future/' 

These vvere the dreams and determinations of Nehru, to vvhich he gave 
clear expression in his book. Though vvith the creation of Pakistan, India had 
lost much of her strategic importance, and the dreams vvere shattered, stili she 
entertained the idea of becoming leader of the Afro-Asian countries. But that 
vvas not possible unless they brought back Pakistan in India fold, and made 
India a nuclear povver. That vvas a must for her "aggressive and ambitious" 
designs. 
It vvas as early as in 1949, that Nehru flevv to Europe: 

"Nehru flevv off to Svvitzerland vvhere he met vvith many bankers as vvell 
as President Ernst Nobs of Svvitzerland confederation, vvith vvhom he ratified 



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Indo-Swiss treaty of friendship. After touring Svvitzerland, he went back to 
Geneva meet with King Leopold of Belgium. At this tirne he contracted for 
Svviss and Belgian high tech centrifuges and the other advanced machinery, 
required for nuclear processing, to liberate plutonium from Indian Mountains. 
Nehru personally retained control over India's top-secret nuclear energy 
programme, vvhich was housed in New Delhi's department of scientific 
research. He recruited Homi. C. Bhabha, a brilliant nuclear physicist vvhose 
early death in plane crash in Svvitzerland vvas a serious set back, for India's 
program. Dr. S. S. Bhatnagar and K. S. Krishnan carried on the vvork, hovvever, 
but the first plutonium bomb vvas not tested until a full decade after Nehru's 
death, vvhen Indira vvas the Prime Minister. She too kept tight control over the 
developments of India nuclear vveapons." 

An ever-vigilant eye, agile mind and total dedication are required to 
make a nation strong and honourable. The Indian Prime Minister did possess 
these qualities but the leaders of Pakistan vvere sleeping soundly, vvithout 
vvatching vvhat India vvas doing silently but seriously. Thus Nehru completed his 
successful tour of Europe and also met and enjoyed the company of his 
beloved Edvvin, the vvife of Lord Mountbatten, to his hearfs content. 

"Being vvith Edvvin at Broad lands vvas always exhilarating to Nehru. In 
some ways it seemed more remarkable than being Prime Minister, for that had 
been long his destiny. He vvas not quite sixty, stili fit enough physically to 
enjoy every moments of it, ali the passionate pleasure he had never knovvn 
vvith Kamla " 

After such personal triumphs and national victories, Nehru returned to 
Nevv Delhi, but the mission of life is endless. It vvill be relevant for the readers 
to knovv that Edvvin died on February 20, 1960, thereafter Nehru's life vvas 
more desolate than a desert. Hovvever, he continued to perform his official 
obligations vvith ali his capabilities till his death on 17 May, 1964. Man is 
mortal, individuals come and go, they live and dies, but the countries live in 
one form or the other. With one or the other name so long the vvorld is there. 

In October 1949 he embarked on his journey to the United States as 
President Henry Truman had invited him to visit America. Nehru vvas 
continuing his quest for nuclear energy to make nuclear vveapons. 

"This vvas one reason that he had sent charming Nan to VVashington. He 
vvrote her in early June to say hovv interesting he found the inherent conflict 
betvveen England and the USA in courting India". If vve deal vvith USA in regard 
to the šale of certain atomic energy material, they frankly teli us that they do 
not vvant us to seli to the UK, although the UK happens to be their close friend 
and ally. In England of course there is not much friendship in evidence for the 
USA, partly because they feel themselves dependent on America and do not 
like it. "Nehru astutely managed to take full advantage of these differences, 
thereby enriching Indian's economy as vvell as its military and nuclear 



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development from both sides of the mutually suspicious members of the 
Atlantic Alliance". He also insisted on saving enough tirne during his visit to 
United States to spend at least three days in Canada, vvhere he concluded an 
agreement to ship heavy vvater to India's nuclear energy production plant on 
the island of Tara Pura off Bombay." 

In a debate on atomic energy in Lok Sabha on July 24, 1957, Nehru 
replied: 

"The subject is naturally one vvhich excites imagination of every one and 

there is a feeling that we should not lag behind we have no intention of 

lagging The fact remains that the development of atomic energy has been 

remarkably rapid and good I may inform the house that nobody in the 

government of India, anxious as we are, to economize and save money, has 
ever refused any urgent demand of the department, or come in the way of its 

development The Prime Minister's being incharge, merely shovvs how much 

importance has been given to work on atomic energy." 

It proves beyond doubt that Pandit Nehru himself was the pioneer of 
atomic energy in India; from 1949 onvvards he, his colleagues and the 
concerned bureaucrats were day and night busy with this ali important project 
of national character. The countries namely United States, Canada, England 
and other European countries helped India generously to setup nuclear energy 
production plant. But the Indian scientists blasted the bomb in 1974, when 
Nehru had a died decade ago. The credit vvould naturally go to Nehru and not 
his daughter Indira for the achievement of India's historic national objective. 

In 1949, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto was stili a študent, and in 1957, he had not 
yet entered in the politics of povver. India was being strengthened every hour 
by her Prime Minister and politicians through their dedication, determination 
and devotion, vvhile correspondingly the unelected and the unrepresentative 
Presidents, Prime Ministers and the coterie of army generals in Pakistan were 
every minute eroding and corroding the foundation of Pakistan. Resultantly, 
the law of the nature and the immutable rules of history made India stronger 
and stronger with the passage of times, and made Pakistan vveaker and vveaker 
with the lapse of tirne. India, though beset with multifarious problems, was 
endeavoring to solve her problems, vvhile Pakistan in spite of rich in 
agriculture, mineral vvealth and vvith much lesser problems, vvas geometrically 
multiplying its problems. Pakistani rulers vvere subjective, believing in their 
personal povver and prosperity, throvving to vvinds the crying national needs; 
rich vvas getting richer, poor becoming poorer, the graph of hatred betvveen 
different regions of Pakistan vvas mounting vvith every moment. But the short- 
sighted rulers never realized their ovvn acts of serious omissions and 
commissions, their fallacious internal and external policies, and the ever 
grovving injustice and vveaknesses. The consequences ultimately manifested 
themselves through dismemberment of Pakistan, humiliation and degradation 
of national honour throughout the vvorld. 



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BHUTTOS AIMS AND OBJECT. 

Z.A.Bhutto was diametrically different from the rest of the rulers and 
politicians of Pakistan. His adversaries thought that he was a povver hungry 
politician, but it was a totally erroneous and malicious assessment of this 
statesman, who like great Bismark believed, "the great questions of the day 
are not decided by the speeches and majority votes but by blood and iron". 
The Security Council passed plebiscite resolution with vast majority of votes, 
but did India čare for it? Was any plebiscite held though more than half a 
century has passed? Fruitless talks were being held betvveen India and 
Pakistan ali along at the instance of super povver in order to make people 
believe that the Kashmir problem vvhich vvas the most important and thorniest 
of ali the problems vvas in the process of being solved; and this sort of 
hypocritical diplomacy against the people is stili continuing incessantly and 
vigorously. Bhutto firmly believed that safety of State vvas the highest lavv, 
therefore he vvould not remain a silent spectator of the situation against his 
motherland. In fact his alert and sensitive mind vvas always vvorried about the 
future of Pakistan and the Muslim VVorld. Mr. Bhutto vvas fully avvare of Indian 
activities, their efforts to become a nuclear povver to keep Pakistan vveak and 
subordinate. He had already vvarned the super povvers and the international 
community about the Indian development in the field of nuclear energy vvhich 
dangerously augured against peace but none listened. Bhutto therefore made 
up his mind to create nuclear energy for the development and the protection of 
Pakistan against any aggression. 

INDIA'S NUCLEAR BLAST AND BHUTTO'S REACTION 

After nuclear explosion by India, the Indian Prime Minister vvrote a letter 
to Mr. Bhutto on June 5, 1974. Z. A. Bhutto's logical reaction is reflected in his 
letter dated: July 2, that he addressed in reply to the Indian Prime Minister. 
Since it is a long and detailed document, its excepts have been reproduced: 

"We have taken note of your assurance that you remain fully committed 
to the development of nuclear energy resources for peaceful purposes only and 
that you vvill continue to condemn the military use of nuclear energy as a 
threat to humanity, you vvill hovvever appreciate that it is a question not only of 
intentions but of capabilities. As you knovv, in the past vve have received your 
assurance regarding plebiscite in the Jammu and Kashmir in order to enable its 
people to freely decide their future, is the most outstanding example. 

It is vvell established fact that the testing of nuclear device is no different 
from detonation of nuclear vveapon. Given this indisputable fact, hovv is it 
possible for our fears to be assuaged by mere assurances, assurances vvhich 
may in any čase be ignored in subsequent years? Governments change as do 
national attitudes. But the acquisition of a capability, vvhich has direct and 
immediate military consequences, becomes a permanent factor to be reckoned 



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with. I need hardly recall that no non-nuclear vveapon state including India 
considered mere declarations of intent as sufficient to ensure their security in 
the nuclear age". 

Mr. Bhutto's arguments and the contentions were based on hard facts of 
history and they were indeed irrefutable. He further added: 

"Our policy for the last two years, has been to make every effort to 
establish relations betvveen India and Pakistan on a rational neighborly basis. 
We do not wish to be deflected from the policy, as I said in my statement in 
Lahore on the 19th of last month. Your nuclear explosion, hovvever, introduced 
an unbalancing factor at a tirne when progress was being made step by step 
forvvards the normalization of relations betvveen our tvvo countries and vve had 
reason to look forvvards to equilibrium and tranquility in the sub continent. 
When Pakistan's attempt to obtain even spare parts under treaty commitments 
cause an outcry in India not only unjustified but totally disproportionate, it 
vvould be unnatural to expect public opinion in Pakistan not to react to the 
chauvinistic jubilation widely expressed in India at the acquisition of a nuclear 
status". 

Mr. Bhutto vvas not like Mr. Chamberlain, the British Prime Minister in 
1939 vvho vvas misguided and befooled by Hitler, the dictator of Germany that 
he vvould not initiate any vvar and firmly believed in peace. But Mr. Bhutto 
could conveniently and clearly see through the game that India vvas up to. He 
did not rely on the empty assurances of Mrs. Indira Gandhi, the Indian Prime 
Minister. 

Indian leadership had reluctantly and vvith mental reservations accepted 
the creation of Pakistan. It vvas a dishonest plan of "Divide to unite" in the 
vvords of Mr. V. P. Menon, Advisor to Lord Mountbatten, the last Governor 
General of India. It vvill be quite profitable for the readers to judge the Indian 
attitude tovvards Pakistan as expressed by Richard Nixon, former President, 
vvriter and an intellectual of United States. 

"With a population of 850 million and GNP of $333 billion, India dvvarfs 
Pakistan's 107 million people and $43 billion economy. More ever, Nevv Delhi's 
military is fourth largest in the vvorld fields, tvvice as many combat aircrafts 
tanks and seven times more artillery than Islamabad." The figures of military 
strength, economy and population as given by the vvell informed Mr. Nixon fully 
justified the achievements of nuclear capability by Pakistan, in vievv of dire 
threat to its survival by India: 

"India after detonating nuclear device in 1974, has reportedly developed 

a small but significant nuclear stock pile since India's leadership has yet to 

fully accept legitimacy of Pakistan's existence and since Nevv Delhi 

dismembered East and West Pakistan in 1971 vvar, Islamabad concluded that it 
had no choice but to try to acquire its nuclear deterrent We vvill not succeed 



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if we ignore the security concerns that originally prompted countries to seek a 
region-vvide situation, based on PakistarVs proposal for a South-Asian nuclear 
free zone, that will not only advance out non-proliferation objectives but also 
enhance security and stability." 

Pakistan moved resolutions in the United Nation from tirne to tirne to 
make South-Asia a nuclear free zone, but every tirne resolution was opposed 
by India. It left no options for Pakistan. The huge India had armed herself to 
teeth with the active assistance of its povverful allies and small Pakistan was far 
lagging behind in comparison to its strong and unreliable neighbour. 

Z. A Bhutto was the most perturbed Prime Minister of Pakistan, after 
nuclear detonation on May 18, 1974 in Rajasthan. He was busy contacting the 
USA, China, France. Britain and other countries of the vvorld and seeking 
umbrella against the Indian Atomic Povver. On this occasion "The Christian 
Science Monitor" vvrote: "The Prime Minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto announced at a 
crovvded Press conference in Lahore on Sunday that Pakistan vvould not be 
intimidated by nuclear blackmail and vvould seek political assurance or an 
atomic umbrella from the Big Five Povvers against India's newly acquired 

nuclear vveapons capability Mr. Bhutto said, he has instructed Minister of 

Defence and Foreign Affairs Aziz Ahmad to raise the issue in forthcoming 
CENTO meeting in VVashington and urgently consult American officials. Mr. 
Ahmad vvill later visit Ottavva to explain Pakistan apprehensions to Canadian 
officials. Canada gave significant help to India's nuclear research program. 
Meanvvhile, Pakistani, foreign Secretary is flying to China, France and Britain to 
convey Pakistan's alarm and need for a protective big povver umbrella. Bhutto 
too vvill himself bring up the subject vvith the Soviet leaders vvhen he visits 

Moscovv possibly next month Although Mr. Bhutto declined to disclose vvhat 

other steps he contemplated for countering the Indian atomic success, its likely 
that Pakistani Government vvill accelerate its ovvn nuclear development 
programme vvhich is at present way behind India's. The Prime Minister held 
urgent consultations vvith Pakistan's top nuclear scientists on May 18, hours 
after the Indian announcement." 



CONSULTATIONS VVITH MUSLIM COUNTRIES 

The Islamic Summit Conference vvas held in Lahore in Feb: 1974, and 
Z. A. Bhutto vvas unanimously elected as its Chairman. It proved highly fruitful 
and successful, not only for Pakistan but for the entire Muslim VVorld. The 
disarrayed Muslim countries vvere once again united under the leadership of 
Mr. Bhutto vvho had undoubtedly achieved his recognition as an international 
political leader. In his quest to have atomic energy for the protection, 
preservation and economic progress of the Muslim countries, the Arab Leaders 
and Pakistani scientists, like the Nobel Prize vvinner Dr. Abdul Salam and Mr. 
Muneer Ahmad, Chairman Pakistan Atomic Commission, and later on Dr. A.Q 
Khan became much active Mr. Bhutto negotiated for reprocessing plant vvith 



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France in 1973, as he knew that India, vvhich was far ahead in the nuclear 
technology as against Pakistan, vvould soon explode the nuclear bomb. The 
Plant was hovvever costing 300 million dollars a priče, vvhich Pakistan by herself 
could ill-afford. But the dynamic Bhutto vvho had taken an irrevocable decision 
to make Pakistan a nuclear povver, had arranged for fabulous amount from 
friendly Arab countries for a noble common cause to serve as "Islamic bomb". 
When Christians, Jevvs, and Hindus had already possessed it, why not the 
Muslim vvorld? The funds vvere provided by the Arab countries and its account 
has been given as under: 

"Cairo, July 5, Arab countries contributed $ 1.5 billion tovvards Pakistan's 
nuclear program in the 1970's the confidante of the late Egyptian President 
Gamal Abdul Nasser said in a report published on Sunday. 

The revelations vvere made by Mohammad Hassnein Heikal former 
editor-in-chief of Cario's influential daily Al Ahram and ex-Minister of 
information under President Anvvar-AI-Sadat. 

"Way before the announcement of nuclear tests in India, Pakistan had 
approached the Gulf looking for financement". When Zulfikar Ali Bhutto vvas 
President, Heikal vvrote in opposition daily nevvspaper Al Arabi. 

"In fact three Arab parties contributed vvith nearly $ 1.1 billion at least 
to the Pakistan nuclear project. Bhutto had succeeded in presenting this 
project to the Arab parties, betvveen 1972 and 1974 as an Islamic Bomb, vvhich 
vvould serve as an additional guarantee against the Israel bomb", he vvrote. 

Heikal said Arab money betvveen $ 300 -$ 400 million continued to pour 
into Pakistan even after Bhutto's execution in 1979. A spokesman for Heikal 
declined to name the countries involved." 

The above information vvhich hardly requires any verification or 
confirmation proves Bhutto's extraordinary ability, his love for the protection of 
the Muslim VVorld against its inveterate enemies. Hovv he convinced the Arab 
rulers, raised large amounts for nuclear energy, succeeded in his noble and 
revolutionary mission to provide an effective deterrent against Indian and 
Israeli designs, and procured big amounts for the benefits and vvelfare of 
Pakistan even after his martyrdom is really a "vvonderful story" disclosed 
recently by a very reliable source. 

After the Arab -Israel vvar of 1973, the Arabs realized that Z. A. Bhutto 
of Pakistan vvas the only capable person to unite the Muslim VVorld and fight 
the Israeli aggression against the Arabs. As such they whole-heartedly 
cooperated vvith Bhutto. 

"Negotiation vvere initiated during the visit of Mr. Bhutto in 1975. An 
agreement vvas reached in March 1976 for the supply, erection and 



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commissioning of reprocessing plant". But the agreement was not honoured as 
the Government of France was the pressurized by the USA vvhich was the 
caretaker of the Israeli interest and entertained a soft corner for India. 

APATHY OF PAKISTANI POLITICAL PARTIES 

VVhile Z. A. Bhutto was most committed to make Pakistan a nuclear 
povver for vvhich he had secured funds from the other Muslim countries and 
Pakistan had not to pay for it. He had such a convincing and marvelous 
personality that the Muslim countries especially the Arabs willingly donated for 
this cause. This far-reaching decision and his prompt action shocked the 
povvers that vvere against the renaissance of the Muslim VVorld. But it vvas most 
regrettable that the Pakistani political leaders have been totally indifferent to 
his project of far-reaching consequences, excepting the religious political 
parties. Air Marshal Asghar Khan, head of the Tehrik-e-Istaqlal, had opposed 
nuclear vveapons. He has in fact urged to accept safeguards on Pakistan's 

nuclear facilities, The ruling party Pakistan Muslim League does not seem 

to have any opinion Avvami National Party (ANP) accused of separatist 

tendency seems to have no interest in the issue 

Though Bhutto had a very large follovving throughout the country, he 
vvas ali alone in his mind and perception like Mr. Jinnah and vvas head and 
shoulders above the other Pakistani leadership. He understood vvhat India vvas 
doing and he vvas preparing to face it. Speaking in the National Assembly on 

14 July 1972, he said, "My mandate is to build Pakistan. I vvill build Pakistan 

It is for the future generations to decide vvhether they vvant to make it a 

progressive and prosperous and happy Pakistan We have to release great 

energies and I have also to unleash a great force. I am not ashamed of vvhat I 
have done to the people of Pakistan. I am proud of having galvanized them. I 
am proud that there is novv a cause of dignity in common man/' 

Novv Bhutto vvas busy in the furtherance of his ali important project of 
procuring nuclear energy for Pakistan. Bhutto's major secret agreements, 
hovvever, vvere those, he reached vvith Libya and China. And he continued 
covertly but assiduously to pursue dealings vvith France for ravv material and 
advanced technology. Pakistan required those fresh resources to build enough 
nuclear vveapons to overcome the "temporary" military set backs suffered in 
1965 and 1971. It could then defeat India in the next and it vvas hoped "final" 
round in the South Asia vvar. 



TOUGH OPPOSITION OF USA -WHY? 

There vvas nothing more unpleasant to the USA than Pakistan's 
attainment of nuclear energy. They took it as a challenge to America's 
superiority in the international arena. After ali, why should the Muslims have it- 
"they are barbarous, they are terrorists and they are fundamentalists, the 



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vvorst in the vvorld", Unfortunately this feeling is persistent even amongst the 
educated VVesterners, as Richard Nixon mentions "Many Americans tend to 
stereotype Muslims as uncivilized, barbaric and irrational people." Further, he 
vvrites "fevv Americans are avvare of the rich heritage of Islamic VVorld. They 
remember only that the svvord of Mohammad and the follovvers advanced the 
Muslim faith into Asia Africa and even Europe and look condescindly on the 
religious wars of the region." Thanks to Mr. Nixon that he correctly and 
appropriately depicts the vvorking of an American mind. Whey should they 
tolerate Bhutto who vvants to provide the most dangerous vveapons to the 
Muslim vvorld? Unfortunately, the hostile vievv of VVesterners against Islam is so 
pronounced that even the "Time" weekly vvrote: "Are these collisions 
inevitable? The mutual misunderstandings of the VVest and the Islamic VVorld 
have a rich patina of history. Jevvs, Christians and Muslims, al "people of the 
book" dravv much of their faith from the same source. Yet from the tirne of the 
Muslim conquests and the crusades, VVest, and Islam have confronted each 
other by turns in attitudes of incomprehension, greed and fanaticism, prurient 
interest, fear and loathing." 

The United States had novv been ruling the roost, as such they decided 
to dictate Pakistan. Any Muslim ruler vvho proved defiant to the dictates vvould 
pay the penalty. But Bhutto vvas bent upon vvinning an honourable and 
dignified plače for Pakistan and the Muslim VVorld, vvhich according to United 
States posed a direct threat to the vvorld peace through Muslim unity Hovvever, 
Bhutto persisted, in spite of threats of dire consequences. "Prime Minister 
Zulfikar Ali Bhutto has vvarned that Pakistan's relations vvith the VVest vvill 
deteriorate if Pakistanis denied access to nuclear technology.... In an intervievv 
vvith Hutchinson, deputy editor of the "Spectator" London, the Prime Minister 
also reasserted his call for a conference of Third VVorld leaders to devise a 
strategy for nevv and fairer vvorld economic order, a proposal described by Mrs. 
Thatcher (Britain's conservative party leader) during her visit to Pakistan as a 
"very significant statement." Zulfikar Ali Bhutto's moves, statements, 
conferences, meetings vvith the leaders of the Muslim VVorld and Third vvorld 
vvere very perplexing and problematic for the VVest, being an obvious reason 
that the VVest vvanted to impose their ovvn manufactured VVorld Order on the 
Muslim countries and the Third VVorld; and their exploitation plan vvas being 
rendered anfractuous by Mr. Bhutto. His unshakable determination for the 
nuclear energy vvas also considered to be most damaging factor to the VVestern 
interests. 

The USA vvas discouraging and dissuading Mr. Bhutto from the 
attainment of nuclear povver, vvhich Pakistan needed for its economy as vvell as 
defence. Hectic attempts vvere made by United States to prevent Bhutto from 
going ahead vvith his nuclear program through Henry Kissinger, but the former 
refused to abandon his "Havvkish policy" vvhich enraged the Super Povver. 
Bhutto told the Canadian Ambassador to Pakistan that in their August 1976 
meeting, Kissinger had been ali "brimstone and fire" vvarning that if Pakistan 



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went ahead with plutonium reprocessing "the Prime Minister vvould have to pay 
a heavy priče/' Bhutto loved Pakistan more than his own life. 

Zulfikar Ali Bhutto remained undeterred by the serious threats and 
continued the nuclear processing unabated with ali his might and vigour. 
Money was pouring in from the coffers of the friendly Arab counties; Bhutto 
possessed limitless talents, enthusiasm and thoughts of the Muslim 
Renaissance. Therefore he went on with his project with the help of the 
Pakistani scientists and he accomplished his long cherished mission of nuclear 
energy vvithin a short span of four years; vvhere as the Indian Prime Minister 
Javvahar Lal Nehru took seventeen years to make India a nuclear povver 
besides the tirne taken by his daughter Indira Gandhi. 

It was an unpardonable offense in the eyes of the West, but Mr. Bhutto 
did not worry for his personal security. It will be pertinent to state that Bhutto 
vvhile a študent in Bombay in 1945, had pledged with his leader Mohammad Ali 
Jinnah that one day he vvould sacrifice his life for Pakistan. It may be noted 
that Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, entertained profound respect for his leader; In his 
message; on the occasion of Mr. JinnafVs centenary in 1976, he said: 

"A nation that grudges honour to its leader, is a nation that thinks little 
of itself.... The Pakistan People's Party derives its inspiration from Quaid's ideal 
and vvill never allovv them to be submerged. The Quaid believed in democracy, 

vve have brought it back The Quaid urged us to cultivate faith, unity and 

discipline. We acted on faith, vve combat disunity and vve do not countinence 
indiscipline. The Quaid despised chauvinism. He condemned obscurantism. He 

vvarned us against the dangers of provincial prejudice and schisms This 

describes exactly our outlook as vvell". 

Zulfikar Ali Bhutto had better understood the Quaid and his thoughts on 
the political, social and economic structure of Pakistan, vvhen he appeared on 
the political scene as an unchallengeable leader of his country. He vvas not 
afraid of death, he could be very rightly called "Tipu Sultan of Mysore" of 20th 

century. He used to say, either ril die or ril be killed He vvas obsessed vvith 

it At times he sued to say, I feel like giving up and going away He vvas a 

man of intuition but always talked of death/' 

Bhutto had completed his mission as a most outstanding and patriotic 
Pakistan Prime Minister and Chairman of the Islamic Summit Conference in the 
matter of nuclear energy; but his adversaries did not forgive him. Sir Morrice 
James vvho remained High Commissioner of India as vvell as of Pakistan, a 
diplomat of a very high order, vvrites, "Hovvever it is vvith the United States as 
the principal custodian and champion of nuclear Non-proliferation treaty (NPT) 
system that the Pakistani government has lately encountered the greatest 
difficulties in its determination to maintain a nuclear option." 

The USA had targeted and singled out Pakistan alone for its nuclear 
program but not any one else. "In the late 1970, Senator Stuart Symington 



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and John Glenn, both democrats, secured an amendment (knovvn colloquially 
as the Symington Amendment) to the US Foreign Assistance Act to require a 
cut-off of economic and military assistance to any country that after 1977 
imported or exported unsafe guarded nuclear enrichment or reprocessing 
materials, equipment to technology. Since then only oOne country Pakistan has 
been found by a US President to be in violation of this law." Obviously this law 
vvhich was based on malafides, was made only to his Pakistan as hard as 
possible. 

Now the only vveapon in the hands of the USA was to win over some 
Pakistani generals and political leaders to finish the uncontrollable Bhutto and 
put an end to ali trouble and botheration that he had created for the West. And 
finally they succeeded. It was not the question of atomic energy alone but 
many other global vexing problems for the West were in offing under the 
dynamic and daring leadership of Bhutto. The Falcon had to die as predicted by 
him before. Perhaps he had come for a short tirne in this vvorld; but he had 
immortalized his name in the annals of history. 

"God give us. A tirne like this demand 
Strong minds, great hearts, true faith and ready hands, 
Men whom the lust of office does not kili, 
Men whom the spoils of office cannot buy, 
Men who possess opinion and will, 
Men who love honour and cannot lie: 

The differences that arose betvveen U.S. and Pakistan during the Prime 
Minister-ship of Bhutto vvere:- 

i. The U.S was not treating Pakistan as an ally but a loyal and blind 
follovver. 

ii. Special treatment; heavy financial and military aid were being 
dispatched to India vvhile Pakistan in spite of ali obedience and loyalty 
was being neglected and taken for granted. In fact the U.S proposed to 
groom India as leader of Asia as against China. 

iii. The U.S. was deadly against the friendship of Pakistan with China. But 
Bhutto was the last man to accept such suicidal directive for the obvious 
reason that in China he had found a reliable and povverful neighborly 
friend who had been very materially helping Pakistan in ali respects. 

iv. The U.S was against the unity of Muslim countries and the Third VVorld, 
vvhile Bhutto vvas their strong unifying leader. According to the West. 
The unity that vvas being forged, vvas extremely detrimental to the 
vested interests of the industrial countries. They vvanted the Muslim 
Countries and the Third vvorld countries to be their camp follovvers and 
dependents. 



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v. Bhutto was determined to make Pakistan nuclear povver, come what 
may. He did not čare for the threats and consequences. But the U.S. 
vehemently opposed Bhutto against this step. The U.S sternly 
threatened him with dire consequences. 






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CHAPTER 22 
Larkana - A Land of Leaders 

It is not the walls that make a city, It is men who make it. 

arkana district, though small in size, has been very fertile politically. It has 
L produced outstanding and extraordinary personalities, very influential tribal 
Sardars and Navvabs like Chandios and Magsis. Sir Shah Navvaz Bhutto, his 
vvorld famous son Z. A. Bhutto, M. A. Khuhro, Kazi Fazlullah, Chief Ministers of 
Sindh, Pir Ali Mohammad Rashdi, Jan Mohammad Junejo and Hyder Bakhs Jatoi 
were some of the most illustrious politicians of the district. Sardar VVahid 
Baksh, Navvab Amir Ali Khan Lahori and Khan Bahadur Ghulam Mohammad 
Isran had also been quite influential landlords. I have seen most of these 
personalities when they had been at pinnacle of their povver. 

Hovvever, Bhutto family has been more prominent in the political and 
parliamentary life of the country. It is a universally admitted fact that the 
personality of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto stood aloft, not only as the most outstanding 
Prime Minister of Pakistan, but also as a statesman of International repute, 
leader of the Third VVorld, Chairman of the Islamic Summit, and a political 
thinker of high order. He was not Lilliputian leader, simply hankering after 
political povver, but a vvorld class statesman like Jinnah and Chou-en-Lai. He 
has left such a remarkable record of services and sacrifice that has 
immortalized him as a legend in the political history of Pakistan. 

After the completion of his education in U.S and Britain, he returned to 
his native land in October 1953. By this tirne, he had attained mastery over the 
English language, but he could neither speak, read or vvrite Sindhi or Urdu for 
vvant of instructions in these languages. He had lived almost ali his life out of 
his province and even out of Pakistan. It vvas necessary for him to learn these 
languages in order to communicate vvith his ovvn people, especially vvhen he 
had decided to enter the political arena vvith ali his vigour. Bhutto picked up 
these languages amazingly in no tirne, and soon he came to be knovvn as a 
forceful speaker of these languages. In spite of his limited vocabulary in these 
languages, his performance as speaker vvas marvelous and magical. The effect 
of his speech vvas enviable even for the orators and masters of these 
languages. 

After independence, Sir Shahnavvaz Bhutto had retired from political life 
and he had poor health, but in spite of these limitations he vvas keen to groom 
his brilliant son for future politics. The District of Larkana vvas then politically 
dominated by M. A. Khuhro and Kazi Fazlullah; the former vvas a feudal lord, 



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vvhile Kazi Fazalullah was a commoner and prominent advocate of Larkana; 
they were the controlling authorities of Sindh politics. 

Initially both of them were very close friends, but letter on they fell out 
and opposed each other vehemently. When Zulfikar Ali arrived in Larkana, he 
found it more convenient to align with Kazi Fazlullah who was a commoner. 
After his arrival, quite a number of petty politicians and aspirants turned 
against him as they realized that he possessed necessary talents, skills and 
resources, ensuring his bright future. Khuhro and Fazlullah were much senior 
to Z. A. Bhutto in age, at least by 27 years. In the heart of their hearts, these 
experienced politicians were not at ali oblivious that this charismatic, 
handsome, brilliant and well equipped young man vvould soon be ready for a 
high flight in Pakistan's political firmament, and vvould eclipse ali of them. This 
fear vvas always irurking in their minds. 

There is no doubt, that they did possess qualifications and qualities as 
vvell as experience. Khuhro had remained member of the All-India Muslim 
League and both of them had been the Chief Ministers of Sindh also. But 
despite ali that background, they vvere no match for the young Bhutto; and 
tirne too vvas not on their side. In his ovvn district, he launched his political 
activities by being unanimously elected as President of the Abadgar's 
(Agriculturists) Association by a very vvell attended gathering of the districfs 
agriculturists and political vvorkers held at the residence of Kazi Fazlullah. It 
vvas an introductory political gathering, an initial fruitful exercise in the 
democratic politics. 

General election vvere scheduled to be held in February 1959 and 
preliminary preparations vvere ahead throughout the country for the first 
general elections, promised to be held after more than a decade of Pakistan's 
birth. The young Bhutto had practically started his election campaign and he 
had ali chances to come in the Assembly. 

But instead of allovving the democracy to vvork and thereby lead the 
country to political stability. President Iskandar Mirza imposed Martial Lavv vvith 
the bullet povver provided by the Commander-in-Chief Ayub Khan. The young 
Bhutto had fairly good relations vvith Iskandar Mirza, and the latter, fully avvare 
of his exceptional merits, selected him as Federal Minister from Sindh vvith the 
approval of Ayub Khan. Immediately after the promulgation of Martial Lavv, 
most of the politicians, including Khuhro and Kazi Fazlullah vvere disqualified 
from politics for seven years under EBDO. 

The people of Larkana, novv started pinning their hopes on this young 
man and the Bhutto family, vvhich vvas dormant after the exit of Sir Bhutto 
from the political life of the province. Unlike other Ministers, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto 
started vvorking in the masses like their ovvn representatives, meeting and 
helping every body, visiting each and every village, endeavouring to solve their 
problems. He vvas not behaving like an agent of the Martial Lavv dictator Ayub 



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Khan. He never relied on the svvord of Ayub Khan for his political prosperity 
and existence but approached the masses who were the real and the ultimate 
masters of the country. 

In 1962, elations were held throughout Pakistan, under a novel system 
of Basic Democracy, for National assembly as well as Provincial Assembly. Z. A. 
Bhutto, who contested for the National Assembly from Larkana, vvanted to 
return unopposed; but Khuhro and Kazi Fazlullah were anxious to get him out 
of political life. They formed an alliance to defeat him just as they had many 
years ago done to his father Sir Bhutto. They proposed to setup either Mr. A. K. 
Brohi, a prominent lawyer of Pakistan, who originally belonged to Sukkar 
District, adjoining Larkana, or Khan Sahib Ghulam Rasool Khan Kehar, a retired 
bureaucrat, former Sindh Minister and a respectable landlord of Larkana 
Taluka. Both the prospective candidates seem to have realized that these were 
inner cracks and intrigues in the alliance against Bhutto therefore neither of 
them agreed to contest from Larkana. Abdul Fatah Memon, Advocate had also 
filed his nomination paper against Z. A. Bhutto but he too withdrew from the 
contest when the latter promised to get him accommodated as Ambassador. 
True to his promise Mr. Bhutto got him appointed Ambassador to Saudi Arabia. 
Hovvever, he did not want to disappoint Khuhro and Kazi either; he gave one 
provincial seat to each: Ali Gohar Khuhro from Larakana and Mohammad 
Haneef Siddiki Advocate of Hyderabad were elected from VVarah as nominees 
of Khuhro and Kazi respectively. But the old political stalvvarts, who had 
virtually ruled the province of Sindh for about a decade, could not get any on 
their nominees appointed as Minister therefore there could be no political 
conciliation in the District. Hovvever, Dur Mohammad Usto from Jacobabad vvas 
made Minister in the provincial cabinet on the recommendation of Kazi 
Fazlullah, as Navvab of Kalabagh, the Governor of West Pakistan, vvas his old 
personnel friend. Hovvever this appointment could not please Mr. Kazi. 

In the year 1963, Z. A. Bhutto vacated the National Assembly seat 
because under the constitution, a Minister could not be a member of the 
assembly simultaneously. For the seat so vacated, Messrs Kazi Fazlullah and 
Khuhro setup Abdul Hameed Khan Jatoi of Dadu District as their candidate, and 
Zulfikar Ali Bhutto made his cousin Sardar Pir Baksh Bhutto contest from the 
seat. Abdul Hameed Jatoi vvas an old friend of Kazi Fazlullah. But there vvas a 
general propaganda in the election that Mr. Kazi imports candidates from 
outside Larkana to humiliate the people of Larkana, because he himself had 
hailed from Naushero Feroze. He vvorked for Shaikh Abdul Majeed of Karachi as 
against Sir Bhutto, for Mohammad Hanif Siddiqui of Hyderabad ignoring the 
suitable political vvorkers from Larkana, for Aysha Aziz of Karachi in preference 
to any lady from Larkana district for the Sindh Provincial Assembly seat. This 
adverse propaganda proved very effective in the defeat of Abdul Hameed Jatoi. 
It is true that the Navvab of Kalabagh Governor of vvest Pakistan vvas a close 
friend of Kazi Fazlullah, but vvas in no position to help Abdul Hameed. Hovvever, 
the decisive point vvas that the political influence of Khuhro and Kazi had badly 
dvvindled. Kazi Fazlullah vvas appointed Minister in the West Pakistan Cabinet 



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by President Ayub Khan presumably to face the storm created by the former 
Foreign Minister Bhutto. A false. Criminal čase was foisted upon Bhutto, 
alleging the use of Government tractors vvithout payment of charges. But in 
spite of best efforts, the government failed to him. As a result the President 
Ayub, General (rtd) Musa Khan, the Governor of West Pakistan, were highly 
displeased with him as he was the provincial Home Minister. Avvare of the 
attitude of the higher ups, even the bureaucrats avoided to carry out the 
orders of Kazi Fazlullah who was the Home Minister of Province. He was totally 
helpless not finding favour with the higher ups thus he became exceedingly 
unpopular in the masses and lost his popularity that he had gained as a tireless 
vvorker and commoner before the imposition of Martial Law as Minister and 
Chief Minister of the Province. His hostile behaviour against Bhutto provided a 
legitimate ground for grievance to the latter. In 1970 there was a direct clash 
betvveen Bhutto and M. A Khuhro over Larkana National Assembly seat, and 
the former inflicted a crushing defeat on Mr. Khuhro. In the other National 
Assembly constituency. Mumtaz Ali Bhutto defeated Kazi Fazlullah by a big 
margin. In the evening when results were announced, I was sitting with Mr. 
Kazi, he expressed that he was defeated not by Mumtaz Ali Bhutto but by 
Zulfikar Ali Bhutto. Thus in 1970 ali the National and Provincial Assembly seats, 
were secured by the Peoples Party. It was infact a personal triumph of Mr. 
Bhutto thoroughly vanquishing his opponents. 

In ali these political duels, Z. A. Bhutto emerged victorious and he made 
a clean svveep of his opponents. But the important aspect in ali these 
vvranglings was, vvhether there was any allegation of rigging, manipulation or 
vandalism? Not a single election petition was filed in the election, no 
allegations were made, no charges were leveled, and ali these elections were 
fought equitably and fairly. Hovvever, his opponents continued to have this 
grievance that their political influence was vviped out; and that they were 
vanquished in the elections because of Bhutto's tremendous personality and 
popularity. 

It will be highly malicious and preposterous to make any wild 
vituperative allegations against Bhutto that he entertained any idea of revenge 
against Mr. Khuhro on any personal grounds. Hovvever, it is a different matter 
that politically they vvere opposed to each other and Khuhro had to suffer a 
humiliating defeat in elections besides losing his political influence in the 
District. Mr. Bhutto's soft and humanitarian attitude tovvards Khuhro family is 
explained by Dr. Roshan Ali Shaikh, personal physician of Mr. Bhutto, in his 
ovvn vvords. 

"Honorable Bhutto Sahib vvas a very compassionate man. His natural 
compassion extended even to his adversaries. One tirne he called me to attend 
his fever. As I vvas leaving my clinic going to the Sahib, I vvas approached by 
Mr. Mohammad Ayub Khuhro, ex Chief Minister of Sindh and political adversary 
of the Sahib. Mr. Khuhro implored me to immediately come to attend his sister 
vvho vvas suffering from severe kidney pain. After vveighing the nature and 
severity of the relative illnesses, I accompanied Mr. Khuhro to his sister. 



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I then went to the home of Bhutto Sahib to treat him. When I arrived 
there I found him quite annoyed that I had not come earlier. Hovvever, after I 
explained the situation that had occurred, he acquiesced in my decision to 
treat Mr. Khuhro's sister first. He remarked to me. "It is universal law of 
humanity to treat first the most sick, irrespective of his collar" He 
acknovvledged that Khuhro was his adversary but even stili regarded him as his 
elder. Sahib was happy that Khuhro was served first. 

BHUTTO AS PRIME MINISTER 

Now he was the Quaid-e-Awam (leader of the People) for the obvious 
reason that he had proved his merit and services beyond any doubt, as leader 
of international heights. The district of Larkana was disregarded and discarded 
previously but he made amends for the past two and half decades of criminal 
negligence; he gave Medical College, a Library, Ladies Hospital, children's 
Hospital, Sambara Hotel, Larkana Institute of Nuclear Research, expansion of 
Moen-Jo-Daro airport, employment to educated young men, Construction of 
all-important Sukkur-Larkana road; and a netvvork of roads throughout the 
district. No other politician of Larkana district could come up to the level of his 
caliber, charisma and invaluable services. 

It will be very unjust to compare the other leaders of Larkana with him, 
as they were of the provincial stature at the most. Even Mr. Khuhro and Mr. 
Kazi with whom I had fairly good acquaintance never claimed to be of Bhutto's 
political stature. Once Khuhro said to me "Mr. Bhurgri, Mr. Bhutto is a man of 
profound caliber. He has a very fine library and he is voracious reader. And he 
has both dark and bright sides". 

He had been very generous to Mr. Kazi Fazlullah even after elections, as 
the latter had admitted with me and I knew it personally too. Kazi Fazlullah 
proudly expressed that the Prime Minister had been inviting him to such 
important functions vvhere no other person from the entire Sindh Province was 
invited, and was always prepared to go out of way to accommodate him. 
VVhenever the Prime Minister visited Larkana, Mr.Kazi did call on him. But after 
the imposition of Martial Law and imprisonment of Bhutto, Kazi Fazlullah 
turned to be the vvorst opponent of the former Prime Minister and opposed the 
People's Party at ali stages till he died in 1987. The fact is that he had not 
forgotten his defeat in 1970 at the hand of Mumtaz Ali Bhutto, for vvhich he 
had held Z. A. Bhutto squarely responsible. 

So far Mr. M. A. Khuhro was concerned, he was feudal lord like Bhutto 
and he had been in political povver for a considerable tirne after the ouster of 
Sir Bhutto in 1937 elections. The arrival of young Bhutto, his unchallengeable 
potentials and popularity, his appointment as minister in the Central Cabinet in 
1958, his rapid rise to povver and on the other hand Mr. Khuhro's arrest, 
imprisonment and trial during Martial Lavv regime, his disqualification under, 



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EBDO, the slashing of his lands under the land reforms, and the virtual end of 
his political povver, were factors that created bitterness betvveen the two 
families. Bhutto family as landlord, had been reigning in upper Sindh, even 
prior to the advent of the Britishers but Khuhro family came into prominence 
only after M. A. Khuhro was elected member to the Bombay Legislative Council 
in 1923 and the land holdings of the family increased during his days. Prior to 
that they were neither so influential nor very big zamindars as Bhutto family. 
Sir Bhutto though very influential, believed in political coexistence with others; 
but Mr. Kazi who was a close friend of Mr. Khuhro, planned to eliminate Bhutto 
out of political povver by convincing Khuhro, the senior most politician of the 
District, about the vvisdom of his plans. Sir Bhutto, after his defeat in the 1937 
election, again vvent back to Bombay as Member of the Public Service 
Commission. It vvas novv a golden opportunity for Mr. Khuhro and Mr. Kazi 
Fazlullah to minimize the political importance and influence of Bhutto family. 
Nabi Bakhs Khan Bhutto and Khan Bahadur Ahmad Khan Bhutto, senior 
members of the family, vvere more of feudal lords than political personages of 
the District; therefore Mr. Khuhro had no difficulty in reducing them politically. 

Zulfikar Ali Bhutto posed a serious threat. The young barrister and 
feudal lords, as I savv him vvas neither interested in legal profession nor much 
in agriculture. He vvas a full tirne politician and from his študent life he had 
high aspirations to play a very vital role in the politics of his country, as he vvas 
capable of it. Kazi Fazlullah vvas a bachelor, but Khuhro had educated sons, 
and daughters, and every one of them vvas anxious to be a minister. As such a 
serious political clash betvveen the tvvo families vvas natural and inevitable, but 
the young Bhutto stood on a very high pedestal of popularity vvhile Khuhro 
family did not posses the political spark, attraction and intelligence to vie vvith 
Bhutto or even as against his brilliant daughter Ms. Benazir vvho possesses 
amazing capability. It vvould be vvaste of tirne for the readers if political 
comparision is dravvn betvveen the tvvo families. It vvould a story of giant and a 
pygmy. 

Mr. Khuhro's daughter Hamida Khuhro vvhile vvriting the biography of her 
father has indulged in vvild personnel attacks, unjustified criticism, and total 
distortion of facts vvhich constitute another vvhite paper against Z. A. Bhutto 
after his martyrdom - the first having been published by Ziaul Haq. It is 
needless to rebut such allegations vvhich in reality serve to damage the value 
of Mr. Khuhro's biography. These imaginery allegations have never been 
substantiated or even seriously considered till toady. If her father had been 
alive, I believe, he vvould not have allovved his daughter to indulge in such 
pettifoggery. 

AIMTI-DEMOCRATIC ACTS OF KHUHRO 

It vvill be an act of dishonesty to say that Mr. Khuhro had rendered 
absolutely no services to the people of Sindh, But after independence, he 
committed such antidemocratic and unpopular acts that the people of Sindh, 



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and especially the young generation turned totally against him. Mr. G. M Sayed, 
a politician, a prolific Sindhi vvriter who was friendly with Khuhro and has acted 
as his defender in his book, vvrites: "In 1951, he again became the Chief 
Minister of Sindh, and during that period, he and his partisan Kazi Fazlullah 
committed very unfair acts, against vvhich people started talking - In the by- 
election from Dadu seat, due to the disqualification of Pir Ilahi Bakhsh. Akhund 
Shafi Mohammad was prevented from contesting the seat against Mr. Abdul 
Lateef Panhvvar, brother-in-law of Mr. Khuhro. But when he refused to 
withdraw, he was sent to jail during night hours. When Hyder Bakhsh Jatoi 
came to file the nomination, he was arrested by police at the gate of Deputy 
Commissioner house and was throvvn at a plače twenty miles away from Dadu. 
A son of Pir Illahi Bux was declared as minor by managing a certificate from 
the Civil Surgeon, Dadu, though he was father of three children. The 
nomination of Taj Mohammad Sahrai was also got cancelled, and Abdul Lateef 
Panhvvar vvas made to be declared as successful candidate vvithout any 
opposition from Dadu by the Collector of Dadu. Thereafter, Ahmad Sultan 
Chandio, a minor, vvas made to contest election from Larkana for the Seat that 
fell vacant due to his father's death. Ahmad Sultan vvas got declared as major. 
Hyder Bakhsh Jatoi, candidate for the seat and his 'Hari' vvorkers, vvere beaten, 
tyres of their vehicles vvere torn'. But Hyder Bakhsh Jatoi, Chief of the "Hari 
Committee Sindh" has severely censured Mr. Khuhro for the irrefutable and 
cruel acts of high handedness, malfeasance and mal-practices. Besides the 
above acts, he has enumerated many other charges to impeach him politically. 

"So long Mr. Khuhro vvas in povver, I had restrictions imposed on me 
under the Sindh Safety Act. It vvas only after Khuhro Ministry vvas dismissed in 
January 1952, and the Governor of Sindh assumed the charge of 
administration under 92A of the Government of India Act 1935 that the 
internment orders against me vvere vvithdravvn". 

Mr. Khuhro had got himself and his Begum elected unopposed from 
Sanghar and Sukkur respectively, by ordering the administration that those 
vvho vvanted to fill nomination papers, be prevented by force and fraud from 
filing their nomination papers. Thus the 'loyal' administration obeyed the 
orders of the Chief Minister of Sindh, implicitly, throttling the process of 
democracy. 

Mr. Jatoi, vvhile referring to the pathetic speech of Shaikh Mujib-ur- 
Rahman in the National Assembly vvrote "Even the Quaid-e-Azam had to 
contest in Bombay and Mr. Khuhro is elected uncontested. Even Mr. Fazlul Haq 
had to fight against Mr. Afzal and Mr. Afzal got 5,000 votes. For God's Sake, do 
not make a mockery vvith the people's sentiments. There vvill be very bad 
repercussions. Sir, another seat has been captured by Begum Khuhro. We are 
unfortunate citizens of the fortunate country. Begum Khuhro vvas elected 
unopposed. Every one vvill be elected unopposed so long Khuhro is there." 



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The catalogue of the high handedness and anti-democratic acts of Mr. 
Khuhro according to Mr. Hyder Bakhsh was inexhaustible. VVhile referring to his 
behaviour with the members of Sindh Public Service Commission, in respect of 
their refusal to call his brother Ali Gohar Khuhro for selection of Deputy 
Collectors, the High Court of Sindh held "We consider that this charge has been 
fully made out and that Mr. Khuhro was guilty of gross misconduct in the 
discharge of his duties and responsibilities in interfering with the work of the 
Public service Commission in this matter." 

The Commission was very independent in those days and they had not 
called Ali Gohar for intervievv on this reasonable ground that academically he 
was a third divisioner. Hovvever, in order to compensate his brother, Mr. 
Khuhro got him elected as President of the Larkana District Council. But the 
manner of getting him elected vvould put even a military dictator to shame. Mr. 
Jatoi vvrites, "Only a few months back, to get his brother Ali Gohar Khuhro 
elected as the President of the District local Board Larkana, Mr. Khuhro got 
rejected about 40 candidates nomination papers, an unprecedented event in 
the local bodies history of Sindh/' 

For the formation of "one unit," the notorious Governor General Ghulam 
Mohammad of Pakistan; found Mr. Khuhro fit to preside as the Chief Minister of 
Sindh in order to get the one unit resolution passed by the Sindh Assembly. He 
employed the cruel and crude methods of the tyrant Idi Amin of Uganda for 
getting the resolution of one unit passed. The people of Sindh were against it 
deadly, but the public opinion was kicked contemptuously. "Kazi Faiz 
Mohammad Advocate from Navvabshah and his associates vvaged relentless 
struggle against this grave injustice, but he was put behind bars. He did not 
spare even his old friend Kazi Fazlullah and the opposition to one unit was 
crushed mercilessly. This one act alone on the part of Mr. Khuhro was enough 
to make him the most unpopular man of Sindh; and after independence he 
politically lost, vvhatever he had gained before independence. It is very truly 
said that "povver corrupts and absolute povver corrupts absolutely". 

Manipulations and rigging in the elections had become so common that 
in 1950, in provincial elections, people of Punjab had no voice in electing their 
representatives. But unfortunately Mr. Khuhro had gone a step further, he 
vvould not allovv any opponent even to file his nomination from. This vvas novv 
the height of high-handedness. 

The people of Larkana vvere in search of a nevv leader for their 
emancipation, and vvhen Zulfikar Ali appeared on the political scene, they 
thought that he vvas a heavenly gift for them. 

1977 LECTIONS 

Mr. Bhutto never vvanted the 1977 election to be rigged; nor there vvas 
any need for him to manipulate the results. It is alleged that Maulvi Jan 



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Muhammed Abbasi of Jamait-I-Islami vvanted to contest the National Assembly 
Seat from Larkana against the Prime Minister Bhutto. Maulvi Jan Mohammad 
had already filed his nomination paper for N.A Seat from Navvabshah. Mr. 
Bhutto enjoyed the strongest possible position in Larkana, and nobody could 
even seriously think of contesting the seat against him. If the opposition 
entertained any idea to contest the election, they should have put up Khuhro 
or Kazi Fazlullah against Bhutto, who could be termed as serious candidates. It 
was not even thinkable for anyone to contest against hi, or engage him even 
for a minute to contest in Larkana constituency, Therefore the allegation that 
he had got Maulvi Jan Mohammad kidnapped so as to avoid any contest, was 
wholly absurd and unfounded. There had been people like Hussain Bhai Lalji 
who filed their nomination against Quaid-e-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah, but 
that had absolutely no political significance. Quaid-e-Azam Jinnah never 
concentrated on his personnel election, the campaign was carried on by the 
local Muslim League leaders and vvorkers, and Mr. Jinnah toured ali the 
important places in India, to galvanise the election campaign of his party 
candidates. Hussain Lalji secured only 125 votes and his security deposit stood 
forfeited. Even if Maulvi Jan Mohammad had contested the election, the result 
vvould have been the same as that in čase of versus Hussain Bhai Lalji. The 
Jamait-e-Islami has absolutely no influence in the District of Larkana, on the 
contrary, it was just like a dead vveight, a disqualification for the candidate. In 
the partyless elections of 1985, vvhich were boycotted by the PPP, Maulvi Jan 
Mohammad, who was candidate for the National Assembly Seat from Larkana, 
could hardly save his security deposit. Therefore it is bound to believe that Mr. 
Bhutto had got him kidnapped, in order to secure his seat. 

When I intervievved Maulvi Jan Mohammad, he said that he was 
kidnapped, but he could not say vvhether it was at the behest of the Prime 
Minister. J. I had some influence in Navvabshah, therefore the filing of paper by 
him at Navvabshah had some meaning, though he could not be in a vvinning 
position there too. For the sake of argument, the act of kidnapping even if 
true, could not be imputed to the Prime Minister directly or even indirectly. But 
the press media that vvas vvorking under a plan against Mr. Bhutto, gave such a 
miraculously malicious and Goblin sort of publicity that fiction looked like a 
fact. 

Most of the people from Larkana are remembering Bhutto as their 
benefactor, as the services that he had rendered vvithin a short span of five 
years are a matter of unparalleled record and have not been rendered by any 
other politician during the half a century after independence. 



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CHAPTER 23 

Abortive Elections 
- Treason and Treachery 

"Of ali the vices, to which the human nature is subject, treachery 
is the most infamous and detestable, being compounding of fraud, 
cowardice and revenge. The greatest wrongs will not justify it, as it 
destroys those principles of mutual confidence and security by which 
only society can subsist. " 

L.M. Stretch 

The first general elections that were announced for the first tirne by any civilian 
government in the history of Pakistan, after three decades of its creation, were 
proclaimed by the Prime Minister Z. A. Bhutto on Jan 17, 1977. The National 
Assembly elections were to be held on March 7 and Provincial Assembly 
elections on March 10, This historic and laudable decision that was intended to 
strengthen the democratic system, instead of achieving its objective proved 
dismally tragic for Pakistan's most popular Prime minister and even for the 
nation itself. Not only the country was once again throvvn into the dungeon of 
dictatorship but the political Simpson of Pakistan was chained through treason 
and treachery "No more popular leader has yet emerged from the soil of Sindh 
or Punjab or the harsh and rugged frontier, none was more admired, or 
vvorshipped by the impoverished peasants and simple labourers than the 
Quaid-e-Awam Bhutto/' 

By the sheer dint of his extraordinary abilities, and unimaginable heights 
of popularity, he made Pakistan a very honurable and important state in the 
vvorld. But the avalanche of misfortune did not spare him and his country. The 
first general election held in Pakistan in 1970, had torn and humiliated the 
country; and the second general election held in 1977 by the civilian 
government was undone through a monstrously planned conspiracy and 
ultimately the country was again in the clutches of Martial Law. 

In Pakistan there have been no strong political parties, with a well 
defined economic and political programme for want of leadership. The 
continuance of Martial Law for several years had almost finished the political 
parties and their leadership. 

In the political life of Pakistan there grew numerous mushroom parties, 
but none could over-throw the dictatorship in spite of countrywide discontent. 
It was the People's Party alone vvhich under the leadership of Bhutto had 
effectively challenged the dictatorship in the West Pakistan (now Pakistan) and 



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ultimately brought democratic era in the politically dilapidated Pakistan. There 
was no other mass organization in the country excepting the Pakistan Peoples 
Party. 



BIRTH OF P.IM.A 

After the announcement of elections, the chief Election Commissioner, 
Justice (Retd) Sajjad Ahmed Jan, fixed 19 January as the last date for filing 
nomination papers to the national Assembly. The P. P. P nominated its 
candidates on 17 January 1977. Act the tirne when Mr. Bhutto announced the 
elections, he was at the peak of povver, and his popularity was 
unchallengeable. He had decided to hold elections, not only because he was a 
very povverful politician of his country at that point of tirne; but he had to get a 
fresh mandate from the people, as he had remained in povver for five years. 

In the past, there had been lose type of unity amongst the opposition 
parties; and never it proved effective. In 1965 Ms Fatima Jinnah vvas setup by 
the combined opposition parties against Ayub Khan as presidential candidate 
and the latter had vvon the election by force and fraud by a small margin. But it 
vvas not the strength of the opposition parties but the popularity and 
tremendous respect for Mr. Jinnah, the founding Father of Pakistan that the 
people had voted for his sister Ms Fatima Jinnah. Novv after the announcement 
of elections, Pakistan National Alliance vvas abruptly formed vvith the blessings 
and encouragement of some hidden hands to fight to elections. 

"An alliance of seven political parties called the United Democratic Front, 
had existed since 1972 vvith the Muslim League, Jamait-i-Islam, National 
Democratic Party, (previously the National Avvami Party) Khaksars and the 
Azad Jammu Kashmir Muslim Conference. The Tehrik-I-Istiqlal had not joined 

this alliance and had campaigned on its ovvn effectively It vvas decided that 

the JUP and Tehrik-I-Istiqlal vvould have 36 percent of the national and 

Provincial Assembly seats The remaining 64 percent of the seats vvould be 

divided among the U.D.f parties. 

Maulana Mufti Mahmood, the Secretary General of the Jamiat Ulemai-i- 
Islam, vvas unanimously elected the President of the newly formed Pakistan 
National Alliance, vvith Rafiq Ahmad Bajvva of the JUP and Navvabzada Nasrullah 
of the Pakistan democratic Party as its Secretary General and Vice President 
respectively, A Parliamentary Board for allocation of seats vvith Pir of Pagara as 
its Chairman vvas also formed. By 10 January, some important decisions had 
been taken regarding the vvorking of the alliance. " 

This sudden and immediate alliance vvithin tvvo day's tirne by the parties 
that used to be at daggers dravvn vvith one another and issuing fatvvas against 
the leaders came as a surprise to every citizen. This vvas indicative of hectic 
foreign political activity in Pakistan. 



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It was for the first tirne in PakistarVs history that such an important 
alliance came into existence so abruptly vvithin a couple of days; even the 
Prime minister must have been taken by surprise by the amazing speed of 
those slow moving and divided elements. But behind this unification, a strong 
hidden had was vvorking. 

Mr. Bhutto vvanted to hold elections fairly and impartially in order to 
strengthen democracy and ultimately Pakistan. As a very hard vvorking 
politician, he had the record of fighting and vvinning elections by decent and 
democratic means. Though he vvas certain to vvin the elections, but never 
vvould he like to use bureaucracy or any other agencies to rig the elections. 

He himself vvas vvorking very hard in the election campaign and even 
pulled up the top leaders of his party to gear up his ovvn political organization 
to fight the general elections. He vvrote to Mr. Sadik Hussain Quraishi, Chief 
Minister of Punjab, the biggest province of Pakistan on February 2, 1977 
"although three vveeks have passed since the announcement of elections, the 
party's electioneering campaign has not picked up the desired tempo in your 

province vvorkers have not been mobilized. The apparatus is not 

functioning properly. Publicity lacks in vigour and punch, and to the top of it 
ali, a bureaucratic stance is in evidence tovvards the elections. You knovv very 
vvell that the elections are a political process vvhich have to be conducted and 
vvon politically. Since there is no tirne to be lost, you gear up the party 
apparatus and mobilize ali tiers of the party from provincial to the village 

level In the end I must stress that you should not vvait any longer to come 

into the top gear." He further told his Federal Minister Rafi Raza very plainly 
"He readily agreed 'I vvill call ali the Commissioners in Punjab and teli them 
personally that the elections must be absolutely fair. When I returned to 
Islamabad, I met Ravvalpindi commissioner at the airport, he had been 
summoned by the Prime Minister at Lahore". This attitude proves beyond any 
shadovv of doubt that Bhutto never proposed to vvin election by taking rest in 
his dravving room. "He vvas Quaid-e-Awam (Leader of the People), not a 
dravving room politician. 

I think the above letter is enough to prove that the Quaid-e-Awam never 
relied on rigging or bureaucracy. He relied on political process and upon the 
people. Had he based his political career on rigging and manipulation he vvould 
not have toured every hook and corner of Pakistan to contact the masses for 
creating political consciousness and giving them a sense of self respect vvhich 
had happened for the first tirne in the national life of Pakistan. But that vvas not 
the čase of his party leaders, most of them had neglected and ignored the 
common men, and they vvere busy building themselves. They even alienated 
their party supporters at the crucial hour of general election. Even a clear 
headed, sensible and influential ally from frontier Province like Khan Abdul 
Qayyum Khan vvho vvas a formidable opponent of Khan brothers vvas forced to 
leave the cabinet on the eve of elections. He had refused to join the P.N.A but 



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unfortunately he was offered such humiliating terms by the leaders of the P. P. P 
that he was left with no option excepting the parting of ways with them. "When 
it came to the division of seats in the frontier Province, Mr. Bhutto's advisers 
such as Hafeez Pirzada made it impossible for Qayyum to accept the poor 
terms offered on 12 January. He and Yusuf Khattak were formally asked to 
resign from the cabinet, thus leaving the P. P. P along against ali other political 
partiees". The svvollen headed advisers could not see beyond their noše and 
they went on multiplying the problems and adding more enemies. 

On January 20, during the course of elections in Pakistan, Jimmy Carter 
was elected U.S President and in his very inaugural speech he declared with 
determination to seek ban on nuclear arms. With carter's election, Mr. Bhutto 
lost ali his links with the U. S administration that he had through Henry 
Kissinger. Now he had to face the American President who was totally against 
the political objective vvhich Bhutto had set forth in his future plans. Thus the 
American President had indirectly announced his opposition to Bhutto's aims, 
ambitions and his election. 

Throughout the elections, the Prime Minister addressed big rallies and 
mammoth meetings every vvhere in Pakistan vvithout any rest and relaxation to 
ensure his victory. No doubts were left in the minds of his adversaries that 
Bhutto's success was certain. But the foreign conspiracies were brevving up 
steadily to destroy Bhutto through his own countrymen to serve the purpose of 
super povver. Bhutto, vvithout doubt, vvas guilty of uniting the Muslim vvorld and 
third vvorld, for the prevention of economic and political exploitation, and had 
made Pakistan a nuclear povver. 

THE ATTITUDE OF OPPOSITION AND RIOTS 

Though Maulana mufti Mahmood vvas President of the P.N.A; the real 
leader addressing the public meetings vvas Asghar Khan. Infact the P.N.A had 
concentrated in big cities, they had no roots in rural areas vvhere most of the 
population lived. Asghar Khan and others addressed sizeable meetings in the 
cities but they vvere no match against Pakistan's Quaid-e-Azam, the Prime 
Minister of Pakistan. Even the foreign media that vvas not sympathetic to Mr. 
Bhutto on account of his global policies had predicted that he had enjoyed 
upper hand in the politics of Pakistan, and as such his victory vvas not in any 
doubt, in spite of the unified efforts of the P.N.A. "The un-charismatic Asghar 

Khan turned in an unexpectedly forceful performance in the campaign 

dravving tumultuous crovvds vvherever he vvent. Even so he vvas unable to 

counter the enormous respect Bhutto had earned " If Ayub Khan and Yahya 

Khan could become dictators of Pakistan, why not Marshal Asghar Khan? After 
ali Pakistan vvas the property of generals. 

Z. A. Bhutto had been in continuous contact vvith the people from the 
days of the first Martial Lavv promulgated in 1958. It vvas a perennial stream of 
contacts and services. No other political leader of Pakistan had the guts, 



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courage in -exhaustible energy and an unconquerable špirit in politics as 
Bhutto had; he was born for politics. Realising that the P.N.A had no chances 
to vvin, Asghar Khan the leader and spokesman of the alliance started 
proclaiming openly in his public meetings before March 7 that elections or no 
elections' the huge gatherings that he had addressed,